Polish Authorities Research Articles

Nowe szlaki migracyjne przez Polskę

The purpose of this article is to analyze the migration routes leading through Poland to Western European countries since 2021, that is, the emergence of a humanitarian crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border. In addition, the article focuses on the actions of the Polish authorities in response to the increase in illegal migration flows through Poland. The caesuras of the analysis cover the years 2021–2023. The article posits that the creation of new restrictions (visas, the introduction of temporary border controls, the construction of walls on the borders) has the effect of changing migration routes, increasing illegal travel and temporarily slowing down population flows.

(Un)deserving victims: the race-gender-geopolitics nexus of migration discourses in Poland

ABSTRACT What makes some displaced populations deserving protection more than others? I discuss this complex problem in a critical analysis of discursive narratives, presented by Polish authorities about the situation on its two Eastern borders between 2021 and 2023. I propose the race-gender-geopolitics nexus of intersectional analysis to reveal how and why migrants on the Polish-Belarusian border were presented as threatening and ingenuine as asylum-seekers, and Ukrainians became real ‘war refugees’. While the identified narratives corresponded with the existing studies on the influence of race and gender on perceived deservingness and victimisation, considering geopolitics offers a novel, context-specific analytical layer of discourse production. I thus move beyond the ‘deserving/undeserving’ binary, complicating the picture with other groups of displaced people, often silenced in the analysed representations. I demonstrate how the widespread post-colonial, racializing and patriarchal attitudes have been intertwined with regional geopolitical goals and relations with neighbouring countries. For Poland, these are the aspirations to anchor its position within the West, as well as its complicated history with Russia and Belarus but also Ukraine. I argue that all of that, coupled with the long-standing antimigrant attitudes, resulted in particular discourses about the incoming people.

Ethnic Relations between Lithuanians and Poles in the Eastern and South-Eastern Part of Lithuania 1960–1985

The article explores the manifestation of the Soviet national policy in the eastern and south-eastern part of Lithuania during the Khrushchev Thaw period and the Brezhnev Era of stagnation by focusing on the ethnic relations between Lithuanian and Poles who, in terms of numbers, dominated in the region. The situation in the eastern and south-eastern part of Lithuania (multi-ethnic population, geographical location, historical heritage, etc.) was very favourable for the implementation of the Soviet national policy. Based on the slogans of “friendship between nations” and “internationalism”, the concept of the convergence of the nations was realised. It manifested in closer relations between various ethnic groups, soviet republics and their population. As far as eastern and south-eastern part of Lithuania was concerned, relationships were promoted with neighbouring republics, firstly with Belarus, rather than with other regions of the Republic of Lithuania. Such policy led to the formation of a specific situation in Vilnius region. A certain part of the inhabitants of the region more often identified themselves with the Belarusian population and had a poor understanding of the life of other regions in Lithuania. This determined segregation between the Lithuanian and Polish communities, and alienation of the Poles. The Soviet authorities controlled ethnic relations between Lithuanians and Poles; any potential ethnic tension was immediately repressed and hardly ever surfaced. Ethnic disagreements between Lithuanians and Poles (due to different interpretation of historical past, etc.) were frozen for several decades and broke out only at time of the decline of the Soviet period. The position of the Polish population in the region was fuelled by attention and support from the Polish authorities and society. However, only relationships sanctioned by the Soviet authorities were allowed. Therefore any nationalist ideas from Poland were immediately stifled. Seeking faster indoctrination of the population, the Soviet authorities used the Polish language factor in the eastern and south-eastern part of Lithuania. The Polish population in this region was provided an opportunity to develop education and culture in their mother tongue, yet this was controlled and Sovietised. The support for nurturing the Polish ethnic identity by the Soviets formed a stereotype among Lithuanians that Poles were protected and the eastern and south-eastern part of Lithuania was deliberately Polonised. In the 1970s, when attempts to consolidate the society in the USSR were made on the basis of the Russian language and culture, assimilation efforts (Russification) strengthened in Lithuania. This process particularly affected the position of the Poles in the eastern and south-eastern part of Lithuania (Polish schools became Russian schools, the number of mixed marriages increased, the Russian language was increasingly used for communication, etc.). Such policies led to the assimilation of certain part of the Polish population in the region.

