Political Expression Research Articles

Towards Post-Institutional Individualism: Ralph Ellison’s Invisible Man and the Therapeutic Politics of Dissent

This essay explores Ralph Ellison’s engagement with social psychiatry in Invisible Man as it pertains to psychiatrist Harry Stack Sullivan’s interpersonal theory of psychiatry. The novel renders traumatic experiences of psychiatric violence into a comprehensible form of political expression and dissent. Ellison’s representation of violence, particularly through electric shock, constitutes a deinstitutionalized psychiatric subject that challenges the role of institutionalized psychiatry in adjusting subjects to Fordist production through a form of deinstitutionalized individual therapy of withdrawal and self-regulation. However, this deinstitutionalized therapy would later be appropriated by mental health consumerism in a post-institutionalization era beginning in the 1970s.

현행 「집회 및 시위에 관한 법률」상의 옥외집회 금지장소에 대한 헌법적 고찰

In a democratic constitutional state, assemblies function as the realization of democracy and the realization of political expression in that they are a means of public participation in the process of political communication. In relation to democracy, assemblies function as a supplement to representative democracy. And assemblies also function as a means of realizing pluralism in that they inform the majority of the opinions of the minority and reflect them within the national community. When interpreting assemblies as a connecting channel between the national will and the people's will, in order to effectively realize the freedom of assembly, assemblies must and should be held in the most efficient way to convey the will of the people. In this case, as the embodiment of the freedom of assembly, the selection of the meeting place is directly and closely related to the purpose of holding the assembly, and it can be said to be the means that can deliver the purpose most effectively. The current 「Assembly and Demonstration Law」 considers the constitutional significance of freedom of assembly within a democracy and the importance of choosing a meeting place in realizing freedom of assembly. Accordingly, the Assembly and Demonstration Act stipulates the contents of prohibited places in the form of permitted in principle and prohibited in exceptional cases. Article 11 of the Assembly and Demonstration Act stipulates a specific place as a place where gatherings are prohibited. However, it is intended to protect the freedom of assembly thickly by defining it as a relative prohibited place rather than an absolute prohibited place. Regarding the interpretation of these prohibited places, the place where assembly is prohibited today is the ‘President’s Office’. Article 11 of the current Assembly and Demonstration Act stipulates only the “President’s official residence” as a prohibited place for outdoor assembly, but not the President’s office. Accordingly, a question arises as to whether the President’s office can be derived from the President’s official residence stipulated in Article 11, Paragraph 3 of the Assembly and Demonstration Act. However, according to the literal interpretation and the systematic interpretation of President’s official residence centering on Article 11 of the Assembly and Demonstration Act, it is difficult to interpret that the President’s office is included within the scope of the President’s official residence. Although there is no provision for the Office of the President in the current Act on Assembly and Demonstration, the interpretation that restricts the freedom of assembly near the President’s office is a violation of the principle of statutory reservation or a violation of fundamental rights due to sluggish legislative omission. Therefore, establishing a clear standard for judging illegality by stipulating which places are prohibited by law has a major meaning in realizing freedom of assembly. If Article 11 of the Act on Assembly and Demonstration stipulates the President’s office along with the President’s official residence, this is to define both work space and non-work space for executive agencies. This type of regulation is also appropriate in that it has unity with the system of Article 11 of the Assembly and Demonstration Act for legislative and judicial institutions, which already stipulates work space and non-work space in harmony. In addition, if the President’s office, which is a work space, is separately stipulated, exceptions to the permission of assembly can be provided, such as the place for other work spaces stipulated in Article 11 of the Assembly and Demonstration Act. Reasons for this can be considered as ‘when there is no concern about interfering with the President's work’ and ‘when there is no concern that it will spread to a large-scale assembly or demonstration’.

Japanese and Indonesian Prohibitive Expressions on Prohibition Signs at Train Stations: A Linguistic Landscape Study

This article focuses on the expressions of prohibition signs in Japan and Indonesia. Based on the Politeness Theory of Brown Levinson (1987), consideration for the other conversation participants is expected if the speaker tells them not to do something in personal communication. In contrast, the expressions on prohibition signs in public spaces did not need such consideration and can be done “without redressive, baldly”. However, many prohibitions signs use polite expressions. Japanese has “keigo” system that adjusts the usage of vocabulary depending on whom the listener is, while Indonesian does not have that system although polite expression is commonly used. This article aims to resolve those differences and compares the expression of prohibitions signs, especially in train stations, which displayed many prohibited signs from cautions, and manners expressions. The data in this study were collected at Tokyo station-Tokyo and Osaka station-Osaka in Japan, and Gambir station-Jakarta and Gubeng station-Surabaya in Indonesia. The results found that the prohibition signs at railway stations in Indonesia used prohibitive expressions with and without honorific expressions almost equally. On the other hand, Japan’s railway stations used more prohibitive expressions with honorifics on their prohibition signs. In Japan railway stations, the use of honorific expressions on prohibition signs is part of their service and to appeal that they are a railway company with good service.

