Polish Nobility Research Articles

The Polish Noble Society of the Early 1690s. Annotation and Counter-Reformation

The article analyzes evidence from publicistic texts about the reaction of the Polish nobility of different confessions to the pogroms of Protestant churches in cities in the early 1690s, where the nature of interfaith relations differed drastically from their nature in many other European countries. A number of acts here sanctioned the legality of the existence in the country of Christian denominations different from the dominant Catholic faith. But in the 1590s, persecution of followers of Protestantism began. Particular attention in the article is paid to the reasons of the strong negative reaction of nobility to their «sbors» by supporters of the Counter-Reformation. Among them the author names the specific consciousness of the Polish noble society: both the Catholic and Protestant gentry perceived themselves as a single community interested in preserving and expanding their class rights.

Enlightened Declarations: Ottoman and Russian Proclamations in the Ottoman‐Russian War of 1768–1774

AbstractThis article analyses the Ottoman and Russian proclamations during the Ottoman‐Russian War of 1768–1774 to understand their similarities and differences in discourse and their intended audiences, with a special focus on the elites of the Ottoman Empire. The article shows that Ottoman diplomacy practiced Enlightenment diplomacy in the same way as its rivals, using the language of enlightened absolutism to win the hearts and minds of the Polish nobility. However, the war made diplomacy and its accompanying discourses an internal affair, and the imperial elite rejected the idea of fighting for Polish liberties. This had a lasting impact on how Ottoman power was framed and understood by both the imperial elite and its subjects. This was the main difference between the Ottoman and Russian empires; the former had already created an elite consensus based on shared European cultural signifiers that depended on the European Enlightenment, while the latter never did.

THE TRANSHISTORICAL MEANINGS OF UKRAINIAN TRADITION IN THE GUIDELINES OF MODERN NATIONAL PATRIOTIC EDUCATION

The article is devoted to the analysis of the historical foundations and theoretical foundations of the formation of effective foundations of modern national-patriotic education in the contexts of war and peace. Particular attention is paid to revealing the internal dialectic and tragedy of the self-assertion of the Ukrainian idea during the times of enslavement and colonization. The article proves that even when the Ukrainian intelligentsia, trying to balance between East and West, could not decide on national priorities, dividing Ukraine between Muscovites and the Polish nobility, the leading role of preserving and transmitting national meanings was assigned to folk art, which even through the ages has preserved its creative potential and the power of initiative. It has been proven that heroic epics contain experiences of cultural and social traumas, as well as deep philosophical reflections on the strength of the national character, the ability to sacrifice for the sake of the Motherland. The author hopes that this will allow not only to find out the actual significance of the historical-cultural component in the strategies of national-patriotic education, but also to carry out a methodological procedure for distinguishing effective and appellate patriotism on a practical level, which will allow developing a comprehensive program of actualizing the transhistorical meanings of national-patriotic education and military-patriotic education in modern educational practices. Undoubtedly, the use of the heuristic potential of the national tradition as a guide for the development of the theoretical and methodological foundations of patriotic education requires a critical reflection of the experience of their theoretical understanding in the problematic field of the philosophy of education and philosophical anthropology. This will make it possible to identify pathologies and minimize the risks of resuscitation of totalitarian practices in the education of patriots. The identified features and specifics of the implementation of national-patriotic education in wartime will allow the transition from the policy of duty to the policy of responsibility. It is noted that an important role is played by the actualization of the semantics of heroization, militarization and the formation of a positive topos of a serviceman.

