Political Accommodation Research Articles

O espaço da politização na estrutura do Governo Federal brasileiro, 1999-2021

Abstract What was the extent of the Brazilian president’s politicization space within the structure of the federal public bureaucracy from 1999 to 2021? The extent of this space is related to the importance of politicization as a strategy for controlling the bureaucracy, monitoring partners, and political accommodation, following the logic of coalition presidentialism. Thus, this article sought to measure it using a descriptive methodology based on data collected from the Federal Government’s Painel Estatístico de Pessoal, encompassing positions and functions within the government throughout the period. By considering all possibilities of appointments and designations made by the president for high-level positions, this article presented an innovative approach compared to previous Brazilian Political Science studies assessing politicization in the federal government. This approach led to the conclusion that the extent of the politicization space did not substantially decrease despite the reduction in senior management and advisory positions (known in Brazil as Cargos de Direção e Assessoramento Superior - DAS), in addition to revealing a new pattern of politicization characterized by increased use of funções de confiança exclusively held by career public servants and the valorization of these servants even in DAS positions.

Sociological and Political Constraints of Islamic Sharia Enforcement in South Sulawesi Indonesia

The objective of this study is to examine the challenges encountered by Islamic Sharia Enforcement Committee in South Sulawesi by analyzing the responses of charismatic ulama. Qualitative methods, such as observation, interviews, and documentation, were employed to conduct a descriptive and critical analysis. The result showed that the primary obstacle to the wider acceptance of the idea lies in the sociological rejection of ulama. Ulama opposed the plan due to their epistemological understanding of Sharia and strategic approach to advocating it within the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). Politically, they gave a substantive and cultural notion instead of formalistic and structural discourse because there are no circumstances in South Sulawesi that may force the state to grant special autonomy like in Aceh. The contemporary thinking of ulama is shaped by education and practical experience, enabling them to consider contextual factors openly. The views of the Indonesian ulama on implementing Islamic Sharia are influenced by political failures, genuine religious beliefs, and political accommodations made to address Muslim aspirations. Furthermore, the results showed a decreasing trend in the scripturalist-formalistic approach to enforcing Islamic Sharia, while the substantialistic tendency is growing in popularity.

Global commerce, immigration and diversity: a New York story

ABSTRACT Since the beginning of European settlement, New York’s role as a centre of capitalist accumulation has been tied to international migration. Immigration has accounted for much of its population growth and the local culture is, by US standards, unusually cosmopolitan. Institutions, traditions and political accommodations created by earlier waves of migrants have shaped the life chances of later newcomers. At the same time, New York has long been home to vast economic and racial inequalities and ethnic succession, sometimes amicable, often not, has been a defining feature of the local culture. Yet, in contrast to much of the contemporary United States, the widely held belief that immigration and the resulting ethnic diversity are not only tolerable, but often economically and socially beneficial, continues to shape the reception of newcomers in New York.

Relationship Satisfaction as a Function of Perceived Similarity in Religious and Political Beliefs and Identity Accommodation

ABSTRACT Guided by communication accommodation theory (CAT), this study examined whether young adults’ perceptions of similarity in their religious and political beliefs with a parent and grandparent were associated with young adults’ relationship satisfaction, as well as how identity accommodation from the older family member moderated these associations. Perceived similarity was not associated with relationship satisfaction at the main-effects level. However, perceptions of parent religious accommodation, parent political accommodation, and grandparent political accommodation moderated the associations between perceived similarity and relationship satisfaction. The study contributes to CAT by delineating the contingencies under which perceived similarity may be associated with relational health.

English Functions and Ideologies in Newspaper Editorials

Language functions empower media in 'knowledge management.' It reveals the media construction of policies, nations, peoples, communities, and individuals. Scholars have developed critical discourse analytical tools for this purpose. First, they show the theoretical constructs to approach texts for these purposes. Second, they investigate 'language in use and language in a social context.' According to experts, the CDA analysis will probe language organisation and linguistic units; a text is studied in contexts and with co-texts at both micro and macro-levels of the genre as linguistic and social practices. It is tied to social relations and identities, power, inequality, and social struggle. Thus, this paper undertakes a case study of The Hindu Editorial, 'Beyond the admission imbroglio,' published on Friday the 4th of May, 2007. It investigates how language is utilised by the media to establish or change the existing knowledge base for the empowerment of interested parties or to control the access to knowledge and resources by the underprivileged communities. Therefore, this paper attempts to identify linguistic structures and strategies such as semantic moves, nominalization, passivisation and topicalisation, used in media discourse to communicate visible or latent ideologies and attitudes in discourse construction and consumption. The text projects dichotomy and binary positions using functional English, discursive and linguistic construction reinforcing the relationship between corporate power and ideology, and naturalised group-based cultural and exclusive nationalism cloaked by constitutional and inclusive nationalism. The media discourse is oriented towards legitimisation, political accommodation, and ideological management.

