Polish-German Relations Research Articles

Od zapominania do (u)pamięt(ni)ania? Wrocławskie elity o niemieckim dziedzictwie stolicy Dolnego Śląska

The status of German heritage in Wrocław is rather specific, and has been changing over the past seven decades under the influence of not only state and local politics, but also the biographical experiences of successive generations of residents. Calling German heritage troublesome is a frequently used rhetorical figure as well as — or perhaps primarily as — an epithet describing a social fact. This article aims to provide answers concerning the troublesome nature of German heritage for contemporary Wrocław elites. The empirical material comprises unstructured interviews conducted in 2011 and 2022, on the basis of which the relationship between the German heritage and persons occupying specific privileged positions in the social structure of the capital of Lower Silesia was determined. As the study proceeded, three types of approach to this relationship emerged. The first considers the relationship with German heritage unproblematic — either due to it being made “ours,” or because of it being treated superficially. The second approach recognizes the troublesome nature of this relationship, resulting from the tensions between local and national memory policy, including the state’s historical policy offering an antagonistic vision of Polish-German relations. The third type points to the relationship being troublesome due to the attitude to German heritage during the communist era; the memory of this difficult relationship with the heritage back then, and contemporary efforts to restore memory of Wrocław’s pre-1945 history. The approaches thus identified are present in the stories, regardless of the time — they can be found both when the city’s multicultural identity and local memory were intensively discussed a decade ago, and today, when the city is addressing new urban challenges.

Dobra kultury z terenów Polski Zachodniej na tle dyskusji o polskich stratach wojennych

The problem of war losses in Poland has again gained wide interest in recent years. This has resulted in numerous publications, especially in the media, which, however, do not provide reliable information on the issue. The idea for writing this article, which comments on media statements, came from an exhibition of the Institute of National Remembrance entitled „The Economy of the Third Reich”. The aim of the article is to analyse the issue of wartime losses of bells from the territories annexed to Poland after 1945. This issue allows for a broader commentary on the issue of losses from these areas and the need for Polish specialists to develop substantive and legal bases for discussion in the context of Polish-German relations.

Die Parlamentswahlen in Polen 2023 – innenpolitische Beobachtungen und außenpolitische Implikationen

This text is an attempt to read the election results in Poland on 15 October 2023 as a symptom of deeper changes in society. The author defends the thesis that democratic and liberal attitudes, supressed but still present in society, have been unblocked. The expectations of extremely mobilized voters will be a challenge for the new government. Then, the elections were analysed against the background of trends in European politics. In Poland, it turned out that you can also win unfair elections. It is also possible to oppose the general wave of populism. Finally, the author presents the possible effects of the political change in Poland on the situation in the European Union and on Polish-German relations. Polish politics is faced with the task of demonstrating “European indispensability” in the Union, which is turning from a factory of rules into a community of fate.

Analiza korelacji w stosunkach międzynarodowych na przykładzie wybranych aspektów stosunków polsko-niemieckich

Correlation analysis is one of the tools that can be used when examining the relationship between quantitative and qualitative variables in international relations. To carry it out, it is important to meet the necessary assumptions regarding a given correlation coefficient. Several of the most used coefficients are presented, broken down into quantitative, ordinal, and nominal variables. The aim of the study was to present the use of correlation analysis on the example of selected economic and non-economic aspects of Polish-German relations. Trade and the structures of the two countries’ European trade partners were shown to be strongly correlated using Spearman’s rank correlation coefficient. In turn, using the chi-square test of independence, it was also found that there is no statistically significant relationship between Germans residing in one of the former German states and maintaining contacts with Poland. A model for subjective analysis of relationships and influences was also proposed. Consequently, it is suggested that statistical methods should be used more frequently in the study of international relations as a complement to classical descriptive methods.