ПОШУКИ ТА ВИЗНАЧЕННЯ НАЦІОНАЛЬНОЇ ІДЕНТИЧНОСТІ: ТВОРЧІСТЬ ЛЕОНАРДА СОВІНСЬКОГО В КОНТЕКСТІ ДІЯЛЬНОСТІ ХЛОПОМАНІВ

Fiction, memoirs, journalism of the middle of the 19th century clearly present the irreversible process of the formation of Ukrainian identity, the awareness of the uniqueness of Ukrainian culture, the transformation of the perception of the national and cultural identity of Ukrainians. In particular, the activity of students of the Kyiv University – Khlopomans and later activists of “Hromada” became a point of reference, on the other hand, the catalyst for changes in ethnic and national self-awareness, a clear definition of values and civic guidelines was the preparation for the Polish liberation January Uprising at the beginning of the sixties of the 19th century. In this context, it is worth taking a closer look at how the Khlopomans – Volodymyr Antonovych, Borys Poznanskyi, Kost’ Myhalchuk, etc. – argue for changing their national identity, switching to Ukrainian, or why they don’t do it and how they work it out artistically, as in the case of Leonard Sowiński. As the memoirs and journalism of the Khlopomans convinces, the decision to switch from Polish to Ukrainian identity was made in view of the separation from the traditional worldview values of the Polish nobility. In particular, Kost’ Mykhalchuk was convinced by his sympathy for the moral side of life and the national psychology of Ukrainians, everyday life and deep culture. Commitment to Ukrainianism was formed in connection with its tragic fate and long struggle for its political, social and cultural rights. On the other hand, another well-known Khlopoman, later Polish poet, writer, essayist and playwright Leonard Sowiński, did not become an activist of “Hromada”. The descendant of a mixed Polish-Ukrainian family remained loyal to Polish identity, identifying with Polish national interests. He was almost the only one who created an artistic vision of the situation surrounding the Khlopomania, preparations for the January Uprising and identity elections in his drama “Na Ukrainie” (Poznan, 1873). Sowiński’s drama witnessed a new stage in the development of social and national relations in Right-Bank Ukraine in the middle and second half of the 19th century and proved a maturity of vision of the new situation that was rare for the artists of that time. The playwright made a successful attempt to create an artistic vision of the destruction of the old patriarchal landlord system, the rupture of the imaginary, created by the first romantics of the “Ukrainian school”, the idyllic Polish-Ukrainian community, the rebirth of the Polish national spirit and the birth of the Ukrainian nation under constant pressure from the dominant groups formed on Ukrainian land Polish and Russian nations.

ДВІ ШЛЯХТИ, ДВІ ДОЛІ: СТАНОВИЩЕ ПОЛЬСЬКОГО ДВОРЯНСТВА НА ПОДІЛЛІ НАПРИКІНЦІ XVIII–XIX ст.

The existence of the Polish nobility on the territory of Podilia can be conventionally divided into two periods. During the first period, which related to 1795–1830, the policy of St. Petersburg in relation to the strata remained relatively loyal. The gentry was transferred to noble status, representatives of the group could apply for positions in the civil service, freedom of religion was preserved. The situation changed radically after The November Uprising of 1830–1831, after which the Russian empire took a course to limit the freedoms of the Polish nobility. The rentier gentry will experience a great collapse. The courtiers, who remained tax-free strata and didn’t hurry to swear allegiance to the emperor, were an obstacle for the Russian empire. In addition, St. Petersburg saw a potential danger in the political activity of the group that had a hand in the uprising. Over time, the rentier gentry were equalized in rights with the Ukrainian peasantry. The great gentry also experienced social and economic oppression, against which the government initiated demonstrative punitive trials. The educational and cultural policy of the anti-Polish direction included the persecution of church clergy and trials of students, the closing of churches and religious schools, the elimination of Greek Catholicism, etc. The Russian government was aware that the fight against culture is an effective tool that will help Poles to forget their ethnicity, so it spared no effort and no money. The initial attitude of the government officials of the Romanov state towards the nobility was the usual deception. The Polish uprisings of 1830–1831 and 1863–1864 were only a pretext for starting a repressive policy against a group that came from Russia’s hated rival, the Rzeczpospolita. The further attitude of the imperial ideologues was aimed at humiliating and subjugating the nobility, turning it into a second-rate figure of the state hierarchy and an obedient tool in the hands of St. Petersburg. A variety of tools were used: discriminatory legislation, humiliating trials, exile to a katorga, transfer of peasants to the rank of peasants in the case of the rentier gentry. However, the Russian Empire remained powerless, because Polish landowners continued to prevail in Podilia and retain strong influence.