Is the medium the message? Exploring the intersection of social media and collective action in the San José Bike Party

ABSTRACT The San José Bike Party (SJBP) is a diverse collective of cyclists gathering for monthly group rides around the urban centre of San José, California. By leveraging social networking platforms, the SJBP announces a route and theme just prior to the ride each month. We argue that organizing, producing, and participating in these rides constitute a political act which can help to promote civic engagement and collective action. Further, we explored the way in which collective action can be fostered via social media. Through analysis of semi-structured individual interviews, focus-group interviews, moving methodologies and field observations derived from researcher participation in SJBP events, we articulate the complexities of contested and negotiated meanings of the use of technology, social media and activism assigned to the event by participants, yielding these themes: Critical Analysis of Social Media’s Influence, Political Expressions in the SJBP and Prefigurative Politics in the SJBP.

Constructing Local Belonging through Art and Activism in Context of Anti-Migration Politics, Stigmatisation and Gentrification: What Migration Studies can Learn from Belleville and Maddalena

Despite a decade of self-criticism, research perspectives on migration studies remain too often centred on national belonging (Glick Schiller & Çağlar 2011). Based on two empirical examples, self-organised fashion and music shows in Paris and Genoa, this article shows how “event lenses” can constructively replace “ethnic lenses” in the analysis of artivistic practices that aim at changing political situations and living conditions. Wearing “event lenses” also helps us to question supposed homogeneities and to investigate common civic or political practices and interests by emphasizing multiple belonging processes in various social situations (Yuval-Davis et al. 2006, 7). I show how the research perspective of migration studies can be guided by the complexity of migrants’ multiple belongings and by situational analysis. The article presents results from my ERC project “ARTIVISM. Art and activism. Creativity and Performance as Subversive Forms of Political Expression in Super-Diverse Cities”, guided by an event-centred approach and multi-sensory audio-visual ethnography. The Parisian district of Belleville and the Maddalena district of Genoa suffer both from negative stigmatisations related to informal economical practices. I show how the super-diverse populations in these marginalised but gentrifying spaces creatively reverse xenophobic stigmata, by valorising their biographies and multiple belongings through fashion shows.

Expressions of liberal politics in written press of the department of Atlántico (1935-1946)

Este artículo expone algunas funciones que cumplió la prensa escrita dentro de las expresiones de la política liberal en el departamento del Atlántico durante el periodo de la República Liberal. Explicar la opinión pública creada alrededor de las problemáticas y la forma cómo eran vistos los agricultores en la prensa local ayuda a comprender la relación política que tuvieron estos actores. La representación de Nicolas Llinás Vega como exponente de los agricultores en la vida pública se explica a partir de pesquisas documentales halladas en estos medios y de alguna información proveniente de fuentes orales. El análisis permite estructurar una imagen de cómo funcionaba la relación entre agricultores y política. Estos aspectos serán comprendidos a través de “Algodonero” que era el medio de difusión del gremio. De manera que se puede afirmar la existencia de una cultura política escrita entre los liberales del Atlántico, que lleva a reconocer cómo estos periódicos además de informar buscaban ratificarse como medios políticos y de interés social.