Challenges, Assessment and Recommendations of the Fact-Checkers Regarding Polish Policy of Combating and Counteracting Disinformation

The article presents the results of the research of Polish fact-checkers’ opinions concerning the challenges related to the phenomenon of disinformation, the assessment of Polish policy implemented in this area, and recommendations. Data on this topic were collected using in-depth interviews. Among the most important challenges related to disinformation, Polish fact-checkers mentioned: the 2023 election campaign and the polarisation of Polish society, disinformation about the EU, Russian disinformation, the war in Ukraine and anti-Ukrainian narratives, as well as development of artificial intelligence. The respondents’ assessment of Polish policy of combating and counteracting disinformation was negative. The passivity of the Polish state or illusory actions were also emphasised by the respondents. They pointed out that the state is tackling this problem in a piecemeal manner, focusing on a specific, selected topic. In addition, attention was drawn to the use of disinformation in Poland for political purposes. Fact-checkers would recommend Polish authorities to conduct a clear, fast and coordinated communication policy, to restore trust in public institutions, to increase the level of financing the NGOs’ activity, and to change the approach to media education, which is the best tool for combating disinformation.

Activities of the Emergency Service of Boy-Scouts and Girl-Scouts of the Małopolska District in the Scope of Assistance for War Refugees from Ukraine in the Light of Messages From the Scout Headquarters and Scouts Reports

ObjectivesThe main purpose of the article is to show examples of help from the Polish authorities and society for Ukrainian war refugees by using the example of the activity of the Emergency Service of Boy-Scouts and Girl-Scouts (PHiH) of the Polish Scouting Association (ZHR) after the Russian aggression against Ukraine, undertaken on February 24, 2022.MethodsThe source basis for the study is documents regarding the activities of the Emergency Service of Boy-Scouts and Girl-Scouts and reports on the service on the Polish-Ukrainian border, available on the ZHR websites, the Facebook social network, and messages from the PHiH Staff of the Małopolska District of the ZHR. Due to the current development of events, the author has adopted a descriptive model focused on describing the current situation in Ukraine.ResultsThe author described the activities of the PHiH in the Małopolska District of the ZHR, showing various aspects of the scout service for war refugees. In the face of war refugees in need of help, Polish scout organisations, including Małopolska District of the ZHR joined the auxiliary service in Krakow and on the border with Ukraine, the activities of the ZHR result from the Law and the Scout Promise.ConclusionsThe result of the article is a description of the service of PHiH scouts and scouts for Ukrainian war refugees and its examples. It is an important contribution to attempts to describe the Russian-Ukrainian war in its various aspects, and its content fits into its context.

Refugees' right to health: A case study of Poland's disparate migration policies.

Poland has faced two waves of migration: the first was of irregular asylum seekers, which led to the humanitarian crisis on the eastern EU-Belarusian border since 2021; the second was of Ukrainians fleeing the Russian invasion. Although there are noticeable differences between these situations, and between the different reactions of the Polish authorities, it is possible to juxtapose them in terms of the right to health. The normative content of refugee and human rights law is the starting point for reconstructing the meaning of the terms 'refugee' and 'right to health'. A refugee is a person who needs international protection because of a well-founded fear of harm, which is not limited to persecution as defined by the Refugee Conventionbut also includes situations of international and non-international armed conflict. The right to health, which includes, inter alia, entitlements to a 'system of health protection' and 'underlying determinations of health', is reconstructed on the basis of human rights law and refugee and migration law. There are no legal and moral grounds to grant the right to health differentially to different groups of refugees. Nondiscriminatory health policy requires that refugees have the same access to health care as nationals, although their specific health needs resulting from past experiences and refugee situation require special treatment, that is, an appropriate refugee health policy. The broad understanding of the underlying determinants of health demonstrates the importance of overall migration policy for refugees' health, which can jeopardise the fragile good of refugee health.