ІММІГРАЦІЯ ЧЕХІВ НА УКРАЇНСЬКІ ЗЕМЛІ В ДРУГІЙ ПОЛОВИНІ ХІХ СТ.

The late 60s and early 70s of the nineteenth century were a favorable period for the settlement of Czechs in the Volyn lands. The immigration of Czechs from Moravia to Volyn was caused primarily by economic factors. The impoverishment of Czech peasants, artisans, and workers forced them to seek a better life outside of the Czech lands. Ukrainian lands, in particular Volyn, became one of the destinations of emigration at that time. The appearance of Czech settlers in Volyn was connected with the desire of some Polish nobility to get rid of their property and leave the Russian Empire. The situation in the Ukrainian lands after the January Uprising opened up the possibility for Czechs to buy land for settlement. At first, land purchases were uncontrolled and often took place in violation of the law. Unfair treatment by intermediaries who tried to profit from those wishing to buy land was not uncommon. For the Russian authorities, the appearance of Czechs in Volyn became a form of pressure on Catholic Polish people. Support, benefits, preferences, and accelerated acquisition of Russian citizenship by the Czechs were steps taken by the Russian government. Separate settlements and districts were created for the Czechs. As for the religious issue, there was a “soft coercion” to convert from the Roman Catholic to the Orthodox Church. However, the Czechs were not particularly concerned about the religious issue, as the arrangement of their own economy, the establishment of private small industries, and the creation of decent living conditions were the priority tasks they set for themselves. Over time, the Russian authorities began to gradually limit benefits and reduce concessions to the Czechs. Seeing that the political plans to create a powerful anti-Catholic force out of the Czechs did not materialize, in 1884 a decree was issued prohibiting Czech immigrants from buying land in Volyn. For a time, Czech immigration to Ukrainian lands stopped, but at the same time, Czech immigrants who had already settled down became an important component of the development of industry and entrepreneurship in the late nineteenth century.

The Split in the Political Elite of the Empire as an Obstacle to the Activities of Mikhail Muravyov: Lessons for Nowadays

In 1863, the Russian Empire faced a formidable challenge – an armed rebellion of the Polish nobility, supported by Western Europe aspiring to divide Russia into regions dependent on it. The Tsar persuaded the brilliant oppositional politician and 1812 Patriotic War hero M.N. Muravyov, possessing experience in fi ghting the Poles during their last rebellion in 1831, to lead the suppression of the new riot as Governor-General of the Western Region. However, our conservative hero, relying on the Russian spirit and the collectivism of the Russian people, was opposed not only by obvious enemies – rebel Polish gentry, but also by ministers who were adherents of Westernized cosmopolitanism and became the main force restraining the conservative reformer. On the contrary, the spiritual and cultural Russian elite, led by the Metropolitan of Moscow Filaret and poet and thinker F.I. Tyutchev warmly supported Muravyov’s patriotic course. However due to the tsar’s mental dependence on the high-ranking “Рarty of cosmopolitans” and the lesser infl uence on him of the “Russian party”, Muravyov was not allowed to complete the reform program. The author comes to the conclusion that in our time of growing threats to Russia’s security due to the new onslaught of the West on Russia, our political elite should take into account the experience of Muravyov’s struggle “on two fronts” with the inadmissibility, in fact, of internal betrayal. In other words, our political class must avoid splitting while striving for unity on a nationally oriented basis with appropriate personnel recruitment.

Finish—Spare the Shame: Realism of Hellish Quart and Alt-Sarmatian Ideology

This article provides in-depth analysis of Hellish Quart: a fighting game set in 17th century Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, and cherished for its realism, vis-a-vis Neosarmatian ideology of the Polish alt-right: the current iteration of centuries-old origin myth of Polish nobility. While we do not consider the game a willing participant in the proliferation of Alt-Sarmatian ideas, we claim the pervasiveness of Sarmatism within Polish national identity makes it difficult not to consider the conservative approach to national history a “realistic one.” In this article, we present the shortened history of both Sarmatian myth and the special place sabre-fighting occupies in Polish culture, and utilize them to understand ideological entanglement of the “realism” offered by Hellish Quart regarding the vision of the past and the mechanics of combat.

