Peace Policy Research Articles

Review: New Hope for the Indians: The Grant Peace Policy and the Navajos in the 1870s, by Norman J. Bender

Book Review| August 01 1990 Review: New Hope for the Indians: The Grant Peace Policy and the Navajos in the 1870s, by Norman J. Bender New Hope for the Indians: The Grant Peace Policy and the Navajos in the 1870sNorman J. Bender Robert A. Trennert Robert A. Trennert Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Pacific Historical Review (1990) 59 (3): 422–423. https://doi.org/10.2307/3640772 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Robert A. Trennert; Review: New Hope for the Indians: The Grant Peace Policy and the Navajos in the 1870s, by Norman J. Bender. Pacific Historical Review 1 August 1990; 59 (3): 422–423. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/3640772 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentPacific Historical Review Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1990 The Pacific Coast Branch, American Historical Association Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

"New hope for the Indians": the Grant peace policy and the Navajos in the 1870s

"New hope for the Indians": the Grant peace policy and the Navajos in the 1870s

The People's Republic of China: An Independent Foreign Policy of Peace

This article traces the evolution of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China in a historical perspective, analyses the principal imperatives that have shaped the country's current independent policy of peace, and looks into its underlying rationales. Drawing upon a wealth of primary sources, the essay presents a distinctive Chinese view of the current international scene as well as of the international behaviour of the country, which is opening up to the outside world and restructuring its economy in an all-out drive for development.

The People's Republic of China: An Independent Foreign Policy of Peace

This article traces the evolution of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China in a historical perspective, analyses the principal imperatives that have shaped the country's current independent policy of peace, and looks into its underlying rationales. Drawing upon a wealth of primary sources, the essay presents a distinctive Chinese view of the current international scene as well as of the international behaviour of the country, which is opening up to the outside world and restructuring its economy in an all-out drive for development.

John of Gaunt and English policy towards France 1389–1395

In the years after the truce of 1389, English and French embassies met in a series of conferences to formulate a peace treaty. The chief English diplomat, John of Gaunt, negotiated for his own ambitions in Guyenne rather than for the claims of his nephew, King Richard II. Despite his skill at the conference table, these claims continued to prevent the achievement of a definitive peace. In the duchy of Guyenne, Gaunt failed to establish himself by force or diplomacy, and the truce remained fragile. With his uncle's peace policy in ruins, Richard took control of foreign affairs and agreed a long truce with France in 1396. A reconsideration of the diplomacy of these years casts new light on Anglo-French relations at the central point of the Hundred Years War.

Anmerkungen zur Friedensdiskussion

Abstract Part of the basis of the theory and practice of peace policy is the acknowledgment of the ambivalence ofhuman nature and history, the reality ofthe capacity for both war and peace. This insight Ieads to the setting of comparative aims for peace policy, to a reform-based implementation of more peace in the face of an unpeaceful world. A world peace order cannot disregard the existence of sovereign states and their interests. Combining international cooperation and communication with a residual policy of nuclear deterrence could minimize military conflicts. At national Ievel this orientation towards peace requires a legal system along the lines of a social constitutional state.

Von der Wissenschaftsverwaltung zur Wissenschaftspolitik. Friedrich Althoff (19. 2. 1839‐20. 10. 1908)

Friedrich Althoff (1839–1908) was one of Germany's three great administrators of science and humanities between Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767–1835) and Carl Heinrich Becker (1886–1933). He was perhaps the most prominent representative of Prussian bureaucratic liberalism and the first eminent politician of culture or — in the words of W. H. Dawson — “the most enlightened but also the most dictatorial Minister of Education Prussia has ever had”. Althoff dominated the state administration of higher education in Prussia between 1882 and 1907, serving as Ministerial director over higher educational affairs under at least four ministers. The so‐called “Althoff system”, that he built pushed the development of German science and scholarship to a dominant position in the world, rationalized the universities and further subordinated them to state or ministerial policy through a rigid control of professional appointments, started the mobilization of private capital in support of German scientific hegemony (founding of Kaiser‐Wilhelm‐Gesellschaft), and put forward the Prussian tradition — ultimately an unsustainable one — of strong personal administration, by which Althoff systematically manipulated or overrode the very bureaucratic apparatus he had helped to create. On the other hand his policy defended academic freedom, patronized Catholic and Jewish scholars against reactionary university faculties as well as the so‐called Kathedersozialisten against the influences of big business and laissez‐faire capitalism. As a creator of german cultural foreign policy he paved the way for more international understanding and peace policy, an alternative to the war‐aims policy of Imperial Germany on the eve of the Great War.

