Political Polarization Research Articles

When Disagreement Becomes Uncivil on Social Media: The Role of Passive Receiving and Active Expression of Incivility in Influencing Political Polarization

Exposure to cross-cutting viewpoints may not always play the deliberative role it is supposed to. This study uses both panel survey and social media data to examine how disagreement can trigger incivility, including exposure to and expression of incivility, and further elicit emotions and influence polarization. Results from the two-wave panel survey indicate that cross-cutting exposure has a polarizing effect first through promoting exposure to uncivil messages and expression of uncivil opinions, then through negative emotions. Notably, cross-cutting exposure can indirectly reduce polarization by first encouraging expression of uncivil opinions and then eliciting positive emotions, highlighting the importance of active expression. Analysis of data from the Hong Kong-based discussion forum HKDisc demonstrates that cross-cutting exposure is positively related to exposure to uncivil messages, and exposure to and expression of incivility predict polarization regardless of whether positive or negative emotions are detected in the uncivil content. This study provides empirical evidence of the effects of cross-cutting exposure and incivility on polarization at the individual and collective levels.

The elephant in the room? Considerations of politics among older adult daters

AbstractA sharply polarized political climate may increase the importance single adults place on politics in partner selection. While the importance of politics in dating decisions is not surprising in light of homophily, less is known about how older adults consider political differences in partnering. We answer two questions about older daters and politics: (1) How do older adult daters consider potential partners' political views? and (2) How do perceptions of rising political polarization shape these preferences? We use interview data with 67 adults (aged 55–92) from the Romance and Dating in Later Life study, conducted in Phoenix, AZ, in 2022–2023. Findings show politics are highly salient in partner selection across gender, class, and ideology, suggesting older singles place substantial importance on political views when choosing partners. Many older singles prioritize shared beliefs, while others practice open‐mindedness. Extremist politics, particularly right‐leaning, are viewed as a significant barrier to dating. This study demonstrates how older daters consider political beliefs in dating decisions, particularly considering perceptions of rising polarization. This contributes to research highlighting the role of political ideology in shaping dating decisions by extending the research to include explicit study of mid‐ and late‐life adults, whose dating experiences differ from young adult singles.

Mass polarisation: identification with parliamentary discourses and psychological factors

ABSTRACT Ideological polarisation research has gained prominence due to its growing presence in established democracies and its associated negative consequences. This study aimed to explore the identification with polarised parliamentary discourses in a Portuguese sample and its relationship with psychological factors. Results revealed the absence of mass ideological polarisation and a greater leftist identification. Participants who identified more with the right-wing evidenced greater identity fusion with the country and dogmatism, and less tendency to ruminate and to be verbally aggressive. Participants who identified more with the left-wing showed less identity fusion with the country, less dogmatism and greater capacity for empathy, rumination, tolerance to ambiguity, and verbal aggression. Innovative results were also found on the relationship between greater left-wing identification, identity fusion with the country and verbal aggression.

Challenges of Collaborative Government Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Study of Factors and Cases in the United States

This study examines challenges of collaborative government response to the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States. The study provides a review of theoretical issues about collaboration in disaster management and public health to identify influential factors, such as governance structure, effective leadership, public communication, and political polarization, to the collaboration. Based on the document analysis method, the study examines practical cases, academic studies and public opinion data that are related to these challenging factors. The study concludes with discussions about lessons of the COVID pandemic challenge and suggestions for future studies of collaborative governance response to public crises.

Trust and accountability in times of crisis

AbstractThe COVID‐19 pandemic took place against the backdrop of growing political polarization and distrust in institutions. Did deficiencies in government performance further erode trust? Did citizens' ideology interfere with how they processed information on government performance? To investigate, we conducted a pre‐registered online experiment in Spain in November 2020. The treatment group was provided with information on the number of contact tracers in their region, a policy under the control of regional governments. We find that individuals greatly overestimate the number of contact tracers. When we provide the actual number, we find declines in trust in governments, willingness to fund public institutions, and COVID‐19 vaccine acceptance. We also find that individuals endogenously change their attribution of responsibilities when receiving the treatment. In regions where the regional and central governments are ruled by different parties, sympathizers of the regional incumbent react to the negative news on performance by attributing greater responsibility to the central government. We call this the ‘blame‐shifting effect’. In these regions, the negative information does not reduce voting intention for the regional incumbent government. These results suggest that political accountability may be particularly difficult in settings with high polarization and where areas of responsibility are not clearly delineated.