Wewnątrzunijne przemieszczanie psów i kotów przez schroniska dla zwierząt w świetle prawa weterynaryjnego

The aim of the article is to analyze the not previously discussed problem of the application of legal provisions regarding the movement of dogs and cats by Polish animal shelters to other EU Member States. This matter is regulated in EU law, as well as in Polish law, and its complexity, overlapping standards and emerging uncertainty regarding their application by state administration justifies taking up this topic. The analysis covers veterinary requirements for shelters from which dogs or cats are moved to other EU Member States, as well as requirements relating to the identification and health of the animals themselves. An important problem that has been revealed is the application of regulations regarding the approval of this type of establishments by official veterinarians without giving priority to EU law. Polish authorities that approve animal shelters require operators running these establishments to meet the Polish law requirements, which, however, do not result from EU regulations. These may lead to discrimination against Polish establishments running animal shelters.

The role of the Act of 5 November 1916 in starting the process of rebuilding Polish statehood

The following text is devoted to the issues of the fate of Polish lands being decided during World War I. Above all it discusses the Act of 5 November 1916 issued by two of the partitioning powers – the Second German Reich and Austria-Hungary – and assesses its role in the future revival of Polish statehood. This legal act led to the establishing of semi-sovereign central Polish administration bodies, which prepared a draft constitution for the future state (monarchist), a draft electoral law for the Sejm, and took many steps to establish local Polish authorities, the judiciary, and the education system. The authors analyse the establishment of the two main central bodies under the auspices of Germany and Austria-Hungary (the Provisional Council of State, and the Regency Council), describe the monarchist project of the Polish constitution created thanks to the Provisional Council of State, and the electoral law designed at that time. They also question to what extent the acts of 5 November can be associated with the concept of “Mitteleuropa” – the creation of an economic and political union in Central and Eastern Europe of states that were to function under strict German control. This concept, created in the second half of the 19th century, was redefined during World War I. The historical-legal method was used in work on this article, supplemented with the dogmatic-legal and comparative methods.

Timeo danaos et dona ferentes, або як Кремль дружив з незалежною Литвою проти другої Речі Посполитої (1918–1940): історична та історико-правова розвідка

Soviet foreign policy in the interwar (1918–1939) period was carried out on the basis of the strategy and tactics of the "world revolution", which, in turn, provided for the rallying of all "anti-imperialist forces", including the so-called oppressed peoples. While supporting the struggle of the Hindus against the British colonialists or the Chinese Kuomintang against imperial Japan, the Kremlin manipulators did not let the European continent out of their sight. One of the powerful knots of contradictions at that time became the Polish-Lithuanian relations, caused by the forceful annexation of the Vilnius region by the Poles, even contrary to the decision of the Versailles Conference. From the very beginning of the conflict, the Union of the SSR sided with Kaunas under the Pharisaic slogan of the right of nations to self-determination. Explanations for this lay on the surface. First, the interwar Second Commonwealth in its then borders was a project of the Council of Ambassadors of the Versailles Conference (primarily of France), concerned about the Soviet threat. Secondly, Moscow did not have a territorial conflict with Lithuania, but it did with Poland. Thirdly, actual (non)intervention in the conflict, its intensification or, on the contrary, its weakening could be used as a bargaining chip in relations with third states (such as Germany). Kaunas also had its interest, which lay on the surface (Vilnius region). The Soviet invasion of Poland, carried out under the pretext of taking under the protection of the population, which the "unreasonable policy of the Polish authorities" allegedly put in an extremely dangerous situation, was accompanied by a "generous" act of restoration of historical justice for the Lithuanians offended by the Polish invaders. However, in less than a year, the Soviet Janus showed his true face to the until recently friendly Lithuania.

Quantitative Assessment of Gaseous Effluents during Routine Operation: A Comparative Study of Planned Nuclear Power Plants at Lubiatowo-Kopalino and Pątnów Sites in Poland