Family allowances in Canada and Australia 1940–1945: A comparative critical case study

ABSTRACTWhilst quantitive and ‘positivist’ modes of comparative social policy can reveal significant structural factors involved in the making of welfare states, they too often ignore the role of human agency, intention and political processes. A critical-historical comparative case study of the introduction of ‘child endowment’ and of ‘family allowances’ respectively in Australia (1941) and in Canada (1944) reminds us of the interplay between structural constraints and human agency in the history of welfare states. Detailed analysis suggests that institutionalised arrangements in Australia after 1905 to resolve capital-labour conflict via arbitral and wage fixation mechanisms put the question of the adequacy of wages in meeting family needs and with it proposals for child endowment onto the public agenda as early as 1920. In Canada the absence of such mechanisms, and alternative welfare arrangements to deal with family welfare, combined to keep such proposals off the public agenda. After 1939 the development of ‘war economies’ in Australia and Canada created common contradictions for governments, trying to maintain both industrial peace and anti-inflation policies, which the introduction of family allowances in both countries were attempts to resolve. Consideration is also given to a range of political problems and contexts in both countries which this particular policy measure attempted to deal with.

Economic exchanges specific to the two German states

In the GDR’s most recent “Law on the Five Year Plan” for the years 1986 to 1990, an expansion of trade relations with non-socialist countries has been called for “on a foundation of parity and to reciprocal advantage (as) a contribution to the material basis for a policy of peace and international security.“] This directive presents a more balanced perspective than the second SED Party Program of 1976,* which foresaw “improvements in the profitability of foreign trade” for strengthening socialism “in economic competition with capitalism.” The relations of “cooperation” and “mutual advantage” were specified in the Program for members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and for developing nations, while “peaceful coexistence” was assured for countries with different social orders, without any stipulation of commercial reciprocity. Relations with the GDR’s most important Western trading partner, the Federal Republic of Germany, were significantly improved during the same period that the second Party Program was issued. At the recent 11th Party Congress of the SED, moreover, Erich Honecker reaffirmed that the “preservation of peace was and remains . the decisive question in relations”3 between the two Germanies. The Directive for the live-year plan, presented at the Congress by Politburo member Giinter Mittag, could thus emphasize the need to “further solidify the economic unassailability of the GDR” in foreign trade with capitalistic countries, citing an “inseparable relationship”

Churchmen and the Western Indians, 1820-1920 (review)