Informational Confrontation of “MoskovskieVedomosti” Journal and European Press During Polish Uprising of 1863

In the article the author examines informational confrontation of “MoskovskieVedomosti” journal with European press during Polish uprising of 1863. In response to the aggressive anti-Russian rhetoric of the Western press, “Moskovskie Vedomosti” vigorously supported the actions of Russian administration in Poland, headed by General M.N. Muravyov. On the basis of the newspaper's publications analysis, the author reveals the main ideological and thematic directions of their statements on the Polish issue: exposes the policy of Western powers that used the situation in Poland to pressure Russia and weaken it; substantiates the the anti-national nature of the uprising, initiated by the Polish nobility and Catholic clergy; shows the formation of the rebels negative image, and exposes the falsifi cations and insinuations of the Western press. The author comes to the conclusion that the publications of “Moscow Vedomosti” during the period of military operations in Poland contributed to the formation of the consolidated public opinion in Russia, and their confrontation with the leading Western European editions can be considered as prototype of modern information wars.

Parliamentary activity of Kyril Trylovskyi in the context of social and political processes in the Ukrainian lands, beginning 20 th century

The article reveals the human rights activities of lawyer Кугуїо Trilovskyi during his first parliamentary term in the Austrian parliament (1907-1911). The advantages and disadvantages of the election law, as well as the consequences of its adoption for the Ukrainian population of the region, are analyzed. It was noted that the reform had a number of significant shortcomings, namely: voting rights did not extend to women and military personnel, the age for elections was set at 24 years, for deputies - 30 years, the residency requirement - one year. The distribution of deputy seats by nationality was also quite uneven. At the same time, the law introduced democratic innovations, in particular, providing for voting on the basis of general direct and secret suffrage.
 K. Trylovskyi’s views on the inclusion of Ukrainian lands in Austria-Hungary, which the researcher considered a more positive phenomenon than their stay in Poland, were revealed. The lawyer believed that the legal status of the Ukrainian population within Austria is more promising.
 The vectors of Кугуїо Trylovsky’s parliamentary activity are characterized. In particular, the priority of the Ukrainian issue was emphasized in the speeches of the human rights defender. It is noted that the lawyer devoted his first speech in the walls of the Austrian Parliament (July 22, 1907) to highlighting issues related to numerous abuses of the position of the Polish nobility in Galicia.
 It is indicated that in his speeches the parliamentarian raised other, no less important issues for the Ukrainian population: state compensation for damages caused by the flood; the right to own and use weapons by shepherds to protect domestic animals; mandatory use in courts when writing protocols and indictments in the Ukrainian language; establishment of a clear list of items that cannot be taken away in case of tax collection; the right and opportunity of Ukrainian military personnel to celebrate Ukrainian holidays, etc.

Źródła wiedzy panien apteczkowych: tradycje słowiańskie czy śródziemnomorskie?

Sources of knowledge for women taking care of the household medicine cabinets at the manors of Polish nobility: Slavic or Mediterranean traditions? In the 19th century, the medicine cabinets at the manors of Polish nobility became a legitimate presence in the Polish provinces: defi ned in encyclopaedias and dictionaries and included in the laws on pharmacies. Their caretakers (“panny apteczkowe”) obtained their knowledge from home silva rerum, herbal books or their copies. The women taking care of the household medicine cabinets grew herbs themselves or bought them from rural herbalists with whom they exchanged information about the healing effect. It remains an open question whether the knowledge of medicinal plants considered folk belongs to our Slavic tradition or to the Greco-Latin civilisation.

Cultural, Class, or Scientific Aspirations?