Non-Verbal Communication and Respect in Kurdish Social Situations with Reference to English

Communication can have different forms by different people in diverse ages. Communication can be generally verbal and non- verbal. Non- verbal communication is any gesture or action used by people to show many functions of language, being informative, directive, interpersonal, aesthetic, etc. This study is an attempt to investigate this means of communication in terms of politeness both pragmatically and sociolinguistically in the Kurdish social situations. Despite of the scarce pragmatic and sociolinguistic attention to politeness in non- verbal communication in the Kurdish community, this means of communication is of vital importance in this culture due to its inferential influence on politeness and expression of respect. People can show respect to others by some gestures and traditional practices without stating any polite expression verbally. The non- verbal cues like gestures and actions can be socially normalized ones and/or be institutional. After conducting focus group discussions with the Kurdish native speakers and analyzing the data primarily qualitatively, the study revealed that there is a direct relationship between respect and non- verbal communication, the cultural practices and gestures employed by the Kurdish informants are being socially conventional in the Kurdish community. Despite of the great impact of non- verbal cues on communication, the majority of the informants preferred to use verbal communication in terms of sending the message intended, the perception, i.e. understanding of the message got almost similar voices for receiving the message of communication as visualized the bar graphs in the analysis section. Expressive speech acts like, greetings; thanking, congratulating, etc. related to politeness can be saliently conveyed non- verbally. The rituals and gestures practiced by the Kurdish community are almost fixed and used similarly by all individuals.

The Multimodal Framing Demands by Protesters’ Signs in Social Media

Using the Iraqi Tishreen movement as a case study, this paper applies frame and content analysis to explore the multimodal framing of the 2019 popular protests in Iraq to understand how protesters’ signs framed mass demands on social media. It analyses themes in the signs used by Iraqi protesters during the October 2019 uprising which were later posted on social media. The author collected 2113 posts from social media (Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram), including digital images of people holding protest materials, graphic designs, and placard designs. Images of protesters and their signs were considered material data. The author stopped compiling images after finding duplicates. The images included textual and visual signs as well as icons and symbols. The analysis revealed four major themes and messages intended by the protesters: a willingness to sacrifice for the nation, national unity, feminism, and demands. The theme of the demands is divided into 14 subthemes, such as ending militias, the separation of religion and state, and the rejection of sectarianism. The findings revealed Iraqi political expression on social media and the developments of Arab visual protest culture.

Sino-Cal realism: TikTok as a medium between new market dynamics

The meteoric rise of TikTok, the video-sharing app owned by Chinese technology giant ByteDance, is already being hailed as a potent platform for political expression, but this is complicated by its economic and geopolitical entanglements, namely the ongoing power rivalry between China and the US, as well as TikTok’s adherence to a business bottom line. This short commentary aims to unpack some of the structural issues which contextualise TikTok’s particular brand of political ambivalence ahead of designations of the platform as a meaningful site for political participation.

The modern agoras - the relationship between urban open public space and political expression. The case study of the city of Poznań, Poland

Contemporary urban public open spaces are stages of political expression, reminiscent of the historical Greek agoras which performed similar functions thousands of years ago. What has clearly changed, however, is the form of political expression. Rather than individual speeches by ancient thinkers and politicians, we increasingly deal with collective protests and assemblies presenting the views of the communities involved. Nowadays public assemblies also take place in a much larger number of public spaces, depending on the needs. They are chosen on the basis of 3 main categories of factors: spatial, semiotic and reception-related, which may overlap. The main objective of this paper is to determine the role of urban public open spaces as places of expression of political views during public assemblies. The study was based on the analysis of data from the Municipality of Poznań, as well as individual in-depth interviews with people involved in the organisation of public assemblies in Poznań in 2019 and representatives of local associations.

Signaling silence: Affective and cognitive responses to risks of online activism about corruption in an authoritarian context

Networked authoritarian governments’ use of digital repression creates uncertainty and amplifies risk signals for ordinary citizens using social media for political expression. Employing theoretical frameworks from the risk and decision-making literature, we experimentally examine how citizens perceive and respond to the risks of low-effort forms of online activism in an authoritarian context. Our online field experiment demonstrates that emotional responses to the regime’s risk signals about online activism drive decision-making about contentious online political expression as compared with cognitive appraisal of risk. Moreover, the relationship between anticipatory emotions and contentious online political expression varies significantly depending on individuals’ involvement with the controversial topic of expression. We discuss the importance of emotions and citizen risk judgments for understanding online activism within networked authoritarian contexts.

