Political Affairs Research Articles

ВЗАЄМОЗВ’ЯЗОК СВІТОВОЇ ЕКОНОМІКИ ТА ПОЛІТИКИ У СУЧАСНОМУ СВІТІ: ТРАНСФОРМАЦІЯ ТА ВИКЛИКИ

The article discusses the debatable issues of the relationship between world politics and the world economy. The relationship between politics and economics in international relations at the beginning of the 21st century is realized with the help of mechanisms typical for this period. The purpose of the study is to assess the state and development trends of the world economy in view of the transformations and challenges of the modern world. The author used a set of general scientific and special methods of cognition: theoretical generalization, comparison, analysis and synthesis. The author notes that in our time such new mechanisms as the interaction of states and global economic actors have appeared. intergovernmental organizations and transnational capital, as well as relations between developed and sovereign developing states. In their interactions, they use economic means as a factor in the struggle for influence in the world, region or country. An important manifestation of this trend is qualitatively new mechanisms of the relationship between politics and economics in international relations, primarily the activities of international actors who use economic means to fight for influence in the world. In addition to political borders, economic borders also appear on the world map. All this requires scientific understanding and analytical research, because globalization, technological progress and growing international dependence create a complex landscape in which economic and political affairs cannot be considered separately. In the modern world, the relationship between the world economy and politics is becoming more and more inseparable. Political decisions and global economic challenges interact and influence each other. Understanding this relationship becomes key to the development of strategies that will contribute to sustainable economic growth, harmony in international relations, and the achievement of global stability. Only through joint efforts and dialogue between politicians and economists can optimal solutions be found to solve the most important challenges facing the modern world.

Brigham Young, Colonizer of the American West: Diaries and Office Journals, 1832–1871

Brigham Young, Colonizer of the American West: Diaries and Office Journals, 1832–1871

For a critical and dispassionate constructivism: revisiting the concept of the ‘Global East’ in its relevance to Central Asia

This article discusses A. Chokobayeva and N. Shelekpayev’s critique of Müller’s concept of the ‘Global East’ to describe the former socialist East, as well as their proposal to adopt a ‘tactical essentialism of national discourses’, which they consider necessary for the production of social science research in Central Asia, liberated from Russian interpretations of the past and present. Consequently, the article discusses the limitations of major paradigms, including that of the “Global East”. It argues that this term ignores the fact that the scholarly field it is supposed to unite is divided by a post-colonial configuration that fosters divergent views. Furthermore, it highlights that this notion also neglects the crucial issue of research autonomy from political affairs. Finally, the article critiques the use of tactical essentialism as a response to these issues. However, the promotion of essentialism — be it tactical or strategic — in Central Asian studies, despite its laudable ambition to move away from imperial and neo-imperial narratives, can exacerbate organic, essentialist and nationalist visions of identity and nation already prevalent in political powers and public opinion. Therefore, the authors argue for a methodological postulate of critical and dispassionate constructivism that guarantees as much autonomy as possible for research in and on Central Asia.

Indien: eine Alternative zu China?

Abstract Tensions in the world economy and European worries about too much economic dependence on China put India into focus. 18 % of the world population are living there in a democratic state. However, the overall market size is just one fifth of the Chinese and democracy is getting weaker, according to a European understanding. Still, the Indian economy offers great long-run potential for trade. India regards itself to be on par with Europe and acts independently, similar to China. This should be kept in mind when partnership is aimed for in economic and political affairs.