Political polarization and corruption: A theoretical and empirical review

Notwithstanding the considerable scholarly and public attention that political polarization and corruption have attracted in recent years and the important mechanisms through which the former may influence the latter, research in this area remains limited and inconclusive. This article offers a comprehensive theoretical and empirical synthesis of the current state of research in this domain. It finds that a large fraction of the apparent contradictions can be attributed to the conceptual inconsistencies and ambiguity surrounding political polarization. The types of polarization that have an inherently hostile and uncivil element (usually referred to as affective or pernicious polarization) undermine democratic accountability, which leads to more corruption. The role of ideological polarization among parties and the general population is more complex: it may boost accountability and decrease corruption but can also contribute to the aforementioned harmful forms of polarization and enhance the role of partisan bias in public opinion formation, thereby increasing corruption. The overall effect of ideological polarization on corruption may depend on the nature and the degree of the former, as well as on mitigating contextual factors. The two may create a vicious circle as corruption also increases political polarization via various channels.

Political polarization, legitimacy and democratic education

ABSTRACT Political polarization is often argued to be a major threat to democracy. This article examines whether the two different forms of polarization, ideological and affective, may risk some of the core assumptions of democratic legitimacy. The paper argues that ideological polarization is linked with increasingly radical ideological positions being accepted as legitimate contributions to democratic processes, which may lead to the erosion of the democratic culture of society. Affective polarization, in turn, presents a risk to the type of political collaboration that characterizes legitimate democratic processes. The article presents some remarks on how these forms of polarization could be pre-emptively addressed in education: first, by demonstrating to students the practical consequences of neglecting the core democratic principles of toleration (Forst) and reciprocity (Rawls) in society; and second, through forms of political action that engage students’ political emotions in support of democratic principles and way of life in a nonpartisan way.

Political stability in authoritarian regimes: the case of Central Asia

ABSTRACT Existing research indicates that political stability is a prerequisite for good governance and economic development in Central Asia. All five countries in the region are authoritarian regimes but it is unclear which factors impact on political stability. Using data for the period 2002–2022, this paper examines the variables which make a significant contribution to political stability and finds that the rule of law, personalist rule, a free media, freedom of assembly, political polarization and gross domestic product (GDP) growth, respectively have a positive effect on political stability while government accountability, exclusions by social group and civil society participation have a negative effect. Some of the findings are at odds with other studies on autocratic regimes, illustrating the importance of geo-political context.

College Student Political Participation in the Context of a Polarized Nation and an International Pandemic: Do Campus Civic Engagement Efforts Matter?

U.S. universities devote substantial resources to increasing student political engagement, especially voting; research identifies several factors affecting student political participation, including socialization theories (e.g. family, friends, school), distance from home (Niemi and Hanmer), and choice architecture (Thaler, Sunstein, and Balz). Other research suggests that increased party polarization leads to higher voter turnout (Abramowitz and Stone; Crepaz). Our study sought to understand student political behavior (voting and registration) and political polarization during fall 2020 in the context of a polarized nation and an international pandemic. Based on 326 surveys of undergraduates and in-depth follow-up interviews, where 85% of our student sample reported voting, results suggest support for several factors that contribute to voting: level of political information efficacy, participation in campus organizations and events, friends, and family. On measures of social distance (“polarization”), participants felt more distant from Trump and less distant from Biden, and participants who felt closer to Biden felt significantly more prepared to vote than participants who felt distant to Biden. Surprisingly, minority students were less likely to vote. A second analysis compared a subsample of student fraternity/sorority members (“Greek” members) from 2016 and those from 2020. The 2020 Greek members voted at higher rates and were more active on social media although voter registration rates did not differ. Results suggest that several factors contributed to student voting in our sample: parent/family encouragement, a cultivated campus voting culture, campus outreach efforts to first year students, and increased voting avenues during the pandemic.

