Political Affiliation Research Articles

Socioeconomic, Psychological, and Informational Dynamics in Shaping American Public Opinion Perceptions on Climate Change.

Climate change remains one of the most pressing challenges of the 21st century, invoking a wide spectrum of public opinions and attitudes. In the United States, sociopolitical, economic, and educational factors influence the public's perception of climate change and its science. This study examines the complexities of American public opinion on climate change by analyzing the relationship between various socio-demographic variables and three specific perceptions: belief in the occurrence of climate change, support for a carbon tax, and the convincingness of climate science. Utilizing logistic and linear regression models on survey data, this study identifies significant predictors for each climate change perception metric. The results indicate that political party affiliation, particularly Republican identification, is inversely related to the belief in climate change and the persuasiveness of climate science. Conversely, educational attainment correlates positively with the belief in climate change and support for carbon taxation, suggesting that higher education levels foster greater acceptance and proactive attitudes towards climate policy. Gender analysis revealed that males are less inclined to find climate science convincing, highlighting the need for gender-sensitive communication strategies. Interestingly, regional factors showed negligible influence on climate change perceptions, challenging common assumptions about geographical determinants. This study contributes to the discourse on environmental policy and public engagement by delineating the demographic contours of climate change belief systems in the U.S., offering insights for targeted educational and communication strategies to bridge the ideological divide and enhance public consensus for climate action.

Online Dating in The U.S. During This Politically Divided Time: Association Among Political Affiliation, Gender Role Beliefs, And Partner Preferences

While there has been a surge in popularity of online dating, the current polarized political climate in the U.S. may influence how online daters select a desired partner. The present study examined the relation between political affiliation, partner preferences, and gender beliefs with a sample of 373 online dating users. Democrats (n = 196) showed stronger preference for an intimate partner of the same party compared to Republicans (n = 90). Democrats (particularly women) also identified that having a different political affiliation as a deal-breaker more so than Republicans. Regarding gender role beliefs, Republicans (particularly men) showed significantly higher traditional gender role beliefs than Democrats. However, gender-based differences were not observed among Democrats; both Democratic men and women showed equally less traditional gender role beliefs compared to Republican women and men. Implications for dating prospects, particularly for Republican men, are discussed.

Social Media Authentication and Users' Assessments of Health Information: Random Assignment Survey Experiment.

In an effort to signal the authenticity of user accounts, social networking sites (SNSs) such as Facebook and X, formerly known as Twitter, use visual heuristics (blue checkmarks) to signify whether accounts are verified. While these verification badges are generally well recognized (and often coveted) by SNS users, relatively little is known about how they affect users' perceptions of accuracy or their likelihood of engaging with web-based information. This is particularly true in the case of information posted by medical experts and health care professionals. This study aims to use an experimental survey design to assess the effect of these verification badges on SNS users' assessments of information accuracy as well as their proclivity to recirculate health information or follow verified medical experts in their social network. A survey experiment using random assignment was conducted on a representative sample of 534 adult SNS users in Florida, United States. A total of 2 separate experimental scenarios exposed users to vaccine-related posts from verified medical experts on X. In each case, the original post contained a platform-issued verification badge (treatment group), which was subsequently edited out of the image as an experimental control. For each scenario, respondents were randomly assigned to either the treatment or control group, and responses to 3 follow-up questions were assessed through a series of chi-square analyses and 2 logit regression models. Responses were fielded using a stratified quota sampling approach to ensure representativeness of the state's population based on age, sex, race, ethnicity, and political affiliation. Users' assessments of information accuracy were not significantly impacted by the presence or absence of verification badges, and users exposed to the experimental treatment (verification badge) were not any more likely to repost the message or follow the author. While verification badges did not influence users' assessments or subsequent behaviors, reliance on social media for health-related information and political affiliation were substantial predictors of accuracy assessments in both experimental scenarios. In scenario 1, which included a post addressing COVID-19 vaccine efficacy, users who relied on social media "a great deal" for health information were 2 times more likely to assess the post as accurate (odds ratio 2.033, 95% CI 1.129-3.661; P=.01). In scenario 2, which included a post about measles vaccines, registered Republicans were nearly 6 times less likely to assess the post as accurate (odds ratio 0.171, 95% CI 0.097-0.299; P<.001). For health professionals and medical experts wishing to leverage social networks to combat misinformation and spread reliable health-related content, account verification appears to offer little by way of added value. On the basis of prior research, other heuristics and communication strategies are likely to yield better results.