LANGUAGE, CULTURE, AND POWER IN GUILLEM DE TORROELLA’S LA FAULA

This article examines the role of French language and culture in the fourteenth-century Arthurian text, La Faula, by the Mallorcan, Guillem de Torroella. Reading the appropriation of French language and literary models through the lens of earlier thirteenth-century Occitan resistance to French political and cultural hegemony, La Faula’s use of French dialogue becomes significant in light of the political tensions in the third quarter of the fourteenth century that saw the conquest of the Kingdom of Mallorca by that of Catalonia-Aragon and the subsequent imposition of Catalano-Aragonese political and cultural power. La Faula’s clear intertextual debt to French literary models and its simultaneous ambivalence about the authority and reliability of those models makes French language into a space for the exploration of the dynamics of cultural appropriation and political accommodation that were constitutive of late fourteenth-century Mallorca.

Making space for degenerate thinking: revaluing architecture with Friedrich Nietzsche

Scholarly analysis of the writings on architecture of philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900) has largely focused on passages in Twilight of the Idols where he claims that ‘Architecture is a kind of eloquence of power in forms – now persuading, even flattering, now only commanding.’1 Yet, considering Nietzsche’s theory of the will-to-power – that an innate drive towards power, might, and self-overcoming is the dominant force of existence – architecture gets interpreted in this passage as he would likely have interpreted sculpture. Any recognition of the social, political, physical, and psychological accommodations of architecture are absent. However, in a passage in Joyful Wisdom entitled ‘Architecture for the Perceptive’, Nietzsche wrote of architecture as a carefully crafted space to inhabit. This discussion of architecture as a lived space has received considerably less attention.

Differentiation and Political De-Differentiation in the Periphery of the Modern Society

This work wants to analyze, from the theoretical-conceptual architectural frame of the General Theory of Social Systems (TGSS), and problematize the relationships and the logical articulations between the system of politics, economics and law to observe what have been the hetero-descriptions of the democratic state in the periphery of modern society (1).The processes of functional differentiation characterizing the institutionalization of structures and expectations –normative, cognitive– in the evolutionary becoming of the State-nation, in Latin America, stabilized the logic of the patrimonial political centralism, so that the history of innumerable legal-political and economic reforms have been used rather to perpetuate the status quo than to change something (2). It's interesting to observe, for this reason, the developing of many forms of coordination and social development to achieve the desired modernity in the continent, from the presidential caudillism, Cepalian developmentalism (1950), military praetorianism (1970), till the forms of economical laissez faire (1990). These models have basically revolved around the valorization of the clientelistic political regime as a central space for the construction of democracy and the market (3). In this context, cognitive and normative expectations (law) have not managed to generate lasting political accommodations that facilitate sociopolitical evolution, where corporations, families and clientelistic caudillism continue to prevail, except the institutionalized expectations (4). The question then is not how ‘democracy should be’, but how is this possible in this periphery of modernity.

Obilježja multikulturalizma i sekularizma u indijskom društvu

Obilježja multikulturalizma i sekularizma u indijskom društvu

Das armas às urnas: a participação dos coronéis da Bahia na Revolução de 1930

Resumo Este artigo discute a participação dos coronéis do interior da Bahia na Revolução de 1930, desde a campanha da Aliança Liberal até a centralização do poder federal no estado, sob o governo de Juraci Magalhães, no ano de 1933. Com base na análise de cartas, telegramas e jornais da época, demonstra-se como esses homens do interior, que antes conduziam com armas sua atuação política, na Primeira República, passaram a utilizar as urnas após a vitória do movimento revolucionário de outubro de 1930, num constante processo de acomodação política que marcou o governo Vargas na Bahia.

Cycles of Accumulation and Industrial Slowdown in Malaysia: Rents, Social Forces and the Political Settlement

ABSTRACT This article seeks to explain the failure of industrial upgrading in Malaysia in terms of the state’s capacity to allocate and manage rents to promote learning and accumulation, and to withdraw rents associated with political accommodation. It introduces the cycle of accumulation as a framework to examine evidence of how the allocation of rents affects the pattern of accumulation and emerging social forces. These social forces in turn influence the political settlement and subsequent allocation of rents. In contrast to a focus on elites and elite motivation, this article argues that state capacity is affected by the state’s connections with both elites and non-elite social classes and groups.