Relacje polsko-niemieckie piórem malarza spisane na podstawie Pamiętników Juliana Fałata (1935) i Wspomnień Wojciecha Kossaka (1913/1973)

This article is an analysis of two autobiographical texts by famous Polish painters of the turn of the century: Julian Fałat’s Pamiętniki (Diaries) from 1935 and Wojciech Kossak’s Wspomnienia (Reminiscences) from 1913. These texts constitute a source of information not only about the life of Polish artists at the imperial court in Berlin, but also a treasury of historical knowledge about the moods prevailing in the Wilhelmine era, the Polish–German relations in particular. In both texts, the most important figure is that of the German emperor, his involvement in the affairs of art and concern for the fate of outstanding Polish painters. The analysed texts allowed, above all, for showing the difficulties in Polish–German relations at the turn of the century, the ambivalence of the German emperor in relation to the Polish issue and individual Poles, and the difficulties of Polish artists in maintaining the balance between being the court painter of the German emperor and a Polish patriot.

Obcy, czyli wróg – o sposobach prezentowania Niemców w powojennych programach nauczania języka polskiego

In this text, I show how Polish–German relations were depicted in the educational discourse. I analyse post-war Polish programmes and curricula, paying special attention to those from the second half of the 1940s, as they are the clearest example of how the way that the image of our Western neighbour was presented fit the ideological line imposed by the government at the time. I am interested in the then-current selection of topics and the prescribed reading, as well as in the accompanying didactical commentary which, in the first few curricula, takes the form of ideologised briefings. I also underline the way that schools were intertwined in the legitimation processes, which benefited the government’s interests. Of special interest to me is the identity project forming part of education, especially the model of Polish patriotism which was built over the figure of “the enemy” – which is also apparent in today’s form of patriotism.

Między nonkonformizmem a kolaboracją. Kontakty polsko-niemieckie w biografii Jana Emila Skiwskiego

In the interwar period, Jan Emil Skiwski gained recognition as an outstanding literary critic. While the Nazis occupied Poland during World War II, as one of the few writers with ideological motives, he collaborated with the Germans, supporting their propaganda activities, including in the magazine “Przełom”. His attitude was met with general condemnation. After the war, the writer chose to emigrate, hiding behind a changed name, especially given that in communist Poland, he was sentenced in absentia to life imprisonment and loss of public rights. An interesting episode in his post-war biography is the friendship he developed with the German intellectual Jürgen Rausch during his stay in the Allied camp for prisoners of war in Italy. The article tries to present these special Polish–German relations of Skiwski.

Na marginesie traktatów. Dziedzictwo kulturowe zachodniej Polski w perspektywie ostatnich 30 lat – wybrane zagadnienia

The paper attempts to address contemporary selected phenomena that form the context of cultural heritage in western Poland. The statement refers to some social, legal and economic aspects that affect changes in the perception of cultural heritage in western Poland. Although the problems of cultural heritage in western Poland have been of interest to researchers for many years, new issues are emerging. According to the author, phenomena that can be observed in recent years are particularly interesting. These include the pronounced generational transformation in Poland and Germany, which is redefining the social perception of these problems. References to the significance of the German-Polish treaties in the perspective of the last several years are also interesting. The article poses the question of the real meaning of common heritage in the dimension of Polish-German relations.

Nie wchodzi się dwa razy do tej samej rzeki. Obraz katastrofy ekologicznej na Odrze a wiarygodność polskich władz w przekazie wybranych mediów niemieckich

In August 2022 the Polish media reported on a mass mortality of fish and other animals in the Oder, which occurred as a result of contamination of the river’s waters over a section of several hundred kilometres. The situation revealed that Poland lacked an effective water control system and procedures in the case of contamination. Polish authorities’ response and crisis communication, including with foreign partners in the Oder region, were widely commented on in foreign media. From the perspective of Polish-German relations – which have been strained in recent years – how such a crisis is communicated by the media in Poland’s western neighbour seems to be of particular interest. The article presents the results of the content analysis of selected German media in August 2022. The quantitative analysis covered the service of selected German opinion-forming media. The qualitative analysis covered printed editions of selected opinion-forming weeklies (F.A.S., WamS, BamS, Der Spiegel, Stern, Focus, Die Zeit) and weekend editions of two titles published in the border federal states (ger. Bundesländer) (Neues Deutschland/Die Woche, Sächsische Zeitung). The research aimed to evaluate how the actions of the Polish government were presented in the German media during the crisis caused by the ecological disaster.