A Study Examining the Impact of County-Level Demographic, Socioeconomic, and Political Affiliation Characteristics on COVID-19 Vaccination Patterns in Indiana.

The COVID-19 vaccination campaign resulted in uneven vaccine uptake throughout the United States, particularly in rural areas, areas with socially and economically disadvantaged groups, and populations that exhibited vaccine hesitancy behaviors. This study examines how county-level sociodemographic and political affiliation characteristics differentially affected patterns of COVID-19 vaccinations in the state of Indiana every month in 2021. We linked county-level demographics from the 2016-2020 American Community Survey Five-Year Estimates and the Indiana Elections Results Database with county-level COVID-19 vaccination counts from the Indiana State Department of Health. We then created twelve monthly linear regression models to assess which variables were consistently being selected, based on the Akaike Information Criterion (AIC) and adjusted R-squared values. The vaccination models showed a positive association with proportions of Bachelor's degree-holding residents, of 40-59 year-old residents, proportions of Democratic-voting residents, and a negative association with uninsured and unemployed residents, persons living below the poverty line, residents without access to the Internet, and persons of Other Race. Overall, after April, the variables selected were consistent, with the model's high adjusted R2 values for COVID-19 cumulative vaccinations demonstrating that the county sociodemographic and political affiliation characteristics can explain most of the variation in vaccinations. Linking county-level sociodemographic and political affiliation characteristics with Indiana's COVID-19 vaccinations revealed inherent inequalities in vaccine coverage among different sociodemographic groups. Increased vaccine uptake could be improved in the future through targeted messaging, which provides culturally relevant advertising campaigns for groups less likely to receive a vaccine, and increasing access to vaccines for rural, under-resourced, and underserved populations.

Reasons for Gun Ownership Among Demographically Diverse New and Prior Gun Owners

INTRODUCTION: Pandemic-era social and political tensions may have accelerated pre-existing trends in gun owner diversification and shifts toward protection from people as a primary reason for gun ownership. Specific ownership motivations may shape storage behaviors, use patterns, policy support, and perceptions of safety. This study's objective was to assess the importance of specific reasons for owning guns, including protection from whom and in what circumstances, among demographic subgroups of new and prior gun owners. METHODS: From 1/4/2023-2/5/2023, the National Survey of Gun Policy was fielded among a nationally representative sample of US adults (N=3,096) including gun owners (n=1,002). Respondents rated the importance of 10 potential reasons for gun ownership, including at-home protection, out-of-home protection, protection in ideological conflict, and hunting or recreation. In 2023-2024, respondents’ self-report of important and highly important reasons for gun ownership were compared across political affiliation, race, ethnicity, age, sex, location, income, education, and recency of first purchase. RESULTS: Majorities of gun owners from all demographic groups cited at-home protection, out-of-home protection, and hunting or recreation as “very” or “extremely” important. At least 10% of every demographic group endorsed at least one ideologic reason as “extremely important.” Newer gun owners more frequently endorsed multiple important reasons. CONCLUSIONS: Concurrent, strongly held motivations may produce ambivalence or resistance to public health messaging that narrowly focuses on preventing violent firearm-related injury. Permissive firearm policies may compound behavioral ambivalence, exacerbating conditions that threaten collective safety and civic expression. These conditions call for more nuanced, multidimensional, societal efforts to assure collective safety.