Inhibiting or Contributing? How Global Liberal Forces Impact Climate Change Skepticism

Although climate change remains a top environmental threat, significant portions of the global population continue to exhibit climate change skepticism. Currently, an extensive literature identifies the micro-level determinants of climate skepticism, often manifesting as a form of populist “backlash” to the adverse effects of globalization. However, the potential of macro-level global cultural forces—particularly embeddedness in liberal world society—to counter such pushback is unclear. Using multilevel modeling to analyze International Social Survey Program data spanning 37 countries from 2000 to 2020, we find that in general, increased embeddedness is linked to reduced climate skepticism. However, when global liberal forces encounter anti-liberal undercurrents within nation-states, a situation we refer to as cultural dissonance, the impact of liberal world society on tempering skepticism varies. Embeddedness mitigates skepticism at the national level, particularly within authoritarian regimes, but not at the individual level, especially among right-wing individuals. Paradoxically, world society also heightens ideological polarization of individual worldviews on climate change. By illuminating the contradictory role of liberal world society, which simultaneously exacerbates and inhibits anti-liberal, populist attitudes about climate change, we advance existing work examining the post-liberal turn and holds promise for making sense of other issue domains where liberal perspectives are contested.

Countering Political Polarization Through Conscious and Unconscious Integrative Complexity

Political polarization has been growing in many countries, including the United States, within recent years. Scholars note how, if not addressed, growing trends can compromise fundamental pillars of a functioning democratic society. While efforts have grown in researching how integrative complexity can successfully mitigate polarizing tensions in political divides, there is a lack of scholarly attention on how conscious and unconscious dimensions of integrative complexity affect such processes. This article proposes a framework to ground future research in this direction as well as inform depolarizing interventions on this topic.

Political identity and risk politics: Evidence from a pandemic.

The way political identity serves as a foundation for political polarization in the United States permits elites to extend conflict rapidly to new issue areas. Further, the types of cognitive mechanisms and shortcuts used in the politically polarized information environment are similar to some of those used in risk perception. Consequently, political elites may easily create partisan risk positions, largely through politically focused social amplification of risk. The COVID-19 pandemic provided a natural experiment for testing predictions about such risk politics. We asked questions about pandemic-related views, behaviors, and policies at the outset of the pandemic in April 2020 and again in September 2020 via public opinion surveys. Our data and analyses focus primarily on a single state, with some analysis extended to four states. We begin by demonstrating strong linkages between political partisan identification on the one hand and support for co-partisan elites, use of partisan information sources, and support for co-partisan policies on the other hand. We then find evidence that pandemic risk positions correspond with partisan information sources and find support for a mechanism involving partisan-tinted evaluation of elite cues. Partisan risk positions quickly became part of the larger polarized structure of political support and views. Finally, our evidence shows on the balance that partisan risk positions related to the pandemic coalesced and strengthened over time. Overall, while self-identified Democrats consistently viewed the coronavirus as the primary threat, self-identified Republicans quickly pivoted toward threats to their freedoms and to the economy.

Exploring the political frontier in Australian schools: Bernsteinian insights on Civics and Citizenship education

Contemporary liberal democracies face complex and disruptive challenges, such as toxic populism, culture wars, political polarization, religious fundamentalism, the climate emergency, global conflicts, and the influence of powerful social media platforms. This is the disconcerting world that young people are growing up in and need support in understanding and mediating. This paper critically analyses the Australian Civics and Citizenship education curricular response using the theoretical insights of Basil Bernstein to understand the types of citizens it aims to nurture. Through analysing the language of the Australian Curriculum, the processes and intellectual influences behind its creation, and specific curricular content descriptors, the paper illuminates the social and ideological assumptions embedded in its vision of educating for democratic citizenship. We argue that political education remains a domain that Australian curriculum framers, schools, and teachers have approached cautiously. The paper highlights the curriculum's inadequacy in addressing early twenty-first-century political imperatives related to democratic deconsolidation, falling short of Bernsteinian ideals.