The image of Eastern Lesser Poland in “Gazeta Gdańska” – daily paper of Poles in the Free City of Gdańsk

In 1919, the Free City of Danzig was estabilished, as quasi-state inhabited mostly by people identifying themselves as Germans. The Polish population in this area was a minority that quite vigorously manifested ties with Poland. The Polonia of Gdansk (called the Polish minority ) had a popular daily paper in Gdansk – “Gazeta Gdańska”, publishing, among other things, news from Poland. Mainly political issues and issues related to Polish-German relations prevailed. Eastern Lesser Poland was an area too remote for the magazine to devote much attention to it.

Główne założenia myśli politycznej organizacji „Ojczyzna” (1939–1945)

The “Ojczyzna” organisation came into life in the end of the September 1939 in Poznań. It gathered the people from academia of Poznań who shared the National-Democrat beliefs. It should be marked, that the members of “Ojczyzna” never belonged to the National Party though. The structures of the organisation were quickly destroyed. Hence, Warsaw became the main area of its operations, although the western orientation was still its distinctive feature. This tendency was observable in the two main fields of the activity of “Ojczyzna”. The first one is the commitment to the concerns of the people inhabiting the territories of the Second Polish Republic that were incorporated into the Nazi Germany. The members of “Ojczyzna” discerned the difference in the living conditions of Poles who stayed in Silesia, Pomerania and Wielkopolska Region compared to the conditions in the General Government. However main activity, in which they were involved, was relocating the western borders to the Oder and the Lusatian Neisse rivers. They devoted the majority of their intellectual work to substantiate this postulate. The view on the borders was included in the Polish-German relations broad analysis, creating together a unique political vision. The members of “Ojczyzna” adopted an explicit state-oriented attitude, expressed in their strong involvement in structures of the Polish Underground State.

Polish FDI in Germany – junior partner with any signs of rising strong?

The economic ties between neighbours are always in the spotlight. Polish-German relations are no exception in this regard, especially given a particularly pronounced asymmetry in the level of mutual direct investment – the flows and stocks of foreign direct investments (FDI). This paper aims threefold: to analyse the recent development trends of Polish investment in Germany, to characterise the profile of investing firms and identify possible patterns of Polish FDI in Germany and finally, based on the diagnosed challenges, to formulate some policy and managerial recommendations. Methodologically it draws on a descriptive analysis of investment figures and a qualitative approach in line with the grounded theory method (GTM) framed in classic FDI theories and concepts. Confrontation of previously (2012-2014) conducted projects with the recent reports or scholarly studies confirmed challenges identified earlier and demonstrated that not much has changed in this respect. Poland when it comes to outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) is still ‘punching below its weight’. Such reflection could be interpreted ambiguously. On the one hand, Polish investments in Germany fluctuate considerably often subject to single one-time investment decisions; on the other, more investments target promising niche sectors such as IT or urban mining. The still unsatisfactory levels of Polish OFDI (development along the investment development path - IDP) can be hence explained ‘pessimistically’ in terms of missing structural competitiveness but also more on a positive note, as a result of the unabating potential and absorptive capacity of the domestic market.