Poisoned Wells: Accusations, Persecution, and Minorities in Medieval Europe, 1321–1422 by Tzafrir Barzilay

Reviewed by: Poisoned Wells: Accusations, Persecution, and Minorities in Medieval Europe, 1321–1422 by Tzafrir Barzilay Arina Zaytseva tzafrir barzilay. Poisoned Wells: Accusations, Persecution, and Minorities in Medieval Europe, 1321–1422. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2022. Pp. 303. As its title implies, Tzafrir Barzilay's Poisoned Wells is focused on the peculiar phenomenon of well-poisoning accusations which took hold in the minds of fourteenth-century Europeans and, in some cases, led to devastating consequences. Barzilay pays particular attention to the infamous events of the year 1321 when entire communities of lepers in southern France and the kingdom of Aragon were accused of plotting to poison wells in order to destroy Christendom. Another time period that falls under scrutiny is 1348–1350, which saw a great outbreak of violence against Jewish communities in various regions of Europe. Throughout the years scholars held varied views on these historical periods, and Barzilay aims to clarify the discussion. In particular, he looks closely at the process of "the transfer of accusations" from one minority group to another. His analysis is holistic, as he considers "the violence against all minorities" which allows him to better recreate the social, political, and economic contexts of persecutions (72). His analysis is built on a great wealth of archival evidence—Barzilay addresses various legal, epistolary, and literary sources which mention the rumors of well-poisoning and subsequent persecutions. Barzilay opens his historical investigation with a brief account of the development of knowledge about poisons and poisoning in the Middle Ages. The idea of well-poisoning developed under the influence of three factors, [End Page 477] the first of which was rapid urbanization of the High Middle Ages. As people began to live closer to each other and establish workspaces in the cities, the threat of accidental—or deliberate—poisoning of public water sources grew ever higher. The High Middle Ages also saw a rise in individual poisoning cases, many of which were high-profile and politically motivated. The stories about the poisoning of nobles were hard to prove, but quite sensational and as such easy to weaponize in political affairs. The third factor was connected to the development of medical knowledge about various poisons, as well as the rise in numbers of medical treatises dedicated to poisons and poisoning. These texts "broadcast to contemporaries that it [poisoning] was a real medical danger" (17). Barzilay is careful not to single out any of these factors as the sole reason for the creation and spread of well-poisoning rumors. Rather these factors prepared grounds for later well-poisoning accusations. The image of evil outsiders guilty of poisoning wells did not appear overnight either. Prior to the rise of well-poisoning accusations, Jews, especially Jewish doctors, and lepers were regarded with suspicion by Christians. Already during the High Middle Ages, Christians expressed prejudices against Jewish doctors and some codices of laws explicitly prohibited Christians from accepting services from Jewish medics. Moreover, some Jewish doctors were explicitly linked to or suspected of poisoning Christian nobles. Lepers were also often treated with suspicion, as their disease was associated with sin. However, lepers enjoyed a somewhat secure status during the Middle Ages, and their demise in 1321 was brought about by unique "political and social circumstances" of the times (27). Additionally, heretics and Muslims were other minorities who were regarded with hostility, which later contributed to them being accused of poisoning. Lepers were the first minority to suffer major persecutions triggered by well-poisoning accusations. During 1321–1322, many lepers were tried and executed in southern France and Aragon. The powerful rumor had it that the lepers, jealous of healthy and prospering Christians, conspired to poison water sources to bring down the reign of Christianity. At times the narrative included Jews or Muslims who commissioned the lepers to poison public wells. Barzilay determines that the well-poisoning rumors were not the main reason for gruesome persecutions—rather it was the change in the social and political standing of lepers in the late thirteenth century. Previously lepers could lead autonomous lives in leprosaria, while in the late thirteenth century public management took control over these communities (57). Local municipal authorities became increasingly apprehensive of...

Research on Construction Quality Evaluation of Ideological and Political Wechat Public Accounts in Universities under the Communication field

In order to accurately evaluate the construction quality of ideological and political Wechat public accounts in colleges and universities, based on the perspective of communication field, this paper constructs the quality evaluation index system of the construction quality of ideological and political Wechat public accounts in colleges and universities from the aspects of content quality, expression quality and utility quality, and evaluates the quality of the construction quality of ideological and political Wechat public accounts in colleges and universities by using analytic hierarchy process (AHP). Research shows that the overall construction quality of ideological and political Wechat public accounts in colleges and universities is not good, especially the diversity, real-time type and originality need to be further improved. It is suggested that content should be king to meet user needs, originality and diversity of forms should be advocated, and important information should be pushed in real time to promote the quality of the Wechat public account of ideological and political affairs in colleges and universities.

