Political Animosity Research Articles

Divided we stand: The rise of political animosity

Divided we stand: The rise of political animosity

Intraindividual Changes in Political Identity Strength (But Not Direction) Are Associated With Political Animosity in the United States and the Netherlands.

We test if within-person changes in political identities are associated with within-person changes in political animosity in two longitudinal studies (United States N = 552, Waves = 26; Netherlands N = 1,670, Waves = 12). Typical studies examine cross-sectional associations without assessing within-person change. Our work provides a stronger test of the relationship. We find that within-person changes in the strength of people's ideological and partisan identities are associated with increased political animosity. We found no such associations with within-person changes in identity direction. These patterns were robust to covariates and emerged in both studies. In addition to these average effects, we found substantial heterogeneity across participants in the associations among identity strength, identity direction, and political animosity. We did not find robust and replicable moderators for this heterogeneity. These findings suggest that identity strength (but not identity direction) is a key, if heterogenous, factor in changes in political animosity.

Navigating political risk: Protectionism and ownership strategy in cross-border M&As

Rising protectionism sentiment has led to increased scrutiny of cross-border mergers and acquisitions (CBAs). Informed by the legitimacy-based view, we posit that heightened protectionism in the host countries triggers legitimacy concerns towards foreign firms and presents a political risk that influences foreign acquirers’ ownership strategy in CBAs. Analyzing CBAs in the recent decade, we find that foreign acquirers tend to acquire greater ownership stakes to mitigate the political risk associated with protectionism. Further, bilateral relationships between the host and home countries involved in CBAs regarding economic dependence, political animosity, and social interactions linked to migration have differential moderating effects either easing or intensifying legitimacy concerns.

Political Bot Bias in the Perception of Online Discourse

Four nationally representative studies (N = 1,986; three preregistered) find evidence for a bias in how people perceive opposing viewpoints expressed through online discourse. These studies elucidate a political bot bias, where political partisans (vs. their out-party) are more likely to view counter-ideological (vs. ideologically consistent) tweets to be social media bots (vs. humans). Study 1 demonstrates that American Democrats and Republicans are more likely to attribute tweets to bots when those tweets express counter-ideological views. Study 2 demonstrated this bias with actual bot tweets generated by the Russian government and comparable human tweets. Study 3 demonstrated this bias manifests in the context of real recent elections and is associated with markers of political animosity. Study 4 experimentally demonstrates the consequences of bot attribution for perceptions of online political discourse. Our findings document a consistent bias that has implications for political discussion online and political polarization more broadly.

Reducing Political Dehumanization by Pairing Facts With Personal Experiences

The media is increasingly blamed for inflaming political animosity, but it may also bridge partisan divides—with the right strategies. Past research highlights the outgroup‐experience effect: Sharing personal experiences (and not facts) helps to reduce partisan animosity. However, sharing facts is a pillar of good journalism and is essential for mediated political communication. Across four studies in two countries, we show that journalists, and citizens on social media sites, can share facts about contentious political issues (gun and climate policy), while simultaneously increasing tolerance and reducing dehumanization of political opponents. We extend the outgroup‐experience effect by introducing factual content alongside personal experiences of political adversaries (i.e., a combination approach). These effects are replicated in both the United States and Germany although in Germany the personal experience intervention is only beneficial for people with more extreme attitudes.

Political animosity: A novel theoretical framework

A growing body of research points to the influence of animosity in general and political animosity in particular (henceforth referred to as PA) on tourism behavior. However, past research overlooked the role of perceived intergroup threat (henceforth referred to as PIT) and trust in the context of PA. This research note challenges previous theoretical frameworks designed to elucidate animosity as a consumer phenomenon. Preliminary research findings suggest PIT, tourist trust, and overall destination image (henceforth referred to as ODI) are salient constructs accounting for a substantial proportion of explained variances in the proposed model. Initial analyses of the research data suggest that PA is more strongly associated with trust than willingness to travel (henceforth referred to as WTT). Furthermore, ODI partly mediates the relationship between PA and WTT. Several practical implications are suggested to assist intermediate to high-ranking administrators in the industry mitigate the effect of the health crisis on their companies.