Implications of Hamka’s thoughts in tafsir al-Azhar on the standpoint of Islamic social organizations in preventing authoritarianism in Indonesia

Indonesian Islamic social organizations not only function as religious organizations but they serve as interest groups as well. Islamic social organizations are often faced with a dilemma of engaging in practical political matters or otherwise. This study analyzes thoughts and practices relating to the relationship between Islamic social organizations and the state. Study data were mined from Hamka’s thoughts in his seminal work Tafsir al-Azhar and historical documents of Muhammadiyah and the Indonesian Ulema Council (Majelis Ulama Indonesia – MUI) during the early period of the New Order, i.e., 1970-1980. The research questions posed in this study refer to how did Hamka interpret Qur’anic verses containing messages regarding the relationship between society and state and what are their implications on the practices of Indonesian Islamic social organizations in their relational dynamics with the state. Study results indicate that Hamka’s thoughts in Tafsir al-Azhar consider syura (deliberation) as a determinant in the relationship between society and state, and distinction between state and religious authority. The implications that Hamka’s thoughts had on the standpoint of Muhammadiyah as an Islamic social organization was its ability to separate itself from its political party affiliation. Muhammadiyah until 1960s was a special member of the Masyumi party. Following its separation with the Masyumi party, Muhammadiyah became an independent non-government civil institution that is critical of the state. As a civil institution, Muhammadiyah succeeded in playing its role as a civil society organization (CSO) and keeping the political regime to develop into an authoritarian and repressive state.

American Shoulder and Elbow Surgeons perspectives on political advocacy

BackgroundPhysician involvement in political advocacy has become increasingly important in recent years. This study aims to explore the types of involvement and barriers to involvement in political advocacy among American Shoulder and Elbow Surgeons (ASES) members, identify issues considered most important by ASES members, and assess demographic factors that might correlate with involvement in political advocacy efforts among ASES members. MethodsThis survey was conducted by the ASES Political Advocacy Committee over a two-week period in June 2021. The survey collected demographic information including sex, ethnicity, years in practice, practice type, political affiliation, and level of current involvement in political advocacy. Additional questions consisted of thoughts regarding current health care policy issues and the role of the American Academy of Orthopaedic Surgeons (AAOS)/ASES regarding such policy issues. ResultsWe received 297 responses for a total response rate of 27%. Of those who responded, 24.6% identified as Democrat, 33% identified as Republican, and 42.4% identified as Independent. There was no difference in political affiliation between membership groups. Physician Reimbursement (82%), Medical Liability Reform (50%), and Physician Ownership (50%) were the most important issues identified among respondents. Physician Ownership, Physician Reimbursement and GME and Student Loan Reform were most important to those in early practice, while Quality and Research was most important to those with greater than 25 years of practice experience. ConclusionThere is strong agreement among surgeons regarding the most important political advocacy issues. The efforts of the AAOS and ASES should focus on these areas. Additionally, the vast majority of respondents felt that advocacy efforts had a positive impact on patients and surgeons.

Medicaid Expansion Case Study: Differences Between Florida and New York Medicaid Expansion Policy

Health access is an essential aspect of social equity. Expanding Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) has increased healthcare access for more than 21 million people in the United States, and 10 states have chosen not to participate in Medicaid expansion. This study investigates the factors influencing states’ decisions on Medicaid expansion under the ACA and its implications for social equity. It uses a comparative case study of New York (expansion) and Florida (non-expansion) to reveal the complex determinants of Medicaid expansion decisions. These determinants are crucial for understanding and promoting social equity in pursuing public purposes. Political affiliations, lobbying, and a state’s economic climate significantly shape Medicaid policies. Unfortunately, grassroots advocacy groups encountered significant challenges in Florida, where health associations tended to align closely with their state political parties. Despite the challenges, organizations must advocate for improved healthcare access and Medicaid expansion to address social equity concerns.