On September 2021, Polish government declared that six pressurized water reactors with combined capacity of 6–9 GWe will be built by 2040 to reduce Poland’s reliance on coal. Due to the adopted schedule, construction of the first nuclear power plant will begin in 2026, with the first reactor capacity of 1–1.6 GWe to be operational in 2033. The Polish authorities announced in 2022 the selection of two locations and technologies for Poland’s first commercial nuclear power plants. Westinghouse AP1000 reactor was selected by Polish government to be built as the first plant in the location of Lubiatowo-Kopalino, on the coast of the country. In the meantime, Poland’s ZE PAK, Polska Grupa Energetyczna, and Korea Hydro & Nuclear Power have signed the letter of intent to collaborate on the project that evaluates the feasibility of building South Korean APR1400 on Pątnów site in central Poland. The objective of this study was to acquire and examine the gaseous effluents released during the standard operation of the AP1000 and APR1400 reactor technologies, with the primary goal of focusing on estimating the potential exposure of the general public. The effluents were calculated by using the GALE code based on each nuclear reactor technical specification. The obtained results were compared with those included in the Design Control Document for each reactor. Subsequently, the HotSpot software was used to calculate the radiation risk for downwind areas by utilizing GALE code results as source terms together with specific meteorological data corresponding for each localization. The results for AP1000 at Lubiatowo-Kopalino site and for APR1400 at Pątnów site were analysed and compared in the study. As the study findings were evaluated with the Polish radiation limits for the general public, all doses remained below the legal thresholds. With no previous alike studies conducted, this research begins the analysis of radiation impacts associated with the planned nuclear power plant in Poland during normal operation.

Protecting the rights of judges: the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights in Juszczyszyn v Poland and Tuleya v. Poland

This article examines two rulings of the European Court of Human Rights on the rights of independent Polish judges in Juszczyszyn v. Poland and Tuleya v. Poland, focusing on two key aspects. First, it addresses the Court’s finding that the Polish authorities aimed to undermine judicial independence and deter the applicants from questioning the Government’s controversial judicial reforms. Secondly, it explores the potential evolution of the case law of the European Court of Human Rights regarding recognising the subjective right of judges under Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights to have their independence protected and respected by the State. The article also discusses problems concerning implementation of the two judgments.

The Role of the System of Bodies of the Regency Council of the Kingdom (State) of Poland in the Reconstruction of Polish Statehood (Selected Problems)

The paper refers to selected key political issues related to the construction of central state bodies of the reborn Polish statehood in the years 1917–1918. This construction (organization) was started by activist circles in the proclaimed (reactivated) Kingdom of Poland on November 5, 1916, by emperors of Germany and Austria-Hungary. The emancipatory bodies formed at the time – the Provisional Council of States followed by the Regency Council of the Kingdom of Poland – made efforts to organize the state structures of the reborn statehood, which de facto worked for the future “United Polish State” and as such were taken over and fully used by the sovereign Polish authorities after November 11–14, 1918.

Przeciwdziałanie przemocy domowej – kilka uwag w kontekście środków przewidzianych w art. 275a § 1 i 3, art. 275 § 3 oraz art. 244 § 1a i 1b Kodeksu postępowania karnego

The paper attempts to answer the question whether the authorities applying the measures under Article 275a § 1 and 3, Article 275 § 3 and Article 244 § 1a and 1b of the Polish Code of Criminal Procedure have relevant competences and/or methods allowing them to adequately apply the measures stipulated for in those provisions. The author has primarily employed the legal-dogmatic method in the research. The analysis has found that: (1) the authorities applying the measures under Article 275a § 1 and 3, Article 275 § 3 and Article 244 § 1a and 1b of the Polish Code of Criminal Procedure currently do not have at their disposal the competences and/or the methods allowing them to adequately apply the measures stipulated for in those provisions; (2) the methods applied by the Polish authorities, on decisions on the application and the scope of application of measures stipulated for in those provisions, must be changed.

General Myron Tarnavsky in the Polish captivity (1918–1921)