Obraz Niemca w oczach Polaka, obraz Polaka w oczach Niemca. Studium nad staropolskimi traktatami kosmologicznymi przełomu XV i XVI wieku

In this article the author discusses scientific and cultural Polish-German relations at the turn of the 15th and 16th centuries. These considerations are based on the old Polish cosmographers: Wojciech of Brudzew, Jan of Głogów, Wawrzyniec Korwin and Jan of Stobnica. These works show that German scholars were regarded as scientific authorities and were an inspiration and source of knowledge for Polish scholars. However, the cosmological treatise by Jan of Głogów shows that Poles associated Germans with vice and crime, as evidenced by the example of Pontius Pilate, the governor of Judea, who was attributed German origins. The picture of Germans and their lands painted by Old-Polish cosmographers is apparently based on ancient and later authors, especially Solinus, Strabon and Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini. Significant excerpts from these works were also made available to Polish readers to show them a multifaceted panorama of the Germanic lands. Wawrzyniec Korwin’s treatise also contains the opinions of Germans about Poland and Poles. The western neighbors of Poland–Lithuania were particularly keen on Cracow and its famous university and academic staff. The two nations were undeniably fascinated by each other’s science.

Legal and political aspects of war reparations from Germany

This article presents the issue of war reparations from Germany in political and legal terms. The settlement of property claims resulting from war between states is a problem in which political factors always play the most important role in addition to legal issues. The article discusses the conceptual difference between indemnisation of war and war reparations, the legal basis of the war reparations demanded by Poland from Germany for the consequences of World War II in a broad political context, including the development of Polish-German relations after 1945. Great emphasis is placed on the arrangements of the Potsdam Conference and the legal analysis of the question of the legality of the Polish People's Republic's renunciation of war reparations from Germany in 1953. Finally, the article briefly presents the contemporary efforts of the Polish authorities to obtain war reparations from Germany.

Potrzeba niemieckiego zadośćuczynienia za zbrodnie popełnione wobec Polski

Germans now treat Poland in a disrespectful manner, and they consider all historic events to be outdated. Even in the 1960s and 1970s, there was at least some Germans guilt for over 6 million Polish citizens killed during World War II, for mass executions in Polish lands, for crimes committed in concentration camps, for forcing Poles to do forced labor, for the robbery of Polish children, for the burning of Warsaw, for the status of the sub-people, given to the Poles by the occupant. There is no more guilt today. Instead, in Germany, there was a claim to be a normal European state, not burdened with historical events. Germans are improving their well-being, dropping the crimes of 1939-1945 into almost mythical Nazis who do not necessarily have to be associated with their grandparents and great-grandparents. They create themselves on the victims of World War II, hurt by taking back Silesia, Western Pomerania and other territories, displaced from Poland and Czechoslovakia and allied bombing of many cities. In this way of thinking, responsibility for the years of Nazi rule disappears, for countless crimes and for the suffering of hundreds of millions of people. Until today, the Germans have not settled their brown past, and in relation to Poland they have not even dealt with a small part of the problems associated with the crimes committed by them during World War II. Some things will not be done anymore. Due to the passage of time, almost no Nazi criminals can be punished who murdered Poles and Jews. It is also difficult to change the German mentality and way of thinking. The influence of former NSDAP activists on governments in Germany was enormous. Its effects are borne by the Federal Republic even today in the way of shaping its elites. Here you only have to hope that time and wise reflection will do their job. However, Germany has a chance to reward Poland with enormous material losses. To pay huge repairs for the destruction of Poland during World War II, and to pay real, real compensation to the victims of German crimes and their descendants is simply a matter of course. Billions of brands issued Germany to absorb after 1989 the so-called Eastern Lands. Nothing stands in the way that by fulfilling the orders of the Christian religion and the moral assumptions expressed in the German Constitution, they allocate a similar or a larger sum to just satisfaction to Poland and Poles. It is also clear that Germany should return all looted works of art, library collections, manuscripts, etc. They should also stop displaying contempt for Poles and treating Poland as a market and financial exploitation. In the latter matter, however, Poland itself has something to say, and its subjective policy carried out in recent years effectively inhibits the German aspirations. Only the implementation of the above postulates will make Polish-German relations normal and good-neighborly. You do not need to convince anyone that it is in the interest of both Poland and Germany.