130Quaker History meeting in 1862 at the same time this status was granted to Hobart and Adelaide. Later in that decade enough Quakers had moved to Queensland to begin discussion of a meetinghouse, and one was erected with British help in 1866. Joseph James Neave and Walter Robson were early visitors to these Friends. The author has described the manner in which British and Irish Friends sought to assist Australian Quakers through visitation, epistles, offers of money, and advice. While a special deputation in 1875 proposed the creation of an Australian yearly meeting, the Friends in the colonies were clearly not ready for that responsibility and they continued to receive support from London. On the other hand Oats describes the way in which Australian Quakers were different from those in the British Isles. The book begins somewhat slowly with the first 75 pages devoted to background, the results of a vigorous search for the names of the first 1 ,000 Quaker immigrants and an effort to describe the reasons for migration. These are all useful points to develop but the book takes on more life and vitality as it deals with the actual creation of Friends meetings in the colonies. His last two chapters, "Toward an Australian Quakerism: 1875-1901," and one entitled "Retrospect," pull the entire volume together. This admirable study is weakened by several typographical errors and an index which this reviewer found difficult to use. One hopes that William Oats will now write a comparable volume about the 20th century. Haverford CollegeEdwin B. Bronner Churchmen and the Western Indians, 1820-1920. Edited and with an introduction by Clyde Milner II and Floyd A. O'Neil. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1985. 252 pp. Hlus., maps, notes, index. $19.95. One of the more shameful chapters in the expansion of Euro-American civilization on the North American continent is the treatment of the native Americans. To be sure there was positive response to the Indians by churchmen such as Jean de Brébeuf, John Eliot, David Zeisberger, and Anthony Benezet, but even the story of religious work in Indian-white relations is checkered at best. This book presents case studies of the work by men ofsix different denominations among and for Indians during a time in United States history when churches were engaged in vigorous mass evangelism, concerned reform work, and were serving as the handmaids of federal Indian policy. By presenting a variety of denominational responses the study offers the reader the opportunity to discern patterns in Church attitudes and methods of outreach as well as the reaction of the Indian "clients." What becomes clear is that most Christian work for the Indian was motivated by the twin goals of "civilization" and salvation, the order of those ends differing with the various denominations. Boarding schools, agricultural stations, gospel instruction , and the development of a settled lifestyle were all integral parts of a program to "save" the Indians both physically and spiritually. As becomes clear through the six authors' exhaustively researched details, Indian acceptance of the package was never overwhelming. Only a few missionaries were willing to preach and teach in the native language, thus limiting comprehension and response, and even fewer were open to encouraging Indians to maintain native cultural integrity. In most cases white civilization itself helped destroy the Indians through greedy land acquisition, trade in alcohol, and subjugation. The cure for this destructive contagion was probably worse than the poison: many churchmen advocated the removal of Indians to the West, further disrupting their already decaying cultural institutions and encouraging an anomic reaction. Of special interest to Quaker readers will be the chapter on the Quaker philanthropist Albert K. Smiley, whose Lake Mohonk conferences on Indian affairs and many Book Reviews131 years of service on the federal Board of Indian Commissioners made him the most influential public Friend since William Penn. Written by Clyde Milner II (whose book on Quaker Indian work under Grant's "Peace Policy, " With Good Intentions, was reviewed in Quaker History in the Fall, 1983, number), the discussion of Smiley's contribution to Indian concerns raises serious questions about Quaker work in the 1800s and early 1900s. Smiley advocated Indian assimilation through...

Empowerment for people

The visit of Dr Helen Caldicott, an Australian paediatrician working in the United States, may have been the major factor in the explosive growth in 1982 of the Australian branch of the Medical Association for Prevention of War. It gained 200 members a month until almost reaching the present figure of over 1600. In that year, in the largest United States referendum ever, some seven out of ten people voted for a verifiable nuclear freeze. Veteran American news commentator Walter Cronkite attributed this, or the unprecedented demonstrations which preceded it, to the media impact of the same doctor. At that time moves had also begun to upgrade disarmament concerns in our federal government. The Australian Labor (sic) Party (ALP) has been in office here federally since 1980. The Foreign Minister since then has been William George Hayden. His initiatives have included doubling and upgrading staff of the disarmament section of his Department; appointing our first Ambassador for Disarmament (Mr Richard Butler, since elected President of the Second Pledging Conference for the UN World Disarmament Campaign); appointing Mrs Stella Cornelius, initiator of the Media Peace Prize and other activities of the United Nations Association of Australia, as Director of International Peace Year 1986 activities; instituting funds for Peace and Development Studies at the Australian National University, Canberra; and supporting a 'nuclear-free zone' in the South Pacific, contiguous with those of Latin America and Antarctica (Australia, however, unlike New Zealand, endorsing the 'right' of nuclear armed sea and air craft to enter the zone and use berthing facilities). There has been no marked outcry against these inexpensive but significant changes. Indeed, at the last federal election in 1984 a message may have reached all political parties here that the nuclear threat was something voters expected their government to act upon, in particular perhaps to press upon our allies across the Pacific that we want more adult behaviour from them in this regard. Peter Garrett, a lawyer turned pop singer, gave the 'Establishment' a shake by narrowly missing election to the Senate. Another member of his hastily formed Nuclear Disarmament Party, Josephine Vallentine, did win a Senate seat. This required greater than one-eighth of the valid vote for a State. Pre-existing ALP policies have not fared well under Bill Hayden, who was induced by parliamentary power wielders in his party to step down from the leadership in favour of the present Prime Minister. Thus the decisions of the biennial National Policy Conference, supposedly binding on all party members, have been circumvented on such issues as military aid to Indonesia while it is failing to entertain an internationally accepted plebiscite on self-determination for (Portuguese) East Timor, which it has annexed; mining of uranium for power plants; and allowing communication stations on Australian soil for spy satellites and for nuclear submarines while US authorities refuse to notify Australia before using them for nuclear alerts. However, the Hawke government has firmly maintained those peace policies which it shares with the conservative opposition parties, namely, no French nuclear tests in the Pacific, and preserving the ANZUS treaty, which is a token undertaking of Australia, New Zealand and the USA to consult on possible action if any of them feels threatened.