“Ah! To Become the Balzac of America!”: The Balzacian Subtext of Sister Carrie

“Ah! To Become the Balzac of America!”: The Balzacian Subtext of <i>Sister Carrie</i>

Political reservation and its impact on women’s political participation in India: A review

After centuries of struggle, India achieved independence in 1947. The concept of India was founded on equality, democracy, and harmony. In the hope of making this country a model for unity in diversity, the founding fathers of the Constitution emphasized the secular, socialist, democratic, and republican system, as well as justice, freedom, and equality for all regardless of caste, sex, religion, or place of birth. As the largest democratic nation in the world, India strives to promote and include all of its residents in the country's social, economic, and political activities. For the inclusion of women in the political affairs of the country and to make them visible in the decision-making process, the government came up with the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment Act of 1992. The present paper is an attempt to make a review of the existing literature about the problems and prospects of the reservation system for women. It is argued that though the reservation system has brought changes in the politics of India, but women's representation is still limited, and their decision-making power is also restricted. The study provides some suggestions and recommendations to the government and other stakeholders that will help in the removal of obstacles and barriers to women's political participation.

ПОЛІТИЧНІ РЕПРЕСІЇ У ПРИКОРДОННИХ РАЙОНАХ ВОЛИНІ У 1920–1930 рр.

The article investigates the reasons, forms and consequences of the political repressions in the border areas of Volyn in Soviet Ukraine in the 1920s and 1930s. In the period between the First and Second World War, after the defeat in the fight for sovereignty, Ukrainian territories were divided between several countries. This created a border problem. In particular, Volyn, being under the rule of Soviet Ukraine and Poland, became an arena of struggle of the communist system, which did not abandon the idea of spreading its influence over Western Europe. The first were brutal repressions by the Bolsheviks against the peasant insurgent movement, which rose up in Volyn as well as in other regions against the policy of “war communism”. By means of ruthless extrajudicial massacres, the use of military force, hostages, and social division of the village, when the poor population was opposed to other classes, the Bolsheviks managed to suppress the peasant rebellion. However, it was only in the mid-1920s that it became possible to completely overcome “political banditry”, as the communist authorities called it. A peculiarity of the peasant insurgent movement in the Volyn region was its orientation towards the sovereignty of the Ukrainian People's Republic. A new wave of uprisings tooke place during the period of collectivization and dekulakization between 1920s and 1930s. They were classified by the authorities as "counter-revolutionary" protests. The materials of a separate folder of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CP(b)U, where the most secret documents were collected, testify to the complete control of the judicial system and the determination of the work of the prosecutor's office and punitive bodies. Specifically, political cases were investigated, in which insurgents, people who cooperated with Polish intelligence and saboteurs were repressed based on the materials of the special commission on political affairs created by the Politburo. This data shows that a significant part of the population opposed the Bolshevik regime. Another form of the communist regime repressions was the deportation of the disloyal population into the interior of Ukraine and the USSR. This way, the ethnic map of the region was being changed and the most loyal population was being settled instead. Moreover, this process can be considered a contribution to the creation of fortified districts in the border regions. According to the military doctrine of the Bolshevik leadership, they were supposed to become a barrier to the advance of the enemy in the inevitably upcoming war. This preparation was also enhanced by training and transferring of subversive groups and agents into the territory of neighboring Poland. Thus, the border regions of Volyn became an arena of subversive and counter-subversive struggle. Key words: political repressions, border regions, Volyn, 1920s, 1930s, separate folder of the Politburo, political cases, Olevsk.

