Russian Policy Research Articles

Analysis of the Social Policy Organization in Post-Soviet Russia in the Context of International Experience

Relevance. The organization of social policy was significantly modified in Russia during the post-Soviet period, due to the transformation of the economic system. Many foreign countries at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries also changed their approaches in the field of social policy, introducing market elements following the example of the United States, as well as responding to demographic changes and economic difficulties. Studying the features and dynamics of domestic and foreign social policy is valuable for consideration of the best practices and problems, for the development of political science and for making decisions.Purpose: show how the preservation of the goals of social policy in Russia after the collapse of the USSR was ensured when its instruments were changed, compare the domestic system with foreign ones.Objectives: to show what challenges did the social policy system face in Russia and abroad, how approaches to solving problems in the social sphere have changed, show the formation and functioning of pensions, the healthcare system, unemployment protection and other social policy measures in Russia and foreign countries.Methodology. The article relies on comparative historical approach, analysis of legal documents, institutions, organizational features and statistical data. The article is based on reports from government departments and analytical companies.Results. Economic and demographic problems at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries create similar challenges for Russia and other countries, but in Russia the impact of these problems was stronger, and Russia also faced administrative challenges. In the post-Soviet period, Russia attempted to reorganize social support along the lines of insurance, but a universalist approach, which involves financing from taxes. The system of social policy in modern Russia does not fall behind foreign analogues in its architecture, scale and efficiency. Its weaknesses are a lot of duplicating benefits, outpacing rates of indexation of social payments and low financing of the healthcare system.Conclusions. Russia managed to preserve the most important achievements of the Soviet period in the field of social security, namely pensions, free education and health care.

State financial regulation of demographic processes in Russia: problems and solutions

The gradual deterioration problem of the demographic balance in developed countries is obvious, and its relevance is increasing every year. Russia, as well as most developed countries, has completed the demographic transition and is faced with the typical consequences of this event: a moderate increase in life expectancy, aging of the population, a steady natural decline in the population, a shortage of qualified personnel in the labor market, etc. The article analyzes various financial regulation aspects of demographic dynamics in the Russian Federation, considering the consequences of the demographic transition and the new realities in which the country found itself in 2022. The study purpose is to assess possible financial, administrative, migration and combined strategies to improve the demographic balance in Russia by changing the reproductive behavior patterns of the modern family. The research is based on the thesis that the modern demographic policy of Russia is aimed more at combating poverty than at reproducing high-quality human capital. The strengths and weaknesses of state regulation various financial strategies of birth rate processes are analyzed, and it is concluded that their application is quite expensive for the state and contains risks of falling into the trap of overloading social security systems for a transitional period in case of success of state policy. An alternative version of demographic policy is also analyzed, in which the state follows the path of industrial human cloning and centralized reproduction of human capital.

ОСВОЕНИЕ КИТАЙСКИХ ТЕРРИТОРИЙ РОССИЕЙ И ГЕРМАНИЕЙ В КОНЦЕ XIX в.: СХОДСТВА И РАЗЛИЧИЯ

The paper focuses on comparison of the Sino-German treaty respecting the lease of Kiao-Chau (1898) and the Sino-Russian convention for lease of Port Arthur and Talienwan (1898), on an analysis of Russian and German plans in relation to Chinese territories, on considering the dynamics of solutions in this direction, preliminary agreements with the Qing Empire. The topicality stems from the need to detail the imperial past of the powers, to clarify how each empire approached the process of mastering the territory of the other state. The chosen angle allowed to draw attention not only to the similarities between the foreign policies of Russia and Germany in relation to the Qing Empire, but also to identify significant differences. The study was based on the methods of source analysis, comparative analysis. Russia and Germany concluded lease agreements with the Qing Empire, which differed significantly in a number of terms. According to Sino-Russian convention, supreme rights to the territory remained with the Qing state; the lease term was 25 years; the clause about railway construction widened the scope of the concession already granted. In the Sino-German treaty the transfer of supreme rights to the kaiser state, the lease term of 99 years, and an agreement to build railway lines that extended well beyond the leased territory were all recorded. Both powers had occupied the Qing domains before the agreements were concluded, but they went