Cowboy Poetry: A Gathering ed. by Hal Cannon

Reviews 145 Morning Star. The number of tourists at the Custer Battlefield has increased 20% this year over last, and Custer fan clubs are growing around the world. Slotkin’s study does not just deal with Custer’scareer and the story of the fight but effectively juggles other themes—the interconnection in the press between the Indian menace on the frontier and racial problems in the cities, the political implications of Custer’s career, and the nexus between Custer and the image of the frontier hero a la that frontier trinity—Boone, Crockett, and Carson. The author’s range is as wide as it is deep. There are chapters on 18thcentury Indian wars, Cooper’s Leatherstocking Myth, and Grant’s Peace Policy toward the Indians. This is an exceptional book, massive in its infor­ mation, brilliant in its construction, and marvelous to read. RICHARD A. VAN ORMAN Purdue University, Calumet Cowboy Poetry: A Gathering. Edited by Hal Cannon. (Salt Lake City: Pere­ grine Smith, 1985. 201 pages, $14.95 cloth, $9.95 paper.) Every aspect of this slim volume of poetry reflects the years of tradition that lie behind cowboy poetry. Seldom does one see the attention to detail that has gone into the production of this collection: the color and design of its old-fashioned cover, the nostalgic black and white illustrations, the thin strip of leather serving as a handy bookmark. Most significant of all, however, is its size; at approximately four by seven inches, the book slips easily into the pocket of one’s Wranglers. This is a book meant to be carried and read over and over again, just as the poems contained within have been recited again and again, becoming part of the oral tradition. In this gathering of cowboy poetry, Hal Cannon attempts to strike a balance between the old and the new, presenting, in the tradition of Thorpe and Lomax, classic poems which have survived over the decades, yet including the poems of present day working cowboys. The proportion is roughly onethird traditional to two-thirds contemporary poems. A possible criticism might be that Cannon has deliberately included, with few exceptions, only that contemporary poetry which most closely follows the traditional mode of rhymed, metered prose. This form—the four-line, rhymed couplet, ballad form used in popular nineteenth-century poetry—is the style that traditional cowboy poetry emulates so closely, and it is the close emula­ tion of this style of poetry which has led many critics to dismiss cowboy poetry as “doggerel.” It is not mere doggerel, as Cannon’s collection clearly shows. Instead, the cowboy poetry presented here celebrates a lifestyle that embodies the very essence of the frontier spirit: the freedom to be an individual and to conquer any obstacles which might threaten to eliminate that freedom. The seventy-eight poems in this book, carefully chosen from over ten thousand 146 Western American Literature possibilities, illustrate that the circumstances surrounding the occupation of the cowboy may have changed, but his attitudes have not. Cannon indicates in the introduction that he hopes, through the book, to “puncture” the stereotypical image of the television and movie cowboy by allowing the cowboy poets “to speak for themselves as they celebrate the huge sky, the rodeo, busting broncos, the cattle drive that still goes on, the land, and the life and times of the people who continue, spiritedly, to live that cowboy life.” Cowboy Poetry: A Gathering does just that. It is at once a joyous celebration and a realistic depiction of what it means to be a cowboy, then and now. JAN (UGAN) ROUSH Utah State University The Real American Cowboy. By Jack Weston. (New York: Schocken Books, 1985. 267 pages, $19.95.) The aura of romance that has surrounded the American cowboy for a good many years has been the subject of numerous realistic treatments that have certainly demythologized the cowboy. In addition are the comments of the debunkers of the cowboy myth, who have tended to be vicious in their attacks on this figure. In The Real American Cowboy, Jack Weston adopts a reasonable and objective view as he explores the everyday life of the old-time American cowboy. Although...

Indian Fighters and Indian Reformers: Grant's Indian Peace Policy and the Conservative Consensus

Indian Fighters and Indian Reformers: Grant's Indian Peace Policy and the Conservative Consensus

The West German Defense Policy Consensus: Stable or Eroding?