Among the students of medicine in Padua from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, in XVII and XVIII centuries, we can note a certain number of Jews. This article contains a short analysis of so far findings in the area of research on this aspect of Jewish history in the First Republic of Poland. Referring to more and less known facts, the Author paid particular attention to the motivations and aspirations of Jewish scholars who had come to City of Antenor from Polish-Lithuanian land. Following the careers of Jewish medical graduates, we can see, that for most of them having a Padua diploma was not only the way to gain a better status in the Jewish community but also a gateway to overcoming cultural barriers. According to the Author, this was possible due to the fact, that many of the representatives of polish nobility, who were called “Paduans,” had similar experiences of contact with the university environment and the culture of the Venetian Republic.

Non-invasive Archaeometric Studies of Metal Threads with Silk Core Coming from Two Kontush Sashes from the Szczuczyn Excavations in Poland

Abstract A kontush sash belonged to costly accessories of ceremonial clothes of Polish nobility. It is a belt made of leather, metal or soft textile, called a sash from the 18th century. In the 2nd half of the 17th century, there was a change in manufacturing technique and ornamentation compositions, and sashes adorned with metal threads appeared. Persian and Turkish belts were the most popular. They have been excavated as burial equipment at archaeological sites. Analyzing these objects is a unique research experience that complements our knowledge of girdle-making in the eighteenth century. The non-invasive archaeometric studies are a significant part of this research. The microscopic observations, X-ray fluorescence and SEM-EDS investigations were made of the metal threads from the textile sashes found in the crypts of Szczuczyn church (North-Eastern Poland).

Instrukcja sejmiku województwa kijowskiego na sejm 1646 r.

The instruction of the local diet of the Kyiv Province for the Sejm of 1646 By issuing the proclamation of 25 July 1646 Władysław IV called Sejm to convene on 25 October. Among the points raised by the royal legation, of top priority was the one concerning possible danger coming from the Turks and the Tatars. The royal court proposed a debate to gain support for the royal plans of a war with the Ottoman Porte and the Crimean Khanate. The plans forced an alliance with Russia and subsequent border review process, which resulted in Poland losing some of its territory. The Polish nobility did not support the king’s military plans. The attitude of the nobility affected the sejmiks, which jointly objected to the military plans in question. During numerous sessions delegates criticised other elements of the king’s policy as well. The location of the Kyiv Province (south-eastern Poland) exposed it to a possible hostile attack. This is why it is worth examining the attitude of the Zhytomyr sejmik towards the royal policy. During this sejmik the nobility decided to stop payments for Tatars but, at the same time opposed the war with the sultan. Members of the Zhytomyr sejmik demanded access to the proceedings of the Senate to reveal those behind the king’s policy and the presence of foreigners at the royal court. The instructions also highlight law-abidingness as well as some private affairs, like the dispute concerning the order of precedence of the delegates of the Ruthenian province, or the demand for a remedy for the ousting of Zhytomyr delegates from the Sejm during the previous session.

Czy pochodzenie od Jana Kochanowskiego było powodem do dumy? Genealogia eksponowana w drukach okolicznościowych poświęconych potomkom Poety (XVII-XVIII w.) Cz. 1. Potomkowie Zuzanny z Owadowskich Wołuckiej

Was being a Jan Kochanowski’s descentant a reason to be proud? Genealogy present in works devoted to the poets’ descentants (17th-18th centuries) Part. 1. Zuzanna Wołucka’s (nee Owadowska)’s descendants: This study explores the genealogical awareness of the Polish nobility and the role of outstanding individuals in creating collective memory. More specifically, it offers an analysis of genealogical references included in encomia devoted to Jan Kochanowski’s enatic descendants, in the context of their famous ancestor’s literary output and his fame. Coming from the line of Zuzanna Wołucka, nee Owadowska, Jan Kochanowski’s granddaughter, the descendants inherited parts of the poet’s real estate and buried their relatives next to his Zwolen mausoleum till the end of the 18th century. The article is based on commemorative prints devoted to the poet’s descendants: Falces avitae ad lauream vernantis gloriae messem by Wojciech Zatoński (1696) written in honour of the Sieradz castellan’s wife Zofia Lipska nee Olszowska, Chwalebny zawód do kresu szczęśliwego by Krzysztof Wierzbicki (1699) in honour of the Sieradz chamberlain’s daughter Konstancja Zapolska, Niebo herbownego Księżyca by Samuel Wysocki (1732) lauding the Gostyn staroste’s daughter Zofia Lipska nee Granowska, as well as the anonymous Panegyricus probatissimo magistro belli in sago (1757) devoted to the Rawa palatine Kazimierz Granowski. None of these pieces includes any references to Jan Kochanowski, which can be explained by the social status of these newly promoted to state offices families with middle- to petty-nobility roots. The need to legitimize their position as the noble well-to-do class holding state posts required to show connections with sufficiently important ancestors who also held state offices, rather than by giving prominence to the genealogy and the past generations.