Teaching the January 6th Insurrection: Historical Perspectives on a Crisis in American Democracy

Abstract This article offers a framework for analyzing and teaching the January 6, 2021, insurrection at the US Capitol. The crisis itself offers an opportunity to unpack and better understand American political discourses and institutions. I focus on four historical and contemporary currents that elucidate the January 6th crisis: 1) White supremacy and backlashes against Civil Rights; 2) conservative assaults on the New Deal order and the regulatory state; 3) organized labor’s decline, right-wing populism’s rise, and nativism; 4) political polarization, sectarianism, and minority rule. These themes enable students to assess both crucial challenges posed by January 6th and the vitality of American democracy.

Education and ideological polarisation: Cross‐country evidence and recommendations for higher education

AbstractIn many developed countries, disagreement on important policy issues between groups with different social identities (‘ideological polarisation’) is increasing. In professional settings, these disagreements undermine cooperation and trust between employees, which negatively affects work relationships and managerial decision‐making. We investigate whether people with more education tend to express attitudes that are more (or less) polarised. Using nationally representative data for 18 OECD countries from 2010 to 2018, we find that in most countries, ideological polarisation between liberals (political left) and conservatives (political right) on three key policy issues (income inequality, immigration and gay rights) increases with education. This ‘education–polarisation’ gradient varies across countries, is strongest in the United States and is linked to stronger alignment between political ideology and non‐political values, and greater internet use among more‐educated individuals. This finding can explain why polarisation can persist and even increase, despite the growing availability of information. We conclude with implications and recommendations for higher education.

Cultivating the capacity for active balancing during adolescence: pathways to a coherent self

IntroductionIn this paper we propose that one of the core developmental aims of adolescence is to cultivate a capacity for active balancing as the primary process for creating a coherent, agentic self capable of contributing to the functioning and purposes of the communities which adolescents inhabit, including society as a broader community. While there many valuable initiatives and programs to promote positive development, learning, and wellbeing, these efforts typically take a siloed approach focusing on one dimension of development (e.g., social-emotional learning), leaving adolescents to create coherence from these disconnected approaches. As adolescence face an increasingly uncertain future (e.g., career instability), serious threats to human survival (e.g., environmental degradation), social divides (e.g., political and ideological polarization), etc., a siloed approach to adolescent development is not simply outmoded but it reinforces a fragmented self.Conceptual model and backgroundIn this paper we argue that a siloed approach to adolescent development and learning may contribute to a fragmented sense of self and agency, which can be associated with increased vulnerability to mental health challenges. We first link the proposed developmental aim of adolescence to neuroscience findings that identify three brain changes during adolescence that lay the groundwork for cultivating active balancing and provide an ontogenetic neurological push for adolescents to learn and manage how to engage their worlds. Leveraging this ontogenetic push, we propose adolescents can cultivate their capacity for active balancing within the cultural communities of practice they inhabit. These communities provide a ready and powerful fusion of action, affect, and thought into coherent and relevant understandings of the why, how, and utility of practices in a community, or what we label orientations. Active balancing is the process of actively seeking to establish or reestablish one's intended balance among these orientations.Conclusions and implicationsBuilding the capacity for active balancing, we suggest, engenders greater resilience and adaptability to a range of situations, a tolerance for and ability to resolve tensions, and an ability to transcend vast differences, including cultural and ideological. Implications for both the adolescent and society are discussed.

The Mortality of Politics: An American Paradox.