New media as a subject of political communication

The media space is the most dynamic and rapidly developing not only technological, but also economic, cultural, social and political phenomenon of our time, and new communication channels are being formed in the global digital network. The purpose of the article is to analyze new media as a subject of the political process. The subject is new media, and the object is the cultural and political identification of an individual in new media. The novelty of the work lies in the fact that new media are an innovative and extremely important tool in determining cultural and political identity. Countries belong to the same civilization, which means that their culture is based on identical values – this is of fundamental importance, since the effectiveness of the imposed system of values and norms can be realized in a particular country only if the tasks being disseminated are consonant with the values of society. Conceptual, phenomenological and sociolinguistic analysis, the method of system analysis, and the historical and cultural method were used as methods and approaches. As a result of a comprehensive analysis, the following conclusions were drawn: the disseminated values can be effective only if they are in tune with the civilizational model of the region, and on the contrary, the imposed foundations will not effectively affect society if they contradict its civilizational identification and cultural and political affiliation. The actions of an individual and society as a whole are determined by his self-identification, therefore, a political course can be effective in a particular country if the tasks being implemented are consonant with the values of society. This study may be useful for researchers studying communication in the digital environment, the impact of new media on the agenda, the realization of political goals through online media, as well as for international journalists, diplomats, political scientists and media researchers when writing analytical materials on topics related to the working concepts of the current study.

Förderprogramme für Kommunen: politische Verflechtungen und Informationsdefizite

Abstract In financing investments, municipalities rely heavily on infrastructure grants. These funds are distributed through numerous programmes, with the states playing a significant role. Empirical research suggests that political affiliations influence the allocation of these funds. On one hand, political actors on the donor side tend to favour connected municipalities. On the other hand, information asymmetries on the recipient side can explain why certain municipalities receive less funding. Consequently, funds may not end up where they generate the greatest impact. The article synthesises available evidence and derives implications for the design of grant programmes.

ON THE STRUCTURE OF RITUAL ACTIVITY AND THE COLLECTIVE DIMENSION OF FIGURINE USE AT MINOAN PEAK SANCTUARIES

SummaryDespite the regular appearance of peak sanctuaries, for over a century, in discussions on the organization of Cretan Bronze Age society, uncertainty still looms over the precise position these places of congregation held in the island’s complex network of sites. One of the causes behind this academic situation is their methodological treatment. Particularly problematic is the customary scholarly practice of defining the sites’ political affiliation, and their visitors’ economic status, according to dichotomizing and somewhat reductive criteria such as ‘palatial’/‘non‐palatial’ or ‘elite’/‘non‐elite’. Seeking to incorporate more nuance into the investigatory trajectory, this paper therefore encourages the implementation of more localized and materially‐founded analyses on the structure of the ritual activities held at these mysterious mountain‐tops. The efficiency of the proposed approach is demonstrated through a re‐examination of the ceramic figurines from Petsophas and the subsequent articulation of the existence of a communal dimension to their use and function. The study concludes that closer consideration of the simultaneously personal and collective significance of peak sanctuary ritual can yield further clues on their socio‐political role.

Religions and Cultural Practices

South Africa is guided by the Constitution which entrenches equality among citizens, regardless of gender, race, religion or political affiliation. In the same vein, the Constitution also recognizes the right to practise one’s religion and culture. Religious and cultural practices must respect the diversity of the society. Such respect must also be observed within the community and religious spectrum. It is in this perspective that this paper investigates whether religious and cultural practices are carried out equally within the Black community. The authors, through a review of literature and observations carried out within the Black community, found systemic violations and discriminatory practices between men and women. The authors found that women are being subjected to abuse in the name of culture and that some practices, such as cleansing ceremonies, violate their dignity. The authors recommend a degree of fairness in cultural practices and that both genders should be subjected to the same practices or treated equally.

Green innovation of heavily polluting enterprises under environmental liability insurance: Evidence from Chinese listed companies

We construct a novel data set of heavily polluting listed companies on the A-share stock market in China that applied for environmental liability insurance in 2014 and 2015. Our study aims to scrutinize the influence and underlying mechanisms of green insurance policies on enterprises' green innovation endeavors. The findings indicate that environmental liability insurance promotes green innovation achievements of enterprises. This positive impact is more pronounced in non-state-owned entities, firms without political affiliations, businesses known for their high information transparency, and locations with well-established legal structures and stringent environmental regulations. Mechanism tests unveil three pathways through which green insurance policies exert this favorable influence: mitigating external financing constraints, promoting environmental management certification, and encouraging environmental information disclosure. This paper provides new evidence for evaluating the role of environmental insurance within developing economies. Furthermore, it carries significant policy implications for promoting ecological civilization and high-quality economic development.