This article attempts to characterize the fate of the general Myron Tarnavsky during his Polish captivity in the camps of Dąbie and Tuchola. He was interned on two occasions: the first time was at the end of 1918, and the second time was in July of 1920. First internment was connected with the end of the First World War. In the November 1918 Tarnavsky was stationed on the Greater Ukraine, where he commanded the 16 Mazur Infantry Regiment of Austro-Hungarian army. He successfully relocated the regiment to Krakow, but upon his return to Lviv, he was discovered and sent to the camp of Dąbie, located on the outskirts of Krakow. Unfortunately, there is a paucity of information regarding his sojourn in that locale. Conversely, there are numerous sources that cover the period of his second sojourn in the Tuchola camp, where he was imprisoned from July 1920 until February 1921. After he had returned from Greater Ukraine to Eastern Galicia in July, 1920, he was immediately arrested by Polish gendarmerie and sent again to the prisoners-of-war camp, this time to Tuchola. Mentioned camp was located in Pomorze, far away from Eastern Galicia, and was established by Polish authorities in March 1920. In May and June 1920 2,5 thousands of officers and soldiers from the ranks of Red Ukrainian Halych Army were imprisoned in the camp. They were disarmed by the Polish forces during Kyiv Offensive of 1920. General Tarnavsky arrived to the Tuchola camp on July 22, 1920. All officers gathered and honored him as their commander for an extended period. During his imprisonment, all interned officers of UHA at the camp paid respect to him as he was the highest rank Ukrainian officer imprisoned there, although he rarely participated in the camp’s activities. The only case in which Tarnavsky was involved that was of a greater magnitude was the case of Major Wilhelm Lobkowitz. General Tarnavsky was released from captivity in February 1921.

Между дегерманизацией и славянизацией: концепции интеграции Возвращенных польских земель после Второй мировой войны

The article examines the integration concepts of “recovered territories” (former German lands) as part of the post-war Poland, proposed by various political forces represented in the Polish Resistance Movement during World War II, in order to determine their influence on the subsequent development of the state, whose borders in 1945 changed radically. This study is based on acts and memoranda of the Polish government in exile, documents of new authorities created by the Communists and their allies in the liberated territory, programs of political and public organizations, press materials, and memoirs. The author pays special attention to the terms “de-Germanisation” and “Slavianisation”, which the program settings of the government in exile in London and its supporters, as well as the plans of the Polish communists, contain. The article traces the gradual transition to a common understanding of the mechanism of future integration processes as “re-Polonisation”. First of all, it was a radical change of population in the newly annexed territories and at the same time the forced deportation of German citizens to Germany and the settlement of the vacated spaces by Poles from the central voivodships of the country and repatriates from the USSR. On the other hand, the local Poles (former German citizens) were not deported. According to the Polish authorities, this autochthonous Polish population was subjected to forced Germanisation for many centuries, they needed to return their native language and Polish appearance in full. As a result, various groups of inhabitants of Polish origin with diverse cultural backgrounds had to transform into a homogeneous ethnocultural community, which was to become part of a single Polish nation. Re-Polonisation also implied a whole range of measures aimed at changing the cultural landscape and national symbols, restoring the former Slavic toponyms, and identifying and consolidating historical and cultural evidence of the Polish past of the new territories in the public consciousness. However, the analysis of the integration concepts of the opposing Polish political movements shows serious differences in the understanding of the term “re-Polonisation”, in the development and application of specific mechanisms for its implementation in the new Polish territories. Polish emigrant circles in London gave priority to the national-cultural aspects of integration, while the left-wing forces finally came to the conclusion that socialist-type transformations would become a universal means of integration for all groups of Polish society. With the victory of the Communists, the latter approach prevailed, which led to the underestimation of many factors and errors in the sphere of the national-cultural policy in the newly annexed lands in the first post-war years.

Polish Physical Culture in Germany and the German Minority's Physical Culture in Poland until 1939 – A Comparative Study

The article represents the first attempt to depict the similarities and differences in the development of Polish physical culture in Germany and German physical culture in Poland during the interwar period of the 20th century. In both Poland and Germany, up until 1939, national minorities, notably the Germans in Poland and the Polish in Germany, played a significant role in fostering the development of physical culture. Drawing upon scholarly research and archival sources, commonalities between Polish physical culture in Germany and German physical culture in Poland can be discerned. They included: significant politicization, utilization for shaping patriotic attitudes and national integration, activity in the field of physical education, sports, and tourism, similar forms of activity of the Sokół Gymnastic Society in Germany and the German Turner Association in Poland, concern for the development of physical education among children and youth, and support from the respective home countries. However, notable disparities exist, including the longer-standing traditions of German physical culture on Polish soil, the considerably smaller scale of material support from Polish authorities for minorities in Germany, and the involvement of Deutsche Turnerschaft in Poland in a revisionist campaign against Poland in 1939.