Polityka Niemiec wobec Polski – jej cele i skutki

Germany is Poland’s neighbor and at least formally its ally within NATO and a partner in the European Union. In spite of the cautious statements of politicians and well-balanced press articles in Poland, the time has come to make the matter clear: Polish-German relations are very bad. The wine is completely on the side of Germany. For years, Germany has been pursuing a policy that strikes Polish economic interests, Polish sovereignty and territorial integrity. They are contemptuous about Poles, they also conduct a historical policy aimed at imposing Poland on German crimes of World War II. We need a tough policy towards the European Union and Germany, especially against the campaign against Poland regarding the supposed violation of the rule of law in our country. However, one should reckon with various political and diplomatic actions and attempts at financial blackmail (the threat of cutting EU subsidies). On the other hand, we must realize that both Germany and other European countries, after experience with the United Kingdom and its exit from the European Union (Brexit) do not want to leave the Union by subsequent states, because it will mean its decay. That is why their policy towards Poland, despite its ruthlessness and brutality, will not exceed a certain level, over which there will no longer be any dialogue, only the necessity to break the Union’s bonds by the Republic. The strategy of determination and assertiveness in relations with Germany and with the structures of the Union will therefore bring Poland as a result of success. It must be remembered that Germany will not risk losing an important economic partner in the East, and this fact will also affect the moderation of their policy towards Poland. The government of our country must free itself from the influence of long-term policy implemented by the offices of Donald Tusk and Ewa Kopacz. It was a policy of subservience to the western neighbor, succumbing to his suggestions and giving way in matters in which it was necessary to maintain an unchanged iron consistency. As a result, the Germans began to disrespect us more and more clearly and treat us as a vassal state. It is therefore important to go to hard policy, because only such activities make impressions on the leadership groups in Brussels and in Berlin.

Być Polakiem na Kresach Zachodnich II RP w 1939 roku. Losy wybranych mieszkańców powiatu sępoleńskiego

The article describes Polish-German relations in Sępólno country before the onset the Second World War. In mid-September 1939 in Karolewo and Radzim near Więcbork Germans founded a death camps. They intended to gather and kill Poles and Jews, who were considerated enemies of the Third Reich. Administrations and guards were members of the Selbstschutz Westpreussen – the Self-defence of Polish Citizens of German Origin. In Karolewo were murdered at least 1781 people and in Radzim 113. At the and the author presented four biographies of victims: two teachers and two farmers.

Colonial Fantasies, Imperial Realities: Race Science and the Making of Polishness on the Fringes of the German Empire, 1840–1920

Colonial Fantasies, Imperial Realities: Race Science and the Making of Polishness on the Fringes of the German Empire, 1840–1920

Niedoszłe polsko-niemieckie „Gesamtlösung” w roku 1939 a sprawa żydowska

From October 1938 to March 1939, the German Nazi government was trying to achieve a “general solution” (Gesamtlösung) in the relations with Poland. Hitler wanted not only the incorporation of Gdańsk (Danzig) and extraterritorial connection to Eastern Prussia, but also to have Poland as a satellite state. The demands were not accepted by the Foreign Minister of Poland col. Beck. Many exhaustive studies on Polish-German relations were published in the last phase of peace (1938–1939), but there was no work on the role of the so called “Jewish problem” in the Nazi plans concerning Poland. The author of the article tries to prove that this question was an integral element of German negotiation strategy with Warsaw. There is no doubt that the Nazi government wanted to impose principally anti-Jewish collaboration on Poland. Fortunately, the project was rejected by the Polish government.

‘Minesweeper’: In Remembrance of Włodzimierz Borodziej (1956–2021)

The article outlines the life and achievements of Włodzimierz Borodziej, a contemporary historian. Initially a scholar of the history of Polish-German relations, he became the secretary, and later chairman, of the Polish-German Textbook Commission. Then, he engaged himself in the history of diplomacy and international relations; the ‘Polskie Dokumenty Dyplomatyczne’ [Polish Diplomatic Documents] series was established at his initiative. He also occupied various official positions at the University of Warsaw and in the Sejm of the Republic of Poland. In his final decade, he became interested in the history of Central and Eastern Europe. He also contributed to the creation of the permanent exhibition at the House of European History in Brussels.