Impact of Demographic Factors, Economic Factors, and Social Media Usage on Political Preferences

The current study exploredthe impact of demographicfactors, economic factors, and social media usage on political preferences. The study incorporated demographic variables including age, gender, and education level.Regression analysis was used to conduct the current study. Race/ethnicity, income level/employment status, and social media activity were examined as independent variables. Data was collected from150 respondents,which wasinterpreted using SPSS. Thus, analyzing the data collected from a diverse sample, significant effortwas madeto extend the knowledge of constructs used in the current study. Vivid correlation with demographic and/or economical characteristics, frequency of social media platforms usage,and political affiliations would be used to gain important information.

RESULTS OF LOCAL ELECTIONS IN HARGHITA COUNTY, SEPTEMBER 27, 2020

The results of the local elections in Harghita County, 27th September 2020. This study aims to faithfully depict the territorial distribution of the electoral decisions taken by the inhabitants of Harghita County at the local elections held on 27th September 2020. Based on official statistical data from the Central Electoral Office (https://locale2020.bec.ro/rezultate), the voting for mayors, local and county councilors, as well as president of Harghita County Council was thoroughly examined. 67 mayors were elected in the 21st Electoral District ‒ Harghita County, their political affiliation being as follows: DUHR (48), SDP (7), HAT (5), IC (5), FHP (1) and NLP (1). Of the 835 local councilor seats, most were won by DUHR (570), followed by HAT (138), SDP (49), NLP (34), FHP (14), CI (13), PMP (8), SRU-LUSP (3), PRO ROMÂNIA (2), while the Magyar Civic Party, National Unity Block, Humanist Power Party (Social-Liberal) and the Liberal and Democrat Alliance won a single seat each. Harghita County Council is comprised of 30 county councilors (with one less seat than in the 2016-2020 legislature), 19 being DUHR members, 4 HAT, 3 SDP, 2 FHP and 2 NLP. Borboly Csaba, the DUHR candidate, received a total of 69 822 votes (64.54% of the votes), thus winning his fourth term as president of Harghita County Council.

Political voting in the United Kingdom 2019 general election and risk of living with obesity in a nationally representative sample

BackgroundLimited evidence from the United States suggests that county/state rates of people with obesity are positively associated with voting for the Republican Party presidential candidate, although this question has not yet been studied at the individual level, and/or outside of the United States, where the health and political systems are very different in other countries.ObjectivesUsing individual level data, assess differences in rates of people with obesity according to political voting in the United Kingdom 2019 general election, and examine whether people living in constituencies won by Members of Parliament (MPs) from the Conservative Party were more likely to be living with obesity than those living in constituencies won by MPs from other parties.MethodsData was obtained by the Ipsos KnowledgePanel where panellists are recruited via a random probability unclustered address-based sampling method. 4000/14,016 panellists were randomly invited to provide data on socio-demographics, health outcomes, voting behaviour and height/weight.Results2668/4000 (67%) of invitees provided data, 95/2668 (3.5%) were not eligible to vote, with the remaining 2573 (96.5%) included. Conservative Party voters were more likely to be living with obesity than those who voted Labour (OR:1.42 95% CI (1.01–1.99)) or Liberal Democrats (1.54 95% CI (1.00–2.37)). Conservative Party voters on average had significantly higher BMI scores than those voting Labour and Liberal Democrats; BMI mean difference 0.88 points (95% CI: 0.16–1.61) between Conservative and Labour voters, and 1.04 points (95% CI: 0.07–2.02) between Conservatives and Liberal Democrats voters. There was no evidence participants living in constituencies won by Conservative MPs were more likely to be living with obesity than constituencies won by other party MPs.ConclusionGovernments and public health agencies may need to focus on the political affiliation of the public when developing strategies to reduce the number of people with obesity.