An Overview of Criminal Justice System to Uphold the Supremacy of Law in a Sovereign State: An International Perspective

Human kind is an integral part of every society. The establishment of a civilized balanced society cannot be regarded as accurate until the profound existence of the supremacy of law. Prevailing law and order situations worldwide are not only damaging human existence. Still, they are also a threat to a highly unembellished nature for the mainstay promulgation of political, social, and economic norms. The gradual increase in abnormal crime ratio in developing and developed sovereign states is due to flaws in the existing criminal justice system. A strapping criminal justice system is a ray of hope for immediate social rehabilitation. These flaws are similar hurdles to ascertaining sustainable development goals. Establishing a balanced society with justified promulgation of human rights by remedying the communal demerits and adapting these existing flaws is a mandatory requirement of the era. This review will analyze the criminal justice system of developing and developed states and the impact of existing defects on the captioned states' social, economic, and political affairs. This study will descriptively analyze the possible measures to reform the existing criminal justice system to secure the ends of justice so that the ascertainment of sustainable development goals can be made possible.

ہجرت حبشہ کے تناظر میں غیر مسلم ریاستوں کے مسلم شہریوں کا دستور العمل The Manual for Muslim Citizens of Non-Muslim States in the Context of Abyssinian Emigration

Just as there were trade relations between Yemen and the Arabian Sea from ancient times, so also there were trade relations between Abyssinia and the Arabian Sea from ancient times. This was the reason that the residents of Makkah were well aware of the conditions in Abyssinia and as soon as the permission was given by the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him), the Companions of the Prophet PBUH immediately prepared for this migration. Muslims migrated to Abyssinia twice. The first time, 15 or 16 people were involved, while the second time, about 101 people participated. The last caravan of Abyssinian emigrants reached Medina directly on the 7th Hijra. One of the arguments arising from this migration is that in the country or region in which Muslims settle, they face problems in religious, cultural, economic, political, moral and social affairs, especially when it is difficult to fulfil religious affairs, they are allowed to migrate from one place and settle in another place. Also, if a Muslim gets better economic, commercial, business and earning opportunities in a non-Muslim state than in an Islamic state, then such Muslims should migrate from a Muslim state and settle in a non-Muslim state. Similarly, Muslim students can enrol in non-Muslim educational institutions and obtain higher degrees. These all above matters are allowed with the condition that they don't let the wealth of their faith go to waste during their studies, stick to trust and honesty and protect their honour and reputation. This research also proves that it is important for Muslims to follow the laws of the country in which they live.

Sejarah Gerakan Sosial Islam Syekh Ahmad Rifa’i di Indonesia Adab Ke-19

The displacement of the royal elite from political affairs to be replaced by the colonial government automatically meant the loss of royal patronage of its people in the 19th century. Therefore it is only natural that the people then seek protection from charismatic figures outside the royal elite, among them are kyai and clerics, one of whom is Sheikh Ahmad Rifa'i. To explore the history data, researchers used a literature review approach. This movement started as a purely religious movement, but due to the increasing number of members, it is considered as a movement that is against the government. In its journey as a social-religious movement, the movement driven by Sheikh Ahmad Rifa'i received various upheavals, both from indigenous figures to the Dutch colonial government. However, in general, this movement was considered to be against the government, so it was isolated in the Kalisalak area

Political participation of scheduled caste women through SHGS in west Godavari district of Andhra Pradesh

The concept of women empowerment is the outcome of several important critiques and debates generated by the women’s movement throughout the world, particularly by the third world feminists. Empowerment of women means the materialization of the relocation of power challenging the patriarchal ideology which justifies the male dominance. ‘Becoming powerful’ is the literal meaning of the term empowerment. Empowerment can be achieved through transformation of the structures or institutions that reinforce and perpetuate gender discrimination. Empowerment is a process that enables women to gain access to and control of available political, social and economic resources as well as the required information. It is also defined as the process by which the powerless gain greater control over the circumstances and control both resource and ideology that governs their lives. Women’s participation in the village based formal or non-formal organizations has made significant changes in their social status and position in the family. It permits them to participate in rural development for their own upliftment. It also gives them an opportunity to work in groups for common interest, associate with the on-going development programmes, articulate their needs and assume leadership in the national development process. In order to ascertain the political awareness and involvement of the members of the SHG in political affairs, the respondents were asked certain questions to access their political awareness which had an influence in exercising their political right.