What History Can Teach

Most analyses of arms control during the Cold War focus on its role in maintaining strategic stability between the United States and the Soviet Union. However, history shows that the superpowers' search for strategic stability is insufficient to explain the roots and course of negotiations. This essay argues that arms control was used as one tool in a broader strategy of war prevention, designed to contain a series of challenges to U.S. and Soviet dominance of the international system that both sides worried could upset bipolarity and increase the chances of conflict between them. At the same time, U.S. policy-makers balanced this joint superpower interest with Washington's extended deterrent commitment to its allies, which ultimately upheld the integrity of the system as a whole. The essay concludes that today's leaders should integrate arms control into a more comprehensive strategy of political accommodation fit for twenty-first-century conditions.

Managing Ethno-National Diversity in Cyprus: Asymmetrical Federalism

AbstractThis article explains a normative political theory of asymmetrical federalism as it relates to the accommodation of national minorities within multinational states, using Cyprus as a case study. Many normative prescriptions emerging from traditional liberal and federal political theories and models rest on monist assumptions; therefore, there is a need to highlight the cultural and national limits of those theories and models in order to attain a democratic system in Cyprus that respects and promotes its bicommunal structure. It is suggested that multinational federalism in Cyprus necessitates constitutional asymmetry, which is likely to provide a basis for political accommodation. The article also demonstrates the necessity of multinational federalism to accommodate common and distinct identities by promoting a fuller understanding of the concept of “federal togetherness” and “federal separateness.” Such an understanding would better enable asymmetrical federalism to properly and feasibly adjust and regulate federal institutions in Cyprus.

Beyond Reintegration: War Veteranship in Mozambique and El Salvador

ABSTRACTThis article proposes the concept of ‘war veteranship’ to better understand war veterans’ positioning in and engagement with post‐war societies and state‐building processes. The study is based on ethnographic research with former insurgent movements, specifically the Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO) in Mozambique and the Farabundo Martí Front for National Liberation (FMLN) in El Salvador. The concept of war veteranship allows for the exploration of trajectories of former combatants not necessarily, and certainly not exclusively, in terms of reintegration, but rather in relation to the manifold ways in which the status and connections associated with armed group participation may hold currency in the veterans’ lives, and particularly in relation to political processes. The article argues that war veteranship is best understood as a distinct type of post‐war citizenship. Integral to the political accommodations that shape post‐war societies, war veteranship involves the construction, negotiation and contestation of the societal status of different categories of war veterans. Drawing on the analyses of political struggles of war veterans in RENAMO and FMLN over two decades, this study's findings underscore the longue‐durée socio‐political relevance of war veteranship, extending above and beyond reintegration efforts.