The authors examine changes in the fundamental assumptions of West German defense policy, as well as important domestic political factors which influence that policy. Alliance fears that the FRG might withdraw from NATO, adopt a "social defense," dismantle the Federal army, or evict U.S. troops are unfounded. But the West German defense policy consensus has eroded in some respects. The perception that the Soviet Union poses a military threat to the FRG has become weakened. Therefore, the perceived need for deterrence, especially nuclear deterrence, has also lost strength. More and more West Germans are beginning to question whether key American and West German interests are still identical, and some fear that the FRG could be dragged into a war possibly set off by bellicose U.S. policy outside of Europe. The heterogeneous "peace movement" will continue to face problems in translating a longing for peace into a realistic and concrete policy for peace; however, the continuing NATO missile deployment will keep it alive for at least a while. The West German government will be compelled to pay far greater heed to domestic opinions on defense questions and to explain to the public more persuasively the necessity and rationale for the country's defense and for its military collaboration with the United States. The FRG will step up its demands for more participation in NATO decisions, and NATO will have to pay closer attention to West Germany's needs and demands. West European public opinion is powerfully influenced by official statements made in Washington. The political style and tone of American leaders are almost as important as actual policy. They should therefore avoid at all costs feeding European fears of war through statements which could easily be misinterpreted.

Luther, citoyen des deux Allemagnes en 1983

Luther, a citizen of both Germanies in 1983, Rudolf von Thadden Why were the celebrations of the 500th anniversary of Martin Luther's birth in '1983, so successful in both Germanies ? In East Germany, because the communist power is sufficiently confident to enlist Luther at no risk : his teachings are used in the policy of separation between the Church and the socialist state, unlike Catholic Poland, and of emphasis on the work ethic. In West Germany, where the celebration was to concern only the man of faith, the Lutheran heritage still provides a good explanation of national characteris-tics, such as the taste for theory, the primacy of substance over form, and the protestants' singular devotion to the policy of peace.

A View From Within: Amos Gitai's The House and A Field Diary

To its many supporters, one of Israel's great strengths has been its ability to steer a political course based on humanistic ideas and nationalistic contingencies. Within perennial tensions created by these twin forces, has managed to project image of a haven under constant threat and, by implication, in need of perpetual protection from real and potential adversaries. Yet growth of state of from a seemingly modest homeland for dispossessed to a regional superpower has generated a tradition of often anguished debate about viability and consequences of pursuing a policy of peace and security, based on oppression of another people. In recent years these peripheral protests have become increasingly vocal, and voices from the other Israel have questioned uneasy alliance between humanistic ideals and tough militarism. Though less known than some of other participants in this debate, Israeli film-maker Amos Gitai has confronted dilemmas facing in two recent films, The House (1979) and A Field Diary (1983). Ironically, neither film has been seen by audiences for whom it was intended. The House, an 18-minute documentary, was initially produced for Israeli television and, despite its ambiguous, bittersweet tone, never shown in Israel; A Field Diary was filmed entirely in occupied West