The United States has the poorest health statistics of any high-income country. Political polarization has risen dramatically; newer safety net programs (the Affordable Care Act [ACA]) are unevenly provided because many Republican-leaning states refused expanded Federal coverage. Democratic programs have reduced physician leadership of medicine. Both have been deleterious. Here, we investigated associations among four key health measures two of which directly impact pregnancy outcomes and two that affect all patients by percentage of each state that voted for the Republican versus Democratic candidate in the 2020 presidential election. For each state, we used public, non-partisan databases to assess the incidence of COVID, maternal, and infant mortality per 100,000 population and average life expectancy. Correlations among these four outcome variables and percentage Republican vote were calculated (r), contextualized by measuring associations with related variables including COVID vaccination rates, access to medical care, and incidences of heart disease, obesity, diabetes, gunshot deaths, and automotive fatalities. COVID mortality, maternal and infant mortality, and life expectancy were highly correlated with percentage Republican ("red") vote per state. If "red" states had vaccination rates equivalent to Democratic-leaning ("blue") states, 72,000 deaths could have been avoided. Overall, "red" states have lower health metrics, reduced access to care, and higher comorbidities. The percent Republican vote was strongly associated, but not the whole answer, for worse health outcomes for multiple key measures of public health including mortality, access to care, and various comorbidities. Overall, the ACA has improved patient access to care but has also led to "maternity care deserts" disproportionately in rural areas in "red" states. Translating insurance coverage into improved care and outcomes requires further analysis and will require multi-pronged approaches including expanding coverage and incentivizing quality care.

A taste for government employment also rests on its political flavor

AbstractThe global experience of political polarization, and politicians' attacks on democratic institutions, render individuals' identification with the governing coalition, or with its opposition, a likely antecedent of their attraction to work in government. This article examines to what extent individuals' partisan alignment with the governing coalition, and perceptions of its actions as a threat to democracy, shapes attraction to government jobs. Findings are based on a two‐stage survey with 1861 Israeli panel respondents, aged 21–30, carried out during the government's attempt to undermine the legal system (hereafter: the Judicial Overhaul), and a follow‐up survey experiment with 1211 of the respondents. Against the politically neutral explanations of previous research, we show that partisan alignment affects the propensity to choose a job in a government ministry versus other sectors. We find mixed evidence in support of the proposition that perceptions of the Judicial Overhaul as a threat to democracy underlie this effect.

Bacurau

When released in theatres, Bacurau sparked a massive controversy due to its graphic depiction of violence and its alleged connection to Brazil’s socio-political climate, marked in recent years by profound political polarisation and cultural wars. This article explores an often-overlooked aspect of the film: the use of humour and its articulation with horror and science fiction imaginations. Our argument is that humour plays a key role in Bacurau, establishing connections between speculative fiction and historical reality, which underpins the film’s political work. We look at the significant attention that the interactions between humour, horror, and science fiction have received in Brazilian cinema produced over the last decade, and we conduct a detailed analysis of the use of humour in Bacurau, one of the most prominent films produced in the country during this period. We seek to understand how the interweaving of humour and speculative fiction is employed in the film, and if it is used to address controversial issues such as identity politics, racism, regionalism, and colonial legacies. We also investigate the extent to which this unconventional combination serves as a strategic tool for engaging with Brazil’s contemporary landscape of social and political unrest.

Political polarization and the energy policy paradox: assessing the impact of South Korea’s nuclear power phase-out policy

ABSTRACT Polarization surrounding nuclear power has intensified in Korea following the 2011 Fukushima disaster. In 2017, President Moon Jae-in implemented an energy policy that shifted the focus from nuclear to renewable energy, a departure from previous governments’ approaches. Additionally, Moon administration supported various participatory governance initiatives to minimize social conflicts, including participatory deliberative polls concerning the construction of the Shin-Kori nuclear power plants. However, the Moon administration’s policy was followed by polarization between nuclear and renewable energy factions escalating toward the end of the term. We employed mixed-method approaches combining media and survey analyses to investigate this issue. The results demonstrate that, despite initially appearing to be policy neutral, renewable energy alternatives underwent polarization under the Moon administration. We emphasize the need to investigate effective strategies for utilizing participatory projects as tools to break, rather than reinforce, the political gridlock impeding energy transition.