Emerging Political Expressions in Arab Spring for Translation Media with Implications Pedagogy

A sample of political expressions that have been common in Arab media since the Arab Spring in 2011 was collected from TV newscasts, online news websites and social media pages. Analysis of their structure, denotative and connotative meanings revealed the following features: (i) Use of lexical hybrids (اخوانجي- الدم قراطية – سني ستان - الحقيقة ليكس- عسكريتاريا; (ii) revival of ancient Islamic expressionsأمير المؤمنين - غزوة الموصل) ); (iii) use of blends (صهيوأمريكية); (iv) few borrowings (BRICS); (v) use of new acronyms (ISIS) with verbs, nouns and agents derived from them (دواعش استدعاش); and (vi) phonological and lexical substitutions in names of political and religious personalities that the users oppose (Kerdogan for Erdogan;حزب اللات for Hezbollah). Semantically, Arab Spring political terms refer to types of governments, places (towns), minority groups, religious sects, names of militia groups, weapons and military tactics, revolution squares that were not widely used before. They are also characterized by their non-literal use, i.e., use of loaded expressions, dysphemisms, and slurs that express disparagement, derogation, criticism, and disrespect towards those they oppose and towards the social and political situation as inالخرفان المتأسلمين - الفئة الضالة – شبيحة – الفلول - المخلوع. Translation and interpreting instructors need to integrate emerging political terms commonly used in the media in political and media translation courses. students majoring in translation and interpreting need to be familiar with new political terms and should be able to translate them from Arabic to English and vice versa. Students need to keep their own lists of new terms used in the media together with their equivalents in English or Arabic. They need to use Google Translate with caution as Google Translate usually gives incorrect word order in compounds. It also gives equivalents that do not match source terms in part of speech and in the type of derivative.

Проблематика формирования македонской нации сквозь призму внешней политики Республики Северная Македония

The presence of an ethno-national factor in the Macedonian foreign policy, expressed in the emergence of the phenomenon of ethno-politicization of interstate relations, necessitated the study of the categories of ethnicity, identity, nationality, and their interrelationships on the example of the foreign policy of Skopje. It`s worth noting that the definition of ethno-politicization of foreign policy isn`t widely used in Russian science, but at the same time it`s the most capacious term characterizing the process of shifting the emphasis in the foreign policy of the Republic of North Macedonia to ethnic issues. During this study, the author identifies the most appropriate definitions. If we take as a basis that identity is the embodiment of ideas about oneself as an ideal group, then national identity is a set of same ideas associated with the awareness of belonging to a nation. In this case, a nation is defined as a community that exists because its members are aware of their belonging to this community. An ethnos, therefore, is a society existing within certain geographical boundaries and having a common origin and culture, without a political expression. Of course, the constructivist interpretation of these terms seems most appropriate in the Macedonian case, but we should be careful with it in analysis of the formation of the Macedonian nation: in particular, this concerns the issue of situational awareness of the nation`s members of their belonging to it. In the case of the Republic of North Macedonia, there is no such conjuncture. The appearance of these concepts in the Macedonian foreign policy makes it possible to draw a conclusion about the nature of the process of formation of the Macedonian nation, which has a clear positive dynamics; since realizing itself through dialogue with others, the Macedonian state has come closer to gaining a stable self-identification.

Multimodal Analysis of Handshake Etiquette at a State Visit Welcome Ceremony based on the ELAN Program

The handshake is an important element of etiquette in many cultures. It is used in various, not only official, but also informal situations that express greetings, farewells, gratitude, etc. In this work, the object of study is the etiquette of shaking hands during the welcome ceremony of a state visit. The subjects of the study are various modalities and their meanings when performing a handshake. The authors consider in detail such aspects as the requirements of a handshake in official communication: the duration of the handshake, the distance between the communicants, the types of modalities: facial expressions, visual gaze, body movement. Particular attention is paid to highlighting and analyzing the significance of handshake modalities during the welcoming ceremony. The conducted research provides information about the meaning of the handshake and the role of other non-verbal modalities: distance, gestures, gaze and facial expressions, which are designed to demonstrate politeness in a communicative situation. A special contribution of the authors to the study of the topic is to identify the function and meaning of various modalities during a handshake. The study helps to study the expression of politeness in various modalities during a welcome ceremony. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of etiquette in terms of multimodality. Using the ELAN software, the modalities of the handshake at the ceremony are displayed visually, which allows statistical methods to match verbal and non-verbal elements during the handshake.