The Parties of the Polish People’s Movement in Exile Concerning the So-called Continuity of Polish Statehood in Exile

This study is of paramount importance as it delves into the attitudes of three Polish People’s Parties active in exile between 1945 and 1990 (Stronnictwo Ludowe “Wolność” (SLW), Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (PSL), Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe – Odłam Jedności Narodowej (PSL-OJN)) towards the recognition of the Polish Constitution of April 1935 and the permanence of the Polish authorities in exile – the so-called legalism. The study primarily used content analysis as the primary research method to analyze the content of the provenance materials of the studied parties, such as political programs, minutes of meetings, articles in the party press, and correspondence. Scientific literature was also used. The research concludes that each of the three researched parties presented different views on the issues indicated above, although the opinions of the SLW and PSL-OJN were quite similar. These parties were in favor of recognizing the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of April 1935 as binding and the construction of the authorities of the Republic of Poland in exile on the basis of the provisions of that Constitution. A different position was presented by the PSL, which rejected the Polish Constitution of 1935 in its entirety.

Działania oświatowo-kulturalne w zakładach pracy na Dolnym Śląsku w latach 1945–1950

In the first years after World War II, the effects of the war were eliminated, industry was nationalized, agriculture was collectivized, and annexed areas were merged with the rest of the country. In Lower Silesia, the Polish authorities wanted to implement a development plan. To this end, it was necessary to launch and develop industrial and agricultural production and to prepare means of transport and communication. The task was difficult because the new terrain required solving the problems of social issues, ordering and activating industry and taking initiatives in the area of educational and cultural life. The establishment of enterprises and industrial plants in Lower Silesia was associated with the preparation of an educational and cultural offer for employees, which took the following forms: libraries, common rooms, reading rooms and dance, theater, music, ballet and company orchestras. An important role in the above activities was played by the media: newsreel and Lower Silesian press. They published information about the initiatives of the management of workplaces in the direction of promoting the activity of spending free time by workers and the creation of new places for the development of interests and opportunities for innovative activities. The economic development of the Recovered Territories after the war took place in complex political and social conditions. The problem was the post-war chaos and the limited possibilities of the state, which did not have adequate financial and material resources that had to be allocated for reconstruction. The aim of this article is to present educational initiatives in factories and plants in Lower Silesia after World War II. Drawing attention to the implementation of ideological and political assumptions through the prism of cultural activities with the use of local press.

Wojsko Polskie w składzie Zjednoczonych Sił Zbrojnych Układu Warszawskiego w końcowym okresie jego funkcjonowania

The Warsaw Pact (UW) was an instrument of the Soviet Union’s military influence on the so-called Eastern Bloc during the confrontation of the East with the West. The purpose of this article is to present the activity of the Polish Armed Forces in the composition of the United Forces of the Warsaw Pact in the 1980s (in the final period of its operation). The most important fact was the lack of operational independence of Poland, which was limited by the Soviet Union. Due to the changing political and economic situation, the Polish authorities saw no point in further participation in the “Allied” organization, which was dissolved on July 1, 1991. The most complete study on the subject is a publication by J. Pałka (2022) which presents the operational participation of the Polish Army in the Warsaw Pact based on the archival sources of the Central Archives of the Military Historical Bureau.

Stany Zjednoczone a obrona dobrego imienia Polski i narodu polskiego w kontekście Holokaustu

The aim of the paper is to analyze and evaluate the reaction of the United States to the changes to the Act on the Institute of National Remembrance, which were to defend the good name of Poland and the Polish nation in the context of the Holocaust. The paper explains the significance of these changes for Polish-American relations. The assessment takes into account the important context of recent legal changes preventing the restitution of private Jewish property in Poland, lost after World War II. In criticizing the legal changes to the Act on the IPN carried out by the American authorities, respecting the freedom of expression and public debate was of the greatest importance. Since the Polish authorities resigned from the regulations that would have infringed these values, the United States did not limit cooperation with Poland. However, the controversy surrounding the act has shown that the legal restriction of basic democratic values, including the freedom of speech, may cause a more decisive response from the USA, decreasing the importance of relations with Poland. This, however, depends on the current appraisal of the strategic interests in the United States.