What's not to like? Political polarization on Facebook in the U.S. and Belgium

Increasing levels of political animosity worldwide invite speculation about whether polarization extends to all aspects of our daily life. However, empirical study about the relationship between political ideologies and lifestyle choices is limited by a lack of comprehensive data. This research combines survey and Facebook Like data from more than 7,500 respondents to test whether polarization permeates society or if it is more limited to strictly political domains among politically active individuals. This article compares ideological disunity in political and non-political domains in Belgium (a multi-party political system), to the U.S. (a two-party system). The results indicate that, as expected, polarization is present in page categories that are related to politics and news, but it is noticeably lower in Belgium than in the U.S. On the other hand, no evidence is found of polarization in other domains, including sports, food, and music. On the individual level, people who are more politically active are less likely to endorse ideologically diverse pages across categories, and compared to the U.S., fewer individuals in Belgium are being exposed to large amounts of highly polarized content. The evidence, drawn from large-scale digital trace data, adds nuance to the narrative of widespread polarization across lifestyle sectors, and it suggests domains in which cross-cutting preferences are still observed.

Violence, Sexuality and Diminishing Masculinity: Subversive Masculinities in Tayeb Salih’s Season of Migration (1969) and Nadifa Mohammed’s Orchard of Lost Souls (2013)

Political upheavals, relegation of women and migration are the hallmarks of pioneer and recent works of prose from Eastern Africa, which prompts most critics to opt for postcolonial and feminist canons in the critical appreciation of these literary productions. Colonialism triggered cultural tensions and desire to emigrate to Western metropoles to obtain the means to expedite the new ideas in Africa. With settings pervaded by dominant and marginal cultural dualisms, it is reasonable to subject such literary works to postcolonial criticism. Similarly, the gender othering of women through misogyny and cultural practices such as female genital mutilation brings most works of prose in the region under feminist criticism. This study breaks away from these trends to analyse the political upheavals and abuse of women in such prose works as an attempt to reconstruct the diminishing hegemonic masculinity. The colonial enterprise in Africa was not just a cultural shocker, but a sexually aggressive act poised to explore virgin lands and demascularize her male inhabitants. This article analyses political animosity and male promiscuity in African characters as a futile attempt to restore the diminishing hegemonic masculinities in Mohamed’s Orchard of Lost Souls (2013) and Salih’s Season of Migration (1969). The ideas of Connell (1991) and McClintock (1995) will form a theoretical basis of interpretation.

What’s Not to Like? Facebook Page Likes Reveal Limited Polarization in Lifestyle Preferences

ABSTRACT Increasing levels of political animosity in the United States invite speculation about whether polarization extends to aspects of daily life. However, empirical study about the relationship between political ideologies and lifestyle choices is limited by a lack of comprehensive data. In this research, we combine survey and Facebook Page “likes” data from more than 1,200 respondents to investigate the extent of polarization in lifestyle domains. Our results indicate that polarization is present in page categories that are somewhat related to politics – such as opinion leaders, partisan news sources, and topics related to identity and religion – but, perhaps surprisingly, it is mostly not evident in other domains, including sports, food, and music. On the individual level, we find that people who are higher in political news interest and have stronger ideological predispositions have a greater tendency to “like” ideologically homogeneous pages across categories. Our evidence, drawn from rare digital trace data covering more than 5,000 pages, adds nuance to the narrative of widespread polarization across lifestyle sectors and it suggests domains in which cross-cutting preferences are still observed in American life.

So similar yet so distant: border security management between India and Pakistan as a laboratory of non-experimentation

ABSTRACT Borders on the Indian subcontinent are notable for the distinct lack of cross-border cooperation. Among the most intractable border dyads in the world, it is as volatile as it is securitised. Instead of facilitating trade and movement, both sides pursue a border policy to create a strong barrier. The puzzle that informs this article is the extent to which the bilateral border relationship is characterised by political animosity, despite a shared history and culture that the conventional approach to security communities would posit as enablers of coordination and cooperation.

Political animosity in cross-border acquisitions: EMNCs’ market and nonmarket strategy in a developed market

PurposeMany multinational corporations that originate from emerging economies (emerging market multinational corporations (EMNCs)) opt for acquiring a target firm in a developed market to expediently upgrade their strategic capabilities. To successfully achieve their strategic goals in the developed markets, EMNCs may use market actions and nonmarket actions to mitigate the potential risk derived from the national political differences between their home emerging economy and host developed economy. This paper aims to extend the legitimacy-based view of political risk to study the influence of political animosity – defined as misalignment of the host-home countries’ national interests – on the EMNCs’ market and nonmarket strategy in a developed market.Design/methodology/approachIn this paper, we examine all EMNCs that made cross-border acquisitions of the USA targets from 2005 to 2011. The final sample consists of 252 acquisitions originating from 25 emerging markets. This paper used Tobit regression analysis to test the direct and moderating hypotheses.FindingsFacing a high level of political animosity between their home country and the host developed economy, EMNCs use a market strategy by acquiring less ownership stake in the developed market, as well as engage in a nonmarket strategy by increasing lobbying activities. In addition, because of the heightened legitimacy concerns of developed market shareholders, cross-listed EMNCs have a greater tendency than non-cross-listed EMNCs to improve their legitimacy through their market and nonmarket strategy.Originality/valueThe current paper sheds light on EMNCs’ international strategy in developed markets by examining both market and nonmarket actions. EMNCs are shown to be strongly motivated to engage in acquisitions in developed markets so they can acquire invaluable strategic resources, such as brands and distribution channels, to compete with the developed market multinationals. A sophisticated ownership strategy and corporate political activities are invaluable for EMNCs to catch up with developed market multinationals.