Citizens’ assemblies in Brazil: an analysis of the role of mini-publics on building democratic participatory climate public policies

This article aims to explore how Brazilian city-level public officials have used citizens’ assemblies to implement climate policies effectively in communities where other emergencies require political action. We analyze the implementation of citizens’ assemblies on climate change in three Brazilian cities in different regions, with distinct demographic densities, social development rates, and mayors’ political affiliations. Cities are where people experience the most consequences of climate change. In the Brazilian context, the Bolsonaro federal administration has weakened both environmental and citizen participation policies. This adds to previously known challenges for policy making in the issue, including countering the interests of some industries and the construction sector. Citizens’ assemblies are a democratic innovation that promotes the inclusion of the population in the development of public policies, particularly in times of democratic crisis. In this study, we examine the implementation process of citizens’ assemblies in Brazil through interviews and documentary analysis of experiences implemented by the Brazilian NGO Delibera Brasil. This research offers valuable insights into the role of citizens’ assemblies as catalysts for informed and participatory climate policymaking in Brazilian municipalities.

Politically connected audit committees and ESG reporting

This study investigates the impact of audit committees with political connections on environmental, social, and governance (ESG) reporting. Drawing from reputational cost theory, it hypothesizes that personal political affiliations of audit committee members positively influence ESG reporting quality. Analyzing data from companies listed on the Indonesia Stock Exchange between 2018 and 2022, the findings reveal that companies with politically connected audit committees exhibit higher levels of ESG reporting compared to their counterparts without such connections. The study highlights that audit committees with political ties are subject to increased litigation risks and reputational costs.

Beliefs about COVID-19 testing and treatment: A national survey of Black and White adults

ObjectivesKnowledge, access, and use of testing and antiviral treatments is critical to managing and mitigating the continuing burden of the novel Corona Virus (COVID-19) in the United States. This study measured knowledge, attitude, behaviors, and self-reported barriers towards COVID-19 testing and outpatient anti-viral medications (OPA) treatments among Black and older individuals who face greater hospitalization and mortality from the disease. Study designCross-sectional structured survey. MethodsRespondents were randomly selected from an opt-in national panel in December 2022. Equal numbers of Black and White US adults over the age of 40 (n = 1037) completed the 42 item online survey. The main measures were key sociodemographic variables of respondents, race, age, political affiliation and COVID-19 attitudes, beliefs, testing behaviors, and knowledge and barriers to OPA access. ResultsOverall, awareness and knowledge of COVID-19 outpatient treatments was low. Black respondents were more likely to test for COVID-19 than White respondents but less likely to know about OPA treatments. Insurance coverage was a significant factor in use of home tests. Knowledge of OPA treatments was low across groups. White respondents were more likely than Black respondents to be aware of OPA treatments (1.75, 95 % CI [1.31–2.33]) as were higher income respondents (1.13, 95 % CI [1.08–1.17]) and self-identified Liberals (1.79, 95 % CI [1.29–2.49]). ConclusionsClinicians should know large numbers of patients may not be testing for COVID-19, nor are they aware of outpatient treatment options and may hold inaccurate beliefs about them. Developing culturally specific patient education materials are warranted to increase testing, utilization of vaccinations and OPAs.

The role of perceived powerlessness and other barriers to climate action

AbstractThe impacts of anthropogenic climate change are rapidly worsening, but current efforts to mitigate this crisis are insufficient. Therefore, it is critically important to understand how to motivate more individuals to take action to protect against future climate change impacts. This study examines the individual‐level factors that predict motivations to act, as well as potential barriers to action in a sample of Canadian adults. Participants completed a questionnaire that assessed a) demographics; b) climate change knowledge, opinions, and scepticism; and c) psychological factors that may impede action. The responses were analyzed to determine the factors that explain whether individuals would change their actions in light of climate change and to what extent climate change considerations impact their actions. Predictors of action included how informed individuals were about climate change, perceived severity of its effects, perceived urgency to act, and climate change scepticism. The strongest predictor was perceived powerlessness; individuals who felt a sense of powerlessness were less likely to change their actions and reported that the threat of climate change had less influence over their behaviours. Powerlessness in turn was associated with age and political affiliation. Implications of these findings, and possible solutions to overcome the barrier of perceived powerlessness, are discussed.