Worker Internationalism, Local Song and the Politics of Urban Space

At the height of the strikes and factory occupations that marked Turin’s biennio rosso (‘two red years’, 1919–20) a series of songs circulated among the workers. I will focus on two of these songs – La guardia rossa and Miśeria, miśeria – to listen to the particular stories they tell about the experiences of the city’s labouring classes: the ways in which the songs functioned as vehicles of political expression and solidarity, and as loci of memories of past labour and strife. Both songs survived in the memories of workers and their families long after the biennio rosso, as oral and written testaments to a moment when it seemed that revolution might be possible. The crucial point, however, is that while both were expressions of a local political milieu and neighbourhood-specific, working-class sentiment, they also gestured to a broader network of internationalist solidarity. It is the tensions and convergences between localism and internationalism that I want to explore further – a ‘local internationalism’, perhaps, that prompts us to pay attention to the broader political potential of small-scale communities, as well as to the situatedness of political ideologies during a period often framed in terms of national retrenchment and transnational exchange.60

Key Concepts in the Theoretical Description of Verbal Politeness

Annotation: This article deals with politeness theory which is of great importance in interpersonal communication. Politeness is characterized from the pragmalinguistics point of view, examples are given to demonstrate the presence and absence of politeness in the Hispanic discourse. Suggestions are provided on how to teach students politeness strategies in Spanish as a foreign language class. The necessity of correlating the categories of politeness with grammatical categories and context has been substantiated. This technique will allow foreign students to learn the rules of language behavior that exist among the Hispanic population.

Politeness Maxims in Dialogue Toy Story 4 Movie

This study is entitled Politeness Maxims in Dialogue Toy Story 4 Movie. This study aimed to observe the types of politeness maxims and the functions of politeness maxims applied in the movie. The Toy Story 4 Movie uses a data source in this study because there had been conversations related to politeness expressions with all characters. This study uses the documentation method and note-taking technique in collecting the data. The data of this study were analyzed using the descriptive qualitative method and using the theory of pragmatics by Leech (1983). However, this study only focuses on four maxims as Generosity maxim, Approbation maxim, Agreement maxim, and Sympathy maxim to facilitate research. Based on the analysis, the results show that all four maxims can be found in this study. The most dominant maxim which was used in this study is Generosity maxim and Agreement maxim while the most functions applied in each politeness maxims is Irony.

Unsettling the political: conceptualizing the political in feminist and LGBTI+ activism across Russia, the Scandinavian countries, and Turkey

ABSTRACT This article aims to expand the ongoing theoretical debate on the broadened and context-specific notion of politics by offering an empirically nuanced conceptualization of the political based on the study of feminist and lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and intersex (LGBTI+) activism in Russia, Turkey, and the Scandinavian countries. We use a multi-scalar transnational approach to foreground connectivities across regions to challenge nation-bound and state-centric perspectives on politics and reveal the various formulations beyond the formal/informal divide. Case studies from feminist and LGBTI+ activists and minority organizations demonstrate context-specific ways of inhabiting or distancing from politics. Drawing on interdisciplinary feminist scholarship and a Gramscian approach to civil society, we challenge the narrow articulation of politics either as antagonism or contestation. In doing so, we highlight the political expressions that do not neatly fit into the expected forms of politics, yet are motivated by a commitment to shaping new ways of living together.

The New Libertarianism and the Sedition Act of 1798

When the First Amendment was ratified in 1791 many Americans still regarded trenchant criticism of govemment, its officers, or its policies to be criminally punishable "seditious libel." Not until the bitter controversy ignited by the Sedition Act of 1798 did Americans formulate a theory of political expression in a republic that undercut arguments justifying prosecution for seditious libel. The result was a new libenarianism with regard to freedom of speech and press.

Spaces of the maybe: fragments as new urban possibilities in Cairo’s extended urbanisation

ABSTRACT Urban “fragments” play a key role in healing megacities and carving new relationships of civic connectivity. At the edge of a gated community in Cairo, AlRehab, the open market or souq serves as an urban fragment, creating different experiences that unsettle the normative assumptions of the separation between the private and public spheres. Using a Lefebvrian analysis to examine the souq of AlRehab, a two-phase longitudinal study was conducted between 2008–2012 and 2018–2022. Within the geopolitical context of the Arab Spring and the New Administrative Capital, the narratives of the souq’s developer, urban planner, residents, activists and shop workers reveal the power of agency and activism in the provision of “multiple publics” as a civic-common space. This allows the creation of transient connections, sites for political expression, as well as a base of operations for expanding job opportunities and social networks. Based on urban design theories and literature on Global South urbanism, this article poses the nuanced possibilities of re-imagining the edge as a “space of the maybe,” given its capacity to create new public spheres and a new urban grammar of entangled livelihoods, able to adapt to an urbanity of movement and growth.