The Celestial City: “Mormonism” and American Identity in Post-Independence Nigeria

Abstract:This article uses the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in post-independence Nigeria to examine the transition from individuated agents of religious exchange to integration into global corporate religiosity. Early Latter-day Saint adherents saw Mormonism as a mechanism by which they could acquire access to monetary resources from a financially stable Western patronage, despite political animosity due to Mormonism's racist policies and sectional tumult during the Nigeria-Biafra war. Drawing on oral and archival records, this article highlights how Mormonism as an American-based faith was able to be "translated" to meet the exigencies of indigenous adherents.

Remembering and Dismembering Henry Howard: Blazon and Beheading in Sir John Cheke’s Elegy on the Earl of Surrey

Abstract Sir John Cheke’s poem ‘What natures worke is this’ constitutes the earliest extant elegy to the early Tudor poet and courtier Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey. If the renaissance elegy typically sought to praise or blame its subject, Surrey posed a peculiar problem: executed as a traitor and enemy to the Edwardian succession, Surrey was fast becoming revered as the greatest English poet since Chaucer. Unable to reconcile these two positions in the single figure of Surrey, Cheke’s poem produces a fragmented image of its subject, an image foregrounded by the figurative dismemberment of Surrey through anatomical blazons. Yet, Cheke’s poem itself becomes fragmented in this process. From the grammar and versification, to the elegist’s self-representation, the poem succumbs to the loss of structural integrity attributed to its subject. This essay understands this fragmentation as a reflection of Cheke’s own fractured relationship to his subject. Cheke’s divided loyalties of literary admiration and political animosity necessitated the construction of a divided and incomprehensible elegiac subject. Ultimately, the process of remembering Surrey becomes one of re-membering him: creating a version of Surrey from his fragmented remains.

Exploring the antecedents and consequences of political animosity: the case of millennial female tourists traveling to India

ABSTRACT A growing body of research points to the detrimental effect of animosity on tourist attitudes and behaviours. Previous research suggests political animosity is more likely to bear long-term influence on tourism behaviour. Surprisingly, no previous work explored the relationship between political animosity, its possible antecedents and consequences. The present study attempts to contribute to the literature by investigating unexplored relationships between past travel experience, animosity, perceived cultural dissimilarity, risk perception, and behavioural intentions critical to tourism management. A concurrent mixed method design (QUAN + qual) was employed to collect data for the study. Twenty semi-structured interviews (Study A) and a questionnaire collected from 227 female millennial tourists (Study B) comprise the research design. Findings suggest that animosity is a mediating construct in the relationship between past travel experience, perceived cultural dissimilarity, perceived risk, and behavioural intentions. Conclusions are drawn and directions for future research are provided.

The Influence of Contemporary Negative Political Relations on Ethnic Dining Choices

The marketing literature has demonstrated that political animosity influences consumers’ boycott intention. However, this question has rarely been examined in the hospitality setting. Thus, by utilizing cognitive appraisal theory and value-belief-norm theory, this study proposes a model to investigate the effect of animosity on ethnic dining behavior. To this end, this study examines the effect of animosity on switching intention by examining the structural relationships among anticipated negative emotions, personal norms, and switching intention. Study results demonstrate that individuals’ animosity beliefs influence their intention to switch to a different ethnic restaurant through anticipated negative emotions and personal norms. The current study’s findings provide ethnic restaurateurs with insights on how to revise marketing strategies when animosity is raised toward the origin country of which their ethnic cuisine is based on.