The Communal Elections from 1930: Case studies – Slimnic and Presaca Communes, Sibiu County

"The parliamentary elections play a special role in Romanian historiography, but we still need many studies on the local ones. The study aims to focus on how political life occurred in rural areas after the achievement of the administrative unification. Following that newly created context, we intend to capture how the electoral campaign is carried out at the local level. We analyse the changes in the Romanian electoral system, primarily focusing on the local elections in the rural area of Sibiu. From a methodological point of view, we studied the press of the period and archival documentary sources. We have focused on the communal electoral lists, which we analysed with the support of a database. Our approach, based on a quantitative statistic-sociological classification of the candidates, and of the voters from the communal elections in Sibiu County, reveals how involved the peasants were in political affairs. At the same time, this paper elucidates, through archival evidence, how authorities interfered in the mechanisms of the electoral process. Keywords: communal election, electoral system, candidates, political parties, propaganda, electoral results"

Lecturer Perceptions of Student Competence in Communicating during Teaching and Learning (Case Study at the Faculty of Social and Political Affairs, Gajah Putih University, Takengon)

Lecturers' Perceptions of Student Competence in Communicating During Teaching and Learning". The formulation of the problem in this research is how is the perception of Faculty of Social Sciences lecturers towards student competence in communicating, what media are used by lecturers in conveying lecture learning material. This study aims to identify how Faculty lecturers perceive Faculty of Social Sciences on student competence in communication, to analyze what media are used by lecturers in conveying lecture learning material.The research method in this study used qualitative research methods using observation, interview, and documentation techniques.In this study, the author used the theory of competence communication. From the results of this study it was found that the perceptions of lecturers of the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences towards student competence in communicating, namely the need for better communication improvements to students, the messages conveyed by students t ineffective, the message of the communicator (student) does not reach the communicant (listener) properly, some students still miss communication

Turkey’s State Crisis: Institutions, Reform and Conflict

Turkey’s State Crisis: Institutions, Reform and Conflict

Àwa L’ókàn: When the blood of Jesus is not thick enough to bond his body

In this article is examined the now famous political slogan particularly in the South-Western region of Nigeria: àwa l’ókàn [it is our turn] as grounded on political injustice and not resonating with competence as claimed. This has become critical, because it has generated heated debate among Christians across denominational lines. I traced the popularity of the slogan to Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) who claimed that, in the 2023 elections, the office of the president of Nigeria should be zoned to the South-Western geo-political zone, and then to him personally; hence Emi l’ókàn [it is my turn]. The theoretical argument in this article is that, although Christians are saved to live differently from the world, they still have critical roles to play in political affairs in ways that are consistent with their faith. The article used both primary and secondary sources that consist of books, articles, personal interviews and the social media. It discovered that the South-Western region has had at least a 15-year stint in the Nigerian presidency since 1999, the South-Southern region, eight years and the South-Eastern region, zero years. In addition, the article found out that the slogan, Emi l’ókàn , has resulted in theological disagreements which are not healthy for Christian unity and purpose in a multi-religious society such as Nigeria. It concluded that ‘àwa l’ókàn politics is based on ethnic solidarity rather than oneness in Christ. This position has implications for the Christian body, because preference for ethnicity over justice and fairness, which are Christian principles, challenges sound Christian theo-political theory. Contribution: This article is interdisciplinary in nature. It brings together theology, ethnicity and politics, and argues that these disciplines are dynamic. But in a situation in which conflict of interest arises, it is argued that Christian ethics should guide in taking a moral decision to abide by the principle of oneness in Christ (Eph 2:11–22).