Review: International: A Policy for Peace

Review: International: A Policy for Peace

Book reviews

Michael Maclear, Vietnam: The Ten Thousand Day War. Thames Methuen, London, 1981, pp x + 368. $16.95 Peter King, (ed.), Australia's Vietnam. George Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 1983, pp. 226. $19.95 (cloth), $9.95 (paper). Carlyle A. Thayer and David G. Marr, Vietnam since 1975 ‐Two views from Australia. Griffith University, CSAAR Paper No. 20, 1982, pp. $3.00 Walter Scott Dillard, Sixty Days To Peace: Implementing the Paris Peace Accords, Vietnam 1973. National Defence University, Washington, 1982, pp. xiv + 240. No price given. Peter Pringle and James Spigelman, The Nuclear Barons Michael Joseph, London, 1982, pp. xii + 578. $25.00. Daniel Frei, with the collaboration of Christian Catrina, Risks of Unintentional Nuclear War. Croom Helm, London, 1983, pp. xxxi + 255. $13.95. Ian Clark, Limited Nuclear War. Martin Robertson and Company, Oxford, 1982, pp.266. £16.50. Julie Dahlitz, Nuclear Arms Control with Effective International Agreements. McPhee Gribble, Melbourne, 1983, pp.238. $16.95. G.A. Craig and A.L. George, Force and Statecraft: Diplomatic Problems of Our Time. Oxford University Press, New York and Oxford, 1983, pp.xiv + 288. $33.95 (cloth), $16.99 (paper). Michael Carver, A Policy For Peace. Faber and Faber, London, 1982, pp.123. $6.95. Everett Mendelsohn, A Compassionate Peace: A Future For The Middle East. Penguin Books, Harmondsworth, 1982, pp. xii + 226. $6.95. Alison Broinowski (ed.), Understanding ASEAN. Macmillan (in association with AIIA), London, 1982, pp.xv + 323. $36.00 (cloth), $13.95 (paper). Tunku Shamsul Bahrin, Chandran Jeshurun, A. Terry Rambo (eds.), A Colloquium on Southeast Asian Studies. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, 1981, pp. xvi + 319, S$35.00. Alfred W. McCoy and Ed. C. de Jesus (eds.), Philippine Social History: Global Trade and Local Transformations. Ateneo de Manila University Press, Quezon City and George Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 1982, pp. ix + 479. 524.95 (cloth) $12.95 (paper). Stephen R. Shalom, The United States and the Philippines: A Study of Neocolonialism. Institute for the Study of Human Issues, Philadelphia, 1981, pp. xvii + 302. $19.50. Karl J. Pelzer, Planters Against Peasants: The Agrarian Struggle in East Sumatra 1947–58 Martinus Nijhoff ‘S‐Gravenhage, 1982, pp. xvii + 186. No price given. TAPOL, West Papua: The Obliteration of a People. TAPOL, London, 1983, pp. 114. £2.50 R. Mitton, The Lost World of Irian Jaya. Oxford University Press, Melbourne, 1983. pp. ix + 235. $50.00. Radha Sinha, Japan's Options for the 1980s. Croom Helm, London and Canberra, 1982, pp. 269. $27.50 Wang Gungwu, Community and Nation, essays on Southeast Asia and the Chinese. Heinemann Educational Books (Asia), Singapore, and George Allen & Unwin Sydney for Asian Studies Association of Australia, 1981, pp. 292. $24.94 (cloth), $12.95 (paper). B. Male, Revolutionary Afghanistan. Croom Helm, London and Canberra, 1982, pp. 229. £13.95. Edward Mortimer, Faith and Power: The Politics of Islam. Faber and Faber, London, 1982, pp. 432. $16.95. Julius W. Pratt, Vincent P. De Santis, Joseph M. Siracusa, A History of United States Foreign Policy. 4th edition. Prentice‐Hall, Englewood Cliffs, N.J., U.S.A., 1980, pp. xvi + 553. $US 18.95. John Cartwright, Political Leadership in Africa. Croom Helm, London and Canberra, and St. Martin's Press, New York, 1983, pp. 310. $26.75. Greg Crough and Ted Wheelwright, Australia: A Client State. Penguin Books Australia, Ringwood, 1982, pp. 255. $7.95. Altro Polo. The Frederick May Foundation for Italian Studies, University of Sydney, annual. $10.00 The Scottish Government Yearbook. The Unit for the Study of Scottish Government, University of Edinburgh, annual. £10.00 (cloth) £5.95 (paperback).

Hazards of Goliath in the Nuclear Age: Need for Rational Priorities in American Peace and Defense Policies

Since, in this nuclear age, Goliath's hazards are the hazards of the entire world, this paper examines the major irrationalities in the military defense policies of the US as well as their frightfully dangerous consequences. It also examines the arms race itself and pinpoints the varieties of irrationality and inhumanity that it feeds, especially within all the major military powers. The paper argues that as it is the US, not the USSR, that is the front runner in the arms race that now threatens a universal holocaust, so it is the US that must take the lead in recovering rationality and a sense of responsibility. It further argues that conventional nationalism and policies of competitive military preparedness have become obsolete; that defense and peace-building are one and the same international challenge to human reason and morality, and that therefore the problematics of peace and defense requires a clear recognition of the international public interest, which entails joint agendas, joint research, joint international action to defend endangered populations and the human habitat. It counsels the US peace movement to broaden its base by championing defense as well as peace, but defense with alternative objectives, strategies and means. The paper concludes by discussing practical alternatives in today's struggle for peace and defense, suggests new ways of conducting negotiations, and pleads for the establishment of UN-affiliated international defense agencies.

Military perception and reality: Thoughts on Lord Carver's Policy for Peace

Military perception and reality: Thoughts on Lord Carver's Policy for Peace