Editorial Note: Suffrage and Beyond: Celebrating Women's History

Editorial NoteSuffrage and Beyond: Celebrating Women's History Elisa Camiscioli and Jean H. Quataert 2020 is the centennial year of the granting of women's suffrage in the United States through state ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment. Many diverse celebrations are planned to commemorate the anniversary, from museum exhibits and symposia to workshops and concerts. Indeed, as we write, local singers in Binghamton, New York already performed a concert called "Women of Note," featuring music composed by women and highlighting suffragist songs. The anniversary is a milestone of sorts. Suffrage was a cardinal aim of feminist mobilizations across the globe over the past two centuries, and the topic has spurred a vibrant yet increasingly critical historiography. With this issue, the JWH brings the insights of women's historians to the celebration. We open with a Special Forum that asks, provocatively, "What Difference Did the Nineteenth Amendment Make?" The Forum is guest edited by Liette Gidlow who proposed, organized, and edited it. She brings together six leading women's historians who write about the topic from different regional, class, and race perspectives. As Gidlow writes in her introduction, the authors extend the moment of 1920 "both backward and forward in time," inserting the suffrage question into the history of US imperial expansion and exploring the meanings of inclusion in—and exclusion from—the nation as the ranks of the voting public expanded. Each contribution to the Forum offers valuable documentary and historiographical details in a length easily adaptable for teaching purposes. Lori D. Ginzberg writes from the perspective of the women advocates themselves. She shows that over the decades, the consistent call for the women's vote reflected different rationales. She explores a "radical reimagining of political, religious, and marital hierarchies" inherent in suffrage claims in the antebellum era. She then examines the compromises suffrage advocates accepted around the turn of the century, a "tactical shift" that required concessions to white supremacy and to notions of women's purity. These political accommodations, Ginzberg writes, made suffrage "mainstream, respectable, and safe," setting the stage for 1920 itself—although the vote "left many things unsorted." Rosalyn Terborg-Penn looks at the outcome for African American women. Terborg-Penn, recently deceased, was a pioneer in the field of African American women's suffrage history, and Gidlow's introduction includes a fitting tribute to her pathfinding scholarship and their collaboration in this Special Forum. In her essay, Terborg-Penn examines the fraught history of suffrage for Black women and men who, soon after [End Page 7] ratification, lost the right to vote in the South. Her main story deals with Black women's formative role in the women's suffrage movement prior to 1920 and their subsequent mobilization strategies for the ballot through the Civil Rights era of the 1960s. Looking outside the formal borders of the United States, Rumi Yasutake takes us to Hawai'i, at the time a US territory. She focuses on Native Hawaiian women suffragists who seized the vote as a "means to recover their political and economic rights lost in the modern American system," including the right to hold office. In the next contribution by Cathleen D. Cahill, the vote is examined in the longer context of Native American history. Cahill explores the topic through the writings of two Native feminist intellectuals who creatively intertwined citizenship with sovereignty for Native Nations. Gidlow's own essay rounds out the Special Forum. She provides trenchant historical reassessment of the many sides to the "rise of the 'Women's Vote.'" In her telling, suffrage helped revive the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s; it transformed a piecemeal strategy known as the "white primary" into a uniform policy that effectively barred "Black voters from local Democratic Party organizations"; turned the Republican Party after 1965 into a white party when southern white conservative Democrats defected to it; and shaped the "racial politics of the feminist movements." Since 1976, the women's vote, Gidlow observes, elevated Black women into a key constituency of the Democratic Party—on full display in the 2018 midterm elections in the Trump era. This issue also includes three article-length pieces. As in the Special Forum on women's suffrage...

The limits of inclusion: Representation of minority and non-dominant communities in consociational and liberal democracies

Consociationalism starts with the assumption that in divided societies there are multiple groups with reasonable claims which leads to the development of group sensitive mechanisms for political representation. While consociations are put in place to ensure the participation of groups whose past disenfranchisement from (equal) political representation resulted in violence, their disregard for individuals and identities of other, non-dominant groups is comparable to the impact of liberal democratic governments on minority groups. Both the approach observed in consociational practice and the liberal democratic approach of accommodating members of minority groups result from a preference for the political accommodation of majority group identities. Both approaches, I argue, result in the neglect of the input of minority and non-dominant groups. This effect is, principally, a result of the lack of guaranteed representation afforded to their group identities and is exacerbated by the representation of majority interests which is aggregated from individual-level participation.

The political accommodation of military turbans and the police hijab in Norway: windows of opportunity

ABSTRACTSecular European states have adopted a range of regulation and accommodation policies concerning minority religious practices, often with much controversy. These policies are often heterogeneous, even within nation states. This paper compares the process that led the Norwegian armed forces to accommodate symbols of minority religions in their uniform regulations since the 80s, with the response to a 2008 proposal to accommodate the hijab with the Norwegian police uniform. Drawing on Kingdon’s concept of windows of opportunity in policy-making, the comparison explores step-by-step how various actors responded to two controversial claims for accommodation, twenty years apart, with two different policy outcomes. The analysis is based on case documents, public statements recorded by the media, parliamentary transcripts, and qualitative interviews with key actors from the two processes. The comparison demonstrates how some actors within both the military and the police policy fields were willing to accommodate minority religion, but the 2008 claim for accommodation in the police met with broader and more intense contestation of both problem definition and issue authority. A close reading of the 2008 case highlights the institutional and political changes that occurred since the 80s, and their influence on narrowing the window of opportunity for accommodation.

Political Accommodations in Multipayer Health Care Systems: Implications for the United States.

Current interest in a single-payer approach to universal health care coverage in the United States has also triggered interest in alternative multipayer approaches to the same goal.An analysis of experiences in Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and Israel shows how the founding of each system required a distinctive political settlement and how the subsequent timing, content, and course of the reforms were shaped by political circumstances and adjustments to the founding bargain in each nation.Although none of these systems is directly transferable to the United States, certain parallels with the American context suggest that a multipayer approach might offer a model for universal coverage that is more politically feasible than a single-payer scheme but also that issues associated with risk selection and other potential inequities would remain.

Making an exception: market design and the politics of re-regulation in the French electricity sector

By subjecting market participants to uncertain and volatile prices, the liberalization of public concerns generates opposition that threatens its own survival. This paper asks how this contradiction is resolved in practice. We examine the case of the French electric power industry. When this sector was liberalized and integrated with European markets, a period of unexpectedly high prices brought strenuous objections from the French electro-intensive industries, and a crisis in political support for liberalization. Based on interviews with key participants and analysis of the documentary record, we trace a series of efforts to reach a political accommodation. Liberalization has not realized the neoliberal imaginary of an efficient and peaceful allocation of state services. But it has effectively transformed the terms under which political-economic struggles proceed, mediating, constraining and governing the politics of distribution.

Thomas, G.M. and Sakellariou, D. (eds) Disability, Normalcy, and the Everyday. Routledge, 2018. 210 pp

Reading the introduction to this rich and wide-ranging new anthology, one might think that the field of disability studies, having pursued multiple paths for more than a half-century, has come full circle. The editors align themselves with Erving Goffman and interactionist approaches to the study of disability, in particular “how embodied difference is negotiated in everyday settings” (p.4). The purpose of the book is partly to normalize these negotiations and demonstrate how disability is necessarily embedded in a socially complex life-world. The pitfalls that the editors wish to avoid through this approach are those associated with models, perhaps particularly the (British) social model that continues to exert influence on many if not most theoretically informed discussions of disability. In the introductory chapter, Thomas and Sakellariou argue that the debate over models is played out by now, and that the more pressing concern is to explore an ethic of care, that is, how good lives can be assembled by and for disabled people across the globe. This ofcourse invites the question of what is potentially lost in an interactionist approach; that line of inquiry was rightly critiqued not addressing the structural causes of marginalization and oppression of people who are identified by mainstream society as ‘spoiled’, ‘damaged’ or ‘discreditable’, to borrow the key concepts from Goffman's (1963) stigma theory. Partly out of resistance to a social-scientific approach that focused on the management strategies and micro-interactions of individuals grew a disability-theoretical strain of research that has been mostly concerned with the political, economic and symbolic structures that impose the need for such ameliorative strategies. However, thick descriptions of everyday lives need not omit structural analysis. One of the standout chapters in the book, co-written by Helen Errington, Karen Soldatic and Louisa Smith, narrates Errington's biography from her birth in 1947 in Western Australia through her ‘normalised and alternative activists’ paths’ (p.114) in the post-war decades. The story is personal and therefore also political, invoking and analysing the structural changes in Australian (and international) approaches to disability as they influence – and are influenced by Errington's life. At their best, such ways of doing disability studies do not obviate the need for theory or models, but demonstrate that the proof is in the writing: negotiations of embodied difference have prescriptive as well as descriptive dimensions. The descriptive strategies of microsociology and ethnography, when applied to marginalized groups, become acknowledgements and validations of their lives. Not every contribution succeeds at its purpose. Some chapters effectively summarize what is already fairly established in disability studies – regarding living conditions, the state of services in various places, and so on – rather than going into the kind of descriptive detail that is required by an interactionist approach. Part III of the book, containing in addition to Errington's story chapters on the management of support workers and on the phenomenology of Parkinson's, is perhaps the most successful. Studying the everyday means not only getting close to the ground, but also, in the relatively brief contributions that make up an anthology, foregoing state-of-the-field summaries and trusting the reader to generalize from the specific. Disability, Normalcy and the Everyday is a valuable contribution to the field, particularly when its parts align with the intention of the whole. And the intention – to explore ethics of care through examination of the everyday – is wholly commendable. Regarding theory and theoretical progression, it is interesting to note that there is no stepping twice into the same river. The return to the everyday cannot take place as though the debates over models, action research and disciplinary boundaries never happened. And this is a good thing: the subtext of and background for anthologies such as this one is by now richer than it would have been in previous years. The world has changed: political accommodation of disability, at least in some countries, has progressed, though progress in these areas is ever fragile. Perhaps, the melancholiest notion to arise from Thomas’ and Sakellariou's book is that the negotiations are unending. The embodied experience of disability will remain linked to oppression and marginalization; nevertheless, it is a form of life experience as rich and complex as any other. Thus, it is important to tell of it.