Country Image Effects in the Era of Protectionism

The research presented in this article examines the effects of protectionist measures on the perceptions that consumers of a targeted country form of the country having adopted these measures as well of other countries not directly involved in the conflict. An experiment was conducted in which 148 Canadian adult consumers were informed that Germany had announced its decision to impose import tariffs on Canadian products. Two types of protectionist measures were considered, either initiated by Germany (i.e., proactive context) or as a response to similar measures adopted by Canada (i.e., reactive context). Consumers’ perceptions concerned the quality of products made in Germany, its image as a travel destination, and as a place to live. These perceptions were also obtained for three European countries differing with respect to their psychic distance with Germany; Austria (shortest distance), France (medium distance), and Spain (greatest distance). The results show that consumers’ perceptions depend on the type of protectionist measures adopted (proactive versus reactive), primarily among consumers interested in international economic news. Reactive protectionist measures were perceived as more legitimate than proactive measures and, in turn, legitimacy had a negative effect on the degree to which consumers developed situational political animosity toward Germany and, consequently, more negative country perceptions. These results were shown to spill over other countries as a function of their psychic distance with Germany. Implications for firms involved in global trading and for governments are derived from these results.

Tourism boycotts and animosity: A study of seven events

The impacts of tourism boycotts on a destination's tourist economy can be vast, yet few studies have examined such events. This paper explores the effects of tourism boycotts by analysing seven events involving Chinese tourism boycotts during the past decade. The findings show that boycotts can significantly decrease visitor numbers. Also, non-political animosity boycotts and political animosity boycotts differ in their intensity and impact; the former are found to exert immediate short-term impacts, whereas the latter tend to have enduring effects. These results are based on local projection techniques using narratively identified boycott events and are robust to several specifications. This paper highlights tourism boycotts as a key risk factor in destination management.

Political identification, animosity, and consequences on tourist attitudes and behaviours

ABSTRACT Following two decades of research into the effects of animosity on co nsumer behaviour, the phenomenon caught the attention of tourism and hospitality scholars. The objective of the present research is to explore a comprehensive model applicable to the tourism and hospitality literature. The study differs from previous research by investigating unexplored relationships between animosity, political identification, and outcome variables critical to tourism and hospitality management (risk perception, willingness to pay for accommodations, and tourist activity). A concurrent mixed method design (QUAN + qual) was employed to collect data for the study. 20 semi-structured interviews (Study A) and a questionnaire collected from 330 tourists (Study B) comprise the research design. Findings suggest animosity is a predictor of critical tourism-related behaviours.

By poles which may Alter Political Landscape of U.P. and Bihar in 2019 Indian General Elections

The present study is an attempt to give an idea of the number of parliamentary constituencies which may change hands between the N.D.A. and the United Opposition if it comes to Modi versus the REST in 2019 Lok Sabha elections. It, now, looks certain, especially when the B.S.P., after forgetting its personal and political animosity, extended its whole hearted support to S.P. in the Gorakhpur and Phulpur Lok Sabha by poles to be followed by the United Opposition (B.S.P., S.P and UPA) in Kairana along with the support of the Peace Party and the other Smaller Parties especially the NISHAD Party in U.P. This resulted in the consolidation of Muslims (19.26%), Yadavs (14.0%), Dalits (21.1%) and Nishads-a politically important O.B.C. class (5.0%) in U. P. In Bihar, despite Lalu Prasad’s conviction, his son Tejashwi Yadav has come of his age to lead R.J.D and was able to retain Araria parliamentary seat even in the face of stiff opposition from the ruling NDA. These two states, together, have served as a basket full of votes for N.D.A. in 2014 by sending 104 out of the120 Law Makers in India’s Lower House of Parliament of 543strength. So both the B. J.P. and the Opposition will have to put their best foot forward-B.J.P for staying in power and Opposition for snatching the power in the coming general elections as the road to attain power in Delhi passes through U.P. and Bihar.

Commitment to the Team

Abstract. Scholars have increasingly employed social identity theory to explain how and why political polarization occurs. This study aims to build off of this work by proposing that perception of intergroup conflict serves as a mechanism that mediates the effect of news media coverage on political polarization. Specifically, I argue that the news media’s emphasis on political animosity can cultivate partisans’ perception that the parties are in conflict, which provides a context that makes partisan identity salient and, ultimately, leads to higher levels of affective and ideological polarization. This hypothesis is tested with an experiment using an American national sample of Democrats and Republicans (N = 300). Participants read a news story in which the public believes the parties are in a state of either high or low conflict (or they did not receive a news story). Using mediation analysis, the results of the study provide evidence that news media coverage of political conflict leads to increased perception of intergroup conflict, which then leads to higher levels of (a) partisan identification, (b) affective polarization, and (c) ideological polarization.