ЕТНОГРАФІЧНА ФОТОГРАФІЯ ЙОСИПА КОРДИША (1824-1896)

The paper explores the personality and artistic endeavours of Jozef Kordysz, a professional photographer of Polish-Ukrainian background who worked in Kamianets-Podilskyi and Kyiv during the late nineteenth century. Kordysz is renowned for his photographic expeditions in Podolia and Kyiv regions, as well as his trip to the zone of the Russo-Turkish war (1877-1878). Despite belonging to the Polish nobility and having close ties to the nationally conscious Ukrainian intelligentsia in Kyiv, Kordysz hardly identified himself with either Polish or Ukrainian national projects. His interest in ethnographic photography appears to be purely commercial in nature. Unfortunately, the most significant part of Kordysz’s photographic heritage is preserved in private collections and museums in Russia and has never been properly published. Due to the Russian aggression against Ukraine, the original materials are currently unavailable for Ukrainian scholars. Considering the exceptional value of these photographs for the history of Ukraine, the editorial board has decided to publish those photographs by Jozef Kordysz that are available on Russian Internet resources. The paper deals with the «Ethnographic Album of Little Russia» (1875), which includes pictures of Ukrainian peasants that Kordysz took during the 1860s in Kyiv region (the original album is preserved in the State Historical Museum in Moscow).