Daily Life and Political Activity of the Orlik Family in the Context of International Relations in the First Quarter of the 18th Century

On the basis of two surviving documents compiled by Pylyp Orlyk ("Promemoria" and "Diariusz podorożny ..."), as well as insignificant literature, the author made an attempt to analyze the daily life and political activities of members of the Hetman's family in the context of international relations of the first quarter of the 18th century. This was the period of the end of the Great Northern War and the preparation of the Treaty of Nystad. The Orlyk’s family was in exile and had been constantly changing the place of residence. The involvement of members of Orlyk’s family, including his eldest daughter Anastasia Theodora and her husband, in Pylyp Orlyk’s political affairs has long been a little-known fact. Based on the mentioned texts, the author of the article proves that Anastasia Orlyk was an active associate and assistant of her father, helping him to correspond with family members and political companions. In the face of constant political persecution by the Moscow authorities, relocations and family tragedies experienced by the Orlyk, the hetman’s wife could not always be useful to him. As a result, Anastasia’s role as one of her father’s political mediators increased significantly. An active assistant to the hetman was his future son-in-law Johan Stenflycht. He tried to help Orlyk get amnesty from the Tsar Peter I of Moscow on favorable terms, but his efforts were unsuccessful. Using the help of his children and relatives, Orlyk sought to maintain the interest of European states in the Ukrainian cause. Thanks to their joint efforts, the Ukrainian government in exile tried for some time to maintain its position in international relations in the 1720s and 1730s. Orlyk’s second daughter, Barbara, who was too young at the end of the Great Northern War, was not involved in her father’s political affairs. At the same time, after the death of her sister, Barbara became Stenflycht’s wife and mother of Anastasia’s children. Orlykʼs grandchildren on Anastasia Theodora’s side survived the early deceased mother, but did not survive their father. Stenflycht had no children in his marriage to Barbara. Thus, both branches of the Orlyk-Gertsik family tree were interrupted. Today in Sweden, you can still find material evidence of the life of Johan Stenflicht, but they are not connected with his Ukrainian wives and heirs of the exiled hetman Pylyp Orlyk

O impacto das Guerras Mundiais e da Guerra Fria em Langston Hughes

Abstract The two World Wars and the Cold War had a profound impact on Langston Hughes. World War I and the October Revolution wove a web that connected the Soviet Union and its socialist cause to African Americans, and then the Yokinen and Scottsboro trials directly nurtured the “New Red Negro” writings with the spirit of rising “up from bondage” as oppressed people. Hughes traveled the world, became a global citizen, and assumed a cosmopolitan mission for international and racial affairs. However, the Nazi-Soviet Pact changed his view of the world. Hughes began to focus on the problems of “colored soldiers” and compared the advantages and disadvantages of the United States of America and the Soviet Union. When the Iron Curtain came about, McCarthyism drove Hughes to stay in the United States, maintain a distance from international and political affairs, confirm his national position, and rely on writing children’s books for a living, as well as translating and editing others’ works.

Interrogating the relationship between banditry and illegal mining in Nigeria; implications to national development in post–covid period; a peep into Bagega in Zamfara State illegal mining site

Mining is one of the activities of government that yield enormous income into its confers for the purpose of running and managing its social, economic, and political affairs. But when these activities of government are neglected, it, however, fall into the hands of illegal miners who are not regulated. It is overtaken by scrupulous elements who may want to cash in for the purpose of promoting illegality aimed at undermining development and promoting insecurity, through banditry which is regarded as terrorism. This paper adopted the Elite Theory for the purpose of providing an explanation within the context and content of this paper. The choice of adopting this theory was because it best suits the explanation of illegal mining which is sponsored by the political and economic big wits of the society. The methodology adopted by this paper in terms of data collection is both primary and secondary methods of data collection and the survey research design was used. The presenters were in the area where these illegal mining activities takes place in Bagega in Zamfara State for the purpose of having first hand information apart from the fact that revenue accruing to the Federal Government are lost, most of the proceed from these activities are used for acquisition of weapons, hiring of personnel for the purpose of banditry and provision of logistics to aid illicit activities and other crimes which are inimical to national development. In order to deal with illegal mining in Nigeria, this paper provides that stiffer penalty should be made in line with the amendment of the Mining Act of 2007 to reduce or eliminate illegal mining in Zamfara State, and again, the issue of mining should be removed from the Exclusive list, for the purpose of proper regulation to deal with illegal mining activities in Nigeria.