Political Abandonment Research Articles

Who Feels Safe? Uncertain Futures and Enduring Aspirations in Italy

ABSTRACT In an attempt of going beyond a simple opposition between those conceived as agents and those seen as subjects of disciplinary power, this article engages with a reflection on differential states of precariousness and (un)safety, which involve both ‘forced migrants’ and ‘citizens’. Drawing on ethnographic research in Milan (Italy), I outline some recent institutional changes in the Italian asylum system, which led to the political abandonment of refugees in situations of increasing marginalisation, but also to the layoff of several frontline asylum workers, who were often young people hit by the consequences of economic recession. Through the words and biographical trajectories of three young women (two asylum workers and one refugee), I trace the emergence of contested temporal and work experiences, marked by widespread feelings of uncertainty and devaluation. I approach empirically the idea of (un)safety as a material and bodily condition and as an emotional state, directly linked to the perceived possibility of being able to orient oneself towards the future. By zooming in on differential experiences of (un)safety and precariousness – but also on enduring aspirations – I aim at documenting the material and affective entanglements of acts of government, as well as their inherent potential for empowerment and transformation.

“Think Positive, Save a life”? Resilience and Mental Health Interventions as Political Abandonment in a Refugee Settlement in Northern Uganda

ABSTRACT This article investigates the entanglements of resilience-based refugee policies and mental health interventions in the refugee settlement of Palabek, northern Uganda. I argue that both resilience refugee policies and mental health humanitarian interventions stem from a neoliberal logic which shifts responsibility onto individuals for their psychological and economic wellbeing. I show that there are direct links between chronic food insecurity and rates of mental illness among South Sudanese refugees in Palabek settlement. By individualising social suffering, mental health discourses and interventions mask the failures of humanitarian assistance in Uganda. As such, they justify and enable the political abandonment of refugees.

Insurgent infrastructures: bottom-up infrastructure-building in gold-mining regions in Colombia and Suriname

ABSTRACT Critical analyses of infrastructural violence have mostly approached infrastructure as a top-down imposition that allows markets and state governments to expand and inflicts suffering on local populations. Here we take as our analytical starting point a different kind of infrastructural harm, namely the one that comes not from building the local environment, but from leaving it unbuilt. From this vantage point, we are foremost interested in local forms of socio-spatial organization that emerge in regions suffering from political abandonment. Drawing on fieldwork in gold-mining regions in Colombia and Suriname, we show that in resource frontiers where people criticize the state for being absent, informal mining stakeholders create their own infrastructures that provide them with a means to gain legitimacy and protest their social exclusion. While these ‘insurgent infrastructures’ take place outside the legal framework, they create the symbolic and material conditions for the state to appear.

Abandoned Being: The Aesthetic of Inhabiting in Meridel Le Sueur’sThe Girl

This article reads the vocabulary of “being” scattered throughout Meridel Le Sueur’s The Girl as exposing the ontological dispossession underlying the economic and political abandonment of the poor. The Girl’s search for a way “to be,” however, also disrupts the economy of representation by which the state monitors and assesses, through a rhetoric of uplifted subjectivity, the behaviors of the women who depend on state relief programs. In The Girl, homeless women’s discovery of forms of being within precarious living conditions constitutes an ontological repossession through which Le Sueur imagines alternative feminist socioeconomic structures and, by extension, alternative forms of subjectivity that emerge within subrepresentational spaces.

Risk, mourning, politics: Toward a transnational critical conception of grief for COVID-19 deaths in Iran

This article examines the case of COVID-19 deaths and grief in Iran in order to shed light on how the biological, social and political ‘risks of contagion’ combine to impact mourning and grief. As a contagious biological agent, the novel coronavirus causes people to suffer, die and grieve alone. But this loneliness is deepened due to social stigma and political abandonment. Conceptually guided by Mary Douglas’s work on the socio-cultural and political constructions of ‘contagion’, Judith Butler’s notion of ‘ungrievable lives’ and Kenneth Doka’s concept of ‘disenfranchised grief’, the authors of this article have undertaken a preliminary mixed-methods study that explores the possibility of a transnational, decolonial understanding of grief in a time of contagion.

Local Government Capacity Development: A Case Study of a South African District Municipality

Bojanala Platinum District Municipality (BPDM), in the North West Province is endowed with the extractive economy. The District experiences challenges of capacity development of service delivery structures and programmes. It is in this context that this paper explains how local government responses to challenges of capacity development in the District Municipality. In addition, the paper explores ways in which they can be overcome for enhanced service delivery. The purpose of this study is to examine challenges related to the use of capacity development structures and programmes related to service delivery and explores how to overcome them. The study examines the structures and programmes, facilitators and inhibitors of skills development and performance initiatives within the context of local government capacity development. This study develops a theoretical framing incorporating scholarship on human capital and performance improvement in the context of local government. This framing is premised on the scholarly evidence that capacity development is an enabler of service delivery, influenced by skills development and municipal performance improvement. The research is a single case qualitative case study approach and employs an interpretative paradigm. The paper employs senior managers in the municipalities as the unit of analysis. That study reveals that there are difficulties associated with skills retention and organisational relations. In conclusion, political abandonment, poor communication and stakeholder engagements contribute to weakened inter-municipal co-operation and inadequate use of resources. The interface between learning and skills development contributes to the body knowledge.

Reconstruction Fiction: Housing and Realist Literature in Postwar Britain by Paula Derdiger (review)

Reviewed by: Reconstruction Fiction: Housing and Realist Literature in Postwar Britain by Paula Derdiger Ryan Karpovage Paula Derdiger. Reconstruction Fiction: Housing and Realist Literature in Postwar Britain. Ohio State UP, 2020. 219p. To see clearly requires unobstructed views: a great expanse before one’s eyes, to reach out toward an ideal and in hope with the construction of each new day, to make an idealized future a reality. Following the interiority and isolation that citizens of Great Britain experienced through World War II came a distinguished call for social mobility, transparency, and outward optimism. However, before such endeavors were to become succinct and fulfilled, reevaluation and reconstruction of structural values, both architectural and aesthetic, were in dire need. Throughout dilapidated and war-ridden London stood those who [End Page 103] desired to reconstruct these values not with the intention of returning to what was, but to stand in transparency and new un-idealized reality— to stand humbly empowered by Elizabeth Bowen’s declaration in “Calico Windows”: “we shall look outward through glass” (186). Paula Derdiger’s Reconstruction Fiction: Housing and Realist Literature in Postwar Britain is an inquiry and assessment of the Welfare State and its impact on postwar literary fiction through emerging voices of a generation comparatively more neglected than that of their predecessors T. S. Eliot and Virginia Woolf. In the wake of Woolf ’s iconic interiority, Derdiger evaluates the realist tradition not as a historical anachronism of the 19th century, but as an ongoing development of ideas. In the same vein, realist literature exists fluidly beyond the constraints of historical dating. In fact, as Derdiger argues, recent critics state that realism is “naïvely mimetic, and that 20th century realism is residual” (25). A gap exists in modern fiction in which realism becomes the mode of interpretation and representation to fill that gap (41). She moves her inquiry away from the debate about “the end of modernism” and toward a broader historical analysis of realist techniques following World War II, thus developing a formal framework of “reconstruction fiction” that is intended to exist alongside and within categories of modernism, postmodernism, and postcolonialism. Derdiger identifies four primary stylistic approaches of “reconstruction fiction” that serve as key analytical pieces of her argument: an interest in the visible, exterior world; an account of what is invisible, unseen, or missing; a demand for historical continuity; and a thematic, formal, and stylistic engagement with the present (12-13). The framework of this renewed way of thinking about mid-century and postwar literature emphasizes the indisputable influence of the war and the creation of the Welfare State. Just as limited as the realm and parameters of realism, “reconstruction fiction” broadens the term and allows for more diverse representation through new welfare-based lenses. As both a critical term and set of texts, “reconstruction fiction” is dedicated to the realist representation of social and material conditions and change by responding to the altered landscapes and sociopolitical attitudes toward housing through a creative attention to the exterior (6). Works of Elizabeth Bowen, Graham Greene, Patrick Hamilton, Doris Lessing, Colin MacInnes, Sam Selvon, and Elizabeth [End Page 104] Taylor showcase the emergence of the exterior, and of whose characters attempt to break from an “individual” focus and shift outward toward a “collective” one, as a generative response to the war and Welfare State conditions. The disparaging acts of the British government and the failure of the Welfare State to provide stable housing in the years following the war allude to the moral and political abandonment of its citizens. It becomes evident that Derdiger’s deliberate selection of non-central writers of realist and postwar literature portrays the groups most heavily impacted by the government’s failure and affirms Bowen’s urgency in accepting “this ‘bleak’ emptiness as a new condition for a mode of fiction… that is liberated from nostalgia” (152). In acceptance of the realities, works of “reconstruction fiction” serve as emergency signals for progress, change, and shifts on both cultural and societal levels. Critics of 20th century British literature and cultural history, as well as those interested in realist fiction and the built environment, will find that Derdiger’s original disposition is an empowering...

Participação popular e gestão democrática – Salvador como metáfora

Resumo Este artigo discute como se processa a participação popular na elaboração dos planos diretores nas cidades brasileiras, definidos como instrumentos de democratização da gestão da res publica, abordando o caso de Salvador. Trata-se de refletir sobre os limites e as possibilidades do exercício da democracia no atual contexto de peemedebização da política. Fundamentam essa reflexão conceitos como o de participação, direito à cidade e democracia, e as fontes de pesquisa utilizadas foram documentos oficiais e entrevistas semidirigidas. O trabalho conclui com a tese de que o recente avanço no processo de democratização da construção do Plano Diretor de Desenvolvimento Urbano encontra limites na persistente situação de desigualdade, na radicalização da instrumentalização da participação, na captura do poder público por interesses privados e no esquecimento da política.

The missed encounter of turupukllay: Marxism, indigenous communities and Andean culture in Yawar Fiesta

This article takes as its point of departure a discussion of José María Arguedas’s engagement with Marxism, the ideas of José Carlos Mariátegui and the journal Amauta. It argues that Arguedas’s distance from official party politics should not be confused with an abandonment of politics as such. It also underscores Arguedas’s reflections on the relationship between lived experience, socialist theory and literary writing. This sets the stage for an exploration of a core problem in Arguedas’s oeuvre: the missed encounter between Marxist organisations and indigenous communities, which is to say, the failure to form an alliance between these groups based on mutual understanding and reciprocal enrichment. The article turns to Arguedas’s first major novel, Yawar Fiesta (1941), and traces its portrayal of such a missed encounter as it occurs around the celebration of turupukllay, an Andean translation of a Spanish bullfight that commemorates Peru’s independence from colonial rule. The wager of the article is that Yawar Fiesta’s capacity to illuminate key contributing factors of the missed encounter enables Arguedas to advance an immanent critique, a critique of a certain tendency of Marxism from within Marxism itself, and that, as a result, the novel supplements socialist theory by simultaneously exposing its limits and enhancing its claims.

Nobody at the Controls: The Political Abandonment of Baltimore’s Public Schools

Nobody at the Controls: The Political Abandonment of Baltimore’s Public Schools

Coloniality, Political Subjectivation and the Gendered Politics of Protest in a ‘State of Exception’

In this paper, I shall make the following propositions: in order to conceptually capture and represent the acts of political protest in a state of exception, we will need to reorient and supplement our representational apparatuses and also our theoretical frameworks for thinking about the gendered modes of protest under emergency laws and political abandonment. Through an analysis of the ‘naked protest’ of the Meira Peibis in Manipur, a ‘state of exception’ in democratic India, I shall argue that a series of supplementations to our current thinking on intersectionality, bare life and political subjectivation are required if we are to make sense of political acts of resistance, refusal and disavowal of the law of exception.

The Potter's Field

I unpack the “potter's field” as an everyday practice and a category, especially as it operates in the material treatment of bodies as a mirror of life. I examine this space of “worthlessness” as it exists in liberal capitalism. From the potter's fields of Sao Paulo, Brazil, I consider how these are, in fact, mundane mass graves, made politically useful as a means to obscure important bodies alongside those who are, today, the subjects of terror. I then ask how the rise of the uncertified potter's field—a burial field for disposable bodies, not made legal by the state—is inseparable from recent historical and contemporary conditions of political abandonment. The uncertified field is made easy by a politics of abandonment, and becomes useful to state institutions as a material invocation of responsibility, interred elsewhere, while nonetheless advancing a larger logic of governance and political will in our times.

The Potter's Field

AbstractI unpack the “potter's field” as an everyday practice and a category, especially as it operates in the material treatment of bodies as a mirror of life. I examine this space of “worthlessness” as it exists in liberal capitalism. From the potter's fields of São Paulo, Brazil, I consider how these are, in fact, mundane mass graves, made politically useful as a means to obscure important bodies alongside those who are, today, the subjects of terror. I then ask how the rise of the uncertified potter's field—a burial field for disposable bodies, not made legal by the state—is inseparable from recent historical and contemporary conditions of political abandonment. The uncertified field is made easy by a politics of abandonment, and becomes useful to state institutions as a material invocation of responsibility, interred elsewhere, while nonetheless advancing a larger logic of governance and political will in our times.

White Populism and the Transformation of the Silent Majority

AbstractSince 1968 a racially-defined conservative populism – what Richard Nixon called the “Silent Majority” – has been a durable part of Republican political identity. Yet across this era the GOP has continued to move away from protecting the rights and livelihoods of the very middle and working-class whites through which they built the modern party. For decades these whites have been experiencing falling or stagnant wages, the deterioration of collective bargaining, and the largest wealth gap in US history – an economic reality that was made worse by the Great Recession of 2008. Today the Silent Majority that made the rise of modern conservatism possible over the last half century is no longer a reliable element of national Republicanism. A combination of downward economic pressure, demographic changes, and political abandonment by GOP elites has created deep rifts that have destabilized the Republican Party and left its future uncertain.

A Lost Jurisprudence of the Reconstruction Amendments

A Lost Jurisprudence of the Reconstruction Amendments PAMELA BRANDWEIN The Conventional Story Reconstruction, ofcourse, was America’s Second Revolution. The Thirteenth Amend­ ment abolished slavery and there was going to be, in Lincoln’s words, “a new birth of freedom.” But, according to conventional legal-historical wisdom, Reconstruction was dead by 1877; the fatal blow was inflicted by the Supreme Court and the weapon was “state action” doctrine.1 Now the state action doctrine holds that the rights guaranteed by the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments are protected against the government only. And one gets this from the text ofthe Amendment. Section One reads, in part, “No State shall... deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.”2 In this regard, it is important to recognize that a distinction is needed between state action and private action to get the amend­ ment offthe ground, to make it usable.3 And a distinction can be seen between state action and private action in canonical statements of state action doctrine that come from the Civil Rights Cases in 1883.4 “The first section of the Fourteenth Amendment,” stated the Court, “is prohibitory in its character, and prohibitory upon the States.”5 Likewise, “It is State action ... that is prohibited. Individual invasion of individual rights is not the subject-matter of the amendment.”6 And so these statements show a general distinction. The conventional view, however, is that state action doctrine put a major problem outside the reach of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments—the problem of unpunished Kian violence. Unpunished white supremacist violence and intimidation was rampant across the South. Kian violence was the major form of resistance to Recon­ struction after the first effort to resist emancipation—passage of the Black Codes of 1865-66—was rebuked by Republicans.7 But according to the conventional story, the state’s failure to punish the Kian—the unequal enforcement of the law—was not “state action” within the meaning of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. According to standard wisdom, the state action doctrine designated violence by private individuals as private action, under 330 JOURNAL OF SUPREME COURT HISTORY all circumstances, which could never be punished under those amendments. And so, under this reading, it makes sense to see state action doctrine as handcuffing the federal government and defeating Reconstruction.8 There are a number of reasons for thinking that this conventional story is plausible. First, there are the outcomes of the state action cases. A brutal massacre was committed by private individuals (Klansmen) in United States v. Cruikshank^ Nobody was punished. There were exclusions of blacks from public accommodations by private individuals in the Civil Rights Cases. Again nobody was punished. There were also a number of decisions during this time that invalidated Reconstruction-era statutes.10 With all these outcomes, the Court looked unfriendly to Reconstruction.11 Second, the Court offered no broad statement about equality under law in the state action cases. There never was a strong endorsement of black rights in these cases, and not even the facts were given in Cruikshank, which involved a bloody and cold-blooded massacre. Third, there was gratuitous racism from Justice Joseph P. Bradley in the Civil Rights Cases. This was the canonical state action case that invalidated the public accommoda­ tions provisions of the Civil Rights Act of 1875. In his majority opinion, Justice Bradley was contemptuous of the public accommo­ dations rights claims and he cast blacks as “the special favorite of the laws.”12 Fourth, there is a historical account ofthe “Compromise of 1877.” According to histo­ rian C. Van Woodward, author of that account, Republicans and Democrats struck a deal in the aftermath ofthe disputed election of 1876. Republicans would get the presi­ dency and control of national economic policy. Democrats would get control over the former slaves and “home rule.” Van Woodward represented the Compromise as a falling curtain, and Reconstruction is said to end in 1877. With Van Woodward’s account, it looks as if the Supreme Court gave a narrow construction to “state action” doctrine, and it looks as if they were consolidating the political abandonment of blacks by the Republican Party.13...

A second great transformation in Europe: The rise and imminent fall of the technocrats

Bo Stråth traces the rise of the technocracy – the ‘political abandonment of politics’ – and its spread from the EU to its member states. If Europe's institutions are to survive the crisis of legitimacy, he argues, the ‘market Europe’ consensus must end and a ‘social Europe’ must emerge.

Rallying intolerance in the valleys: Explaining support for the extreme right in Wales

Until its decline at the 2012 elections, the British National Party (BNP) was the most electorally successful extreme right party in the United Kingdom. Yet, although the party’s electoral growth in England has attracted attention, individual and contextual drivers of BNP support in other areas – namely, Wales – have been ignored. The lack of research is puzzling, given that the party has actively campaigned beyond England and attracted some support for its ethnic nationalism amidst a resurgence of support for Welsh nationalism. Drawing on a range of data, we examine the socio-economic, political and demographic drivers of BNP support in Wales. At the aggregate level, we find the party performs strongest in economically insecure and urban areas that have large social housing sectors, high deprivation rates, low education levels, large numbers of residents in precarious occupations, and which have experienced the largest increases in unemployment rates since the onset of the financial crisis. Politically, our findings suggest that the BNP has also rallied votes in areas where turnout is low, and where support for Labour has traditionally been strong. Individual-level analysis of ‘core’ and ‘soft’ supporters reveals that although they share a similar profile – less-well educated and middle-aged men who tend to be skilled workers – soft sympathy appears more widespread among women and younger citizens. Foremost, and despite a broader context of comparatively low migration and ethnic diversity rates in Wales, both groups of supporters are driven to the extreme right by concerns over immigration, which appear to be tied strongly to broader feelings of political abandonment. In contrast to results in England, our findings suggest that immigration-related concerns do not stem from the actual presence or proximity of immigrant and/or minority groups. Rather, it appears that structural economic disadvantage, political disenchantment and the perceived negative impact of immigration provide a more convincing explanation for the limited electoral appeal of the extreme right in Wales.

Late Godard and the Possibilities of Cinema by Daniel Morgan

evolved towards a predominance of “guy things”—male directors, male stars, malecentric stories featuring action and violence. Third, distribution of foreign films here (with their mind-expanding views of life as others live it) is quite random. Rarely does the American market offer more than a handful of the numerous intelligent, insightful films about real-life experience that are being produced in other countries—in France, for instance. LaSalle argues that the compelling stories regularly showcased in the small-sized films so typical of French cinema originate largely from the presence within its industry of a strong cadre of talented, influential women both in front of and behind the camera. This contrasts sharply with the American situation in which there is a paucity of both female directors and talented actresses. LaSalle’s succinct introduction will likely be provocative to anyone who has not considered these issues. In chatty prose and utilizing personal observations from interviews conducted for this book, the critic reviews the careers and exceptional performances of a substantial number of the contemporary French actresses he credits with creating a (cinematic) view of life that appreciates “emotional truth, personal freedom and dignity above all and that favors complexity over simplicity, the human over the machine, maturity over callowness, true mysteries over false explanations and an awareness of mortality over a life lived in denial” (9). Some of the sixteen chapters center on an individual figure, some feature a group under a theme such as teen rebellion, marriage/adultery, or aging. Natalie Baye, Sandrine Bonnaire, Isabelle Huppert, Sandrine Kiberlain,Valeria BruniTedeschi in particular receive repeated attention, and two British women are even included—Charlotte Rampling and Kristin Scott Thomas.Not analytical in an academic manner, LaSalle’s remarks are insightful and instructive, although in his enthusiasm he occasionally conflates on-screen image with real-life personality—rather thin critical ice. Two appendices offer advice: a proposal on how to sell French films in the United States (branding them as “women’s cinema”) and suggestions on how to see French films in our country, including a helpful list of selected titles featuring women in central roles. The Beauty of the Real offers an informative assessment useful to anyone interested in French cinema (and, indeed, foreign films in the United States), and readers may even be inspired to ferret out the Gallic cinematic gems LaSalle mentions that never made it through the cultural-value gauntlet of American distributors. University of Idaho, emerita Joan M. West Morgan, Daniel. Late Godard and the Possibilities of Cinema. Berkeley: UP of California, 2013. ISBN 978-0-520-27333-7. Pp. 326. $29.95. In the late 1980s a shift was seen in the works of Godard; a shift that is frequently criticized as being an abandonment of politics in favor of high art. However, not all critics see this change as an abandonment.Morgan takes a stance against these criticisms by redefining the latter works of Godard. He focuses on five aspects seen in Godard’s 206 FRENCH REVIEW 87.1 Reviews 207 late films (in particular Soigne ta droite, Nouvelle vague, Allemagne 90 neuf zéro, and Histoire(s) du cinéma): (1) Godard’s treatment of film and history; (2) his manipulation of images within the film; (3) the importance of projection; (4) authorial presence; (5) an emphasis on nature and natural beauty. Morgan begins his analysis with Godard’s “investigations into the way the contemporary world has arrived at its current situation ” (38). In Soigne ta droite, a film composed of multiple vignettes about the quest for identity, Godard uses the juxtaposition of blurry and crisp images of a barbed wire to subtly allude to the Holocaust. Godard is placed in opposition to authors like Claude Lanzmann, who deal explicitly with the Holocaust and its impact, as he instead plays with image perception in such a way that the audience does not automatically understand what they are watching. The blurry images are not understood to be barbed wire until the image becomes clear. This juxtaposition reflects Godard’s treatment of public reaction to historically tragic events, which comes after the image or the tragedy has become well defined, too late to effect change...

Bashir Makhoul’s Installation Enter Ghost, Exit Ghost: The Revenge of Images or Imaging

Bashir Makhoul is a Palestinian British artist whose recent installation titled Enter Ghost, Exit Ghost contains the theme of ‘revenge’. It essentially advocates the return to ‘identity’ and ‘land’. This is obviously Makhoul’s politics, but it can only belong to politics through art. Makhoul has adopted the stage directions of Hamlet, involving his work with a political project on the one hand, while on the other hand turning such a project into a ‘ghost’ and a series of ghostly images. Thus, the political revenge becomes the revenge of images. In other words, politics becomes art here. But this artistic politics doesn’t mean the castration or abandonment of politics. To Makhoul, it is an artistic means by which to engage politics, an alternative way to look at politics, which is based upon the conviction that politics should have its emotional and affective dimension.

The Thirteenth Amendment and American freedom: a legal history

1 Slavery and Its Social Penetration A. Slavery and the Founding Generation B. Slavery as a Cultural Institution C. Centrality of Slavery in Sectional Con?icts 2 On the Road to Rati?cation A. Emancipation by Statute and Proclamation B. Congressional Debates on the Thirteenth Amendment's Meaning C. The Immediate Aftermath of Liberation 1. What Sort of Freedom? 2. Legal Protections 3 End of Radical Ideals and Judicial Response A. Political Abandonment of Reconstruction B. Supreme Court Abandonment of Reconstruction 1. Early Opinions 2. Relinquishment of Thirteenth Amendment Principles C. A Ray of Hope: Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer D. Summing Up 4 Summing Up and Looking Ahead 5 Theoretical Foundation A. Abolition and Natural Rights B. Thirteenth Amendment and Universal Liberty 6 Thirteenth Amendment and Constitutional Rights A. Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendment FreedomsB. Source for Substantive Freedom C. Commerce Clause and Thirteenth Amendment 7 Contemporary Settings A. Confederate Symbols 1. National Symbolism 2. Peculiarities of Confederate Symbols 3. Revival of Confederate Symbolism 4. Federal Authority B. Hate Crimes C. Contemporary Instances of Peonage Conclusion