ПЕРІОДИЗАЦІЯ УКРАЇНСЬКО-ПОЛЬСЬКИХ ВІДНОСИН У ГАЛИЧИНІ ЗА АВСТРІЇ: НАЦІОНАЛЬНІ ЗМАГАННЯ, СПІВПРАЦЯ І ПОШУКИ ЗГОДИ

The author distinguishes five historical stages in the development of Ukrainian-Polish socio-political, cultural, educational, and literary relations in sub-Austrian Galicia in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The first stage is from the beginning of the Austrian annexation of Galicia (1772) to the eve of the revolution (February 1848). For the Galician-Ruthenian leadership, it was a stage of national and cultural revival that lasted from the beginning of the nineteenth century. For the Polish leadership, it was a political and conspiratorial stage of the national liberation struggle to restore the recently lost statehood. The second stage is from the revolutionary Spring of Nations (March 1848-1849) to the end of the reactionary era (1850-1859). In 1848-1849, Polish revolutionary writers published numerous propaganda works in Ukrainian (political poems, messages, fables, poems, short stories, letters, appeals, and articles) in brochures or in periodicals of the time, calling on Galician “Ruthenians” to support the Polish struggle against the Austrian enslavers. However, the church and cultural and educational leadership of the “Ruthenians” acted as a self-sufficient and independent political force, part of the entire Ukrainian people, loyal to the Habsburg monarchy. Later (1894), V. Budzynovskyi and M. Pavlyk condemned the Austrophilic loyalty of the “Rusyns” of that time, while Ivan Franko justified it. Signed at the Slavic Congress in Prague on June 7, 1848, the agreement between Galician Ukrainians and Poles (the first under Austrian rule) on an autonomous Ukrainian-Polish federation in Galicia (within the Austrian Empire) theoretically laid down the most optimal and promising foundations for Ukrainian-Polish understanding, cooperation, and equal coexistence in the region, but was not implemented. The third stage covers the era of reforms: from the beginning of constitutional experiments in the Austrian Empire to the transformation of Galicia into a disproportionate Polish-Ukrainian autonomy (1859-1873). Attempts at Ukrainian-Polish rapprochement were renewed: the governor of Galicia, A. Goluchowski tried unsuccessfully to legalize the conversion of Ukrainian spelling from Cyrillic to Latin (1859-1861), financed the newspaper “Rus” (1867), and the vice-marshal of the Galician Provincial Sejm, Yu. Lavrovskyi, and other Galician-Ruthenian ambassadors initiated the Polish-Ukrainian agreement of 1869-1871 based on a program of 32 articles, which, however, was not adopted in the Sejm. The situation in Austrian-Polish-Ukrainian relations in Galicia changed to the opposite: in 1848-1849, the Austrian authorities fought the Polish nobleman’s revolutionary movement, gaining the loyalty of most Galician Ukrainians, and in 1867-1873, on the contrary, the conservative Polish nobility reached an agreement with the Austrian authorities and achieved national and territorial autonomy for Galicia under Polish domination. Under these conditions, the fourth stage (1890-1897) continued. From the late 1870s to the mid-1890s, a new phenomenon was the attempts at cooperation and interaction between Ukrainian (I. Franko, M. Pavlyk, and others) and Polish socialists in Galicia. The most successful attempts at Ukrainian-Polish political agreement and cultural and educational cooperation in Galicia end this stage with the “New Era” of national democrats O. Barvinskyi and Y. Romanchuk and the stadtholder of Galicia K. Badeni (1890-1894), as well as the “New Course” of O. Barvinskyi (1895-1897). The fifth stage lasted from the aggravation of the Ukrainian-Polish confrontation as a result of the bloody parliamentary elections in March 1897 to the beginning of the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire (October 1918). Under the threat of Ukrainian-Austrian understanding due to the government’s support for Ukrainians, the stadtholder of Galicia A. Potocki negotiated with Ukrainian national democrats (primarily the head of the Ukrainian club in the Galician Sejm, E. Olesnytskyi) in 1907-1908, but their agreements were nullified by a terrorist attack by a student of the University of Vienna, a social democrat, M. Sichynskyi. Under the leadership of the new stadtholder of Galicia, M. Bobrzynski, a Polish-Ukrainian compromise draft of the reform of elections to the Galician Sejm (1913) was developed, but due to the protests of the Polish opposition minority and Muscophiles, Bobrzynski resigned. Under the new stadtholder of Galicia, V. Korytowski, and the decisive role of Greek Catholic Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytskyi, the Galician Sejm in 1914 adopted a reform of the provincial statute and the introduction of a new electoral order to the Sejm. This law (the so-called Galician Equalization) opened up historical opportunities for Ukrainian-Polish dialogue and reconciliation that were unimaginable until then, but were not realized due to the outbreak of World War I.

«Home Songbooks» by S. Monіuszko and Spiritual and Ethical Aspects of the Biedermeier Culture

The purpose of the study is to reveal the genre-stylistic specificity of S. Monіuszko’s cycle “Home Songbooks” in the context of the spiritual and stylistic instructions of Biedermeier’s art, including in his Polish “model”. The methodology of the work is based on general scientific and special methods, among which intonation-stylistic, historical-cultural, genre-stylistic methods in their complex application are essential. The scientific novelty of the work is determined by the fact that it summarises for the first time the genre-stylistic specificity of S. Monіuszko’s “Home Songbooks” cycle in the context of Biedermeier’s typological features and his Polish “hypostasis”. Conclusions. The creativity of S. Monіuszko is an important component of Polish musical culture of the middle of the 19th century, which developed at the intersection of typological signs of romanticism and Biedermeier. The specificity of the latter, presented in almost all European cultures of the mentioned period, including the Polish one, is focused on the revival of spiritual patriarchal guidelines for human existence, on the reproduction of “life imbued with religiosity”. In the artistic and musical sphere, Biedermeier’s typology appeals to the typical and generally significant, to various forms of amateur music-making or to their stylisation. Within the framework of Polish culture, his instructions interact with the signs of Polish nobility and Sarmatism, as well as with the traditions of the national song and dance culture. The large-scale series “Home Songbooks” by S. Monіuszko was created on the basis of the best examples of Polish (A. Mickiewicz, S. Witvytskyi, J. Chechot, L. Kondratovych, etc.), as well as European poetry of various eras (J. Goethe, H. Heine, V. Hugo, V. Scott, J. Byron, V. Shakespeare). It includes about three hundred songs and is oriented to the artistic demands of a family circle or salon gathering, carries a spiritual and educational burden, reproducing the Polish “image of the world” and its ethical values.
 Key words: Polish musical culture of the 19th century, chamber and vocal cycle, chamber and vocal creativity of S. Monyushka, “Home Songbooks” by S. Moniushko, Biedermayer, Sarmatism.

Ukrainian National Revolution as a factor in the development of the law of Ukraine-Rus in the XVII century

The paper examines the impact of signifi cant historical events associated with the Ukrainian National Revolution of the 17th century to changes in the legal sphere, which were the origins of legal norms that have a long-term eff ect. In Ukraine, the jump in interest in the history of socio-cultural and state-legal institutions in our country and on the European continent is largely due to the events of the late XX –early XXI century, formation of Ukraine as an independent state. The problem became even more relevant in connection with the events in Ukraine in 2013-2014, as well as the temporary loss of Crimea and the occupation of some eastern territories, the desire to rewrite the history of development and achievements of our country. In the history of Ukraine and many other European countries highlights the events of the midseventeenth century in terms of their then signifi cance and long-term impact on the development of social and legal institutions in the future: the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which was the source of modern international law; The English Revolution led by O. Cromwell; Ukrainian National Revolution led by B. Khmelnytsky. The aim of the paper is to study the impact of signifi cant historical events related to the B. Khmelnytsky Revolution on changes in the legal sphere, which were a source of legal norms that had long-term eff ect, as well as to compare the consequences of large-scale historical events in Ukraine and Europe to the development of the legal doctrine of the New Time. At the beginning of the XVII century in the Ukrainian-Russian lands there was a situation that can be called “revolutionary”. Legal sources related to the rule of Polish magnates, the Polish nobility and the Catholic Church in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth ceased to exist. “Cossack law” became widespread, which meant the system of customary law, which was formed in the Zaporozhian Sich and was integrated into public relations during the Ukrainian National Revolution. Zaporozhian customary law was perceived not only as local, but also as purely national. Deep religiosity was one of the hallmarks of the Cossacks, and the protection of the Orthodox faith of ancestors and the church was the basis of their lives. The National Revolution in Ukraine in 1648–1676 was related to large-scale sociopolitica movements in a number of Central and Western European countries. Its signifi cance lay in the restoration of state life, the formation of the Ukrainian state idea, and the development of national consciousness. As a result of the turbulent events of the Ukrainian National Revolution, the development of legal institutions took a diff erent path than the development of legal institutions in European countries associated with the end of the Thirty Years’ War and the adoption of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. Unlike the transformations in European countries, the events in Ukraine have not become a direct source in the legal sphere; in this regard there are not yet suffi cient conditions for signifi cant changes. Considering the further historical development of Ukraine, these events were only a necessary impetus for such changes in the future. Key words: Ukrainian National Revolution, necessary and suffi cient conditions for changes in the legal sphere, the origins of law.

Count Michael Muravyov – the Creator of Lithuanian Nation

The article is devoted to the analysis of the Russian Empire authorities policy in the North-Western provinces, in particular, in the areas corresponding to the territory of present-day Lithuania, in the middle and second half of the 19th century. The author shows that Russian administration activity directed at undermining the influence of Polish nobility in the province, led to the government relying on Lithuanian and Belorussian peasantry. The publicist and publisher M.N, Katkov was the ideologist of this policy, and in practice it was enforced by the Governor General M.N. Muravyov. Largely due to that policy there started to appear Lithuanian intelligentsia and middle class. As the result, the Lithuanians, who belonged to lower classes before and spoke the language with no literary norms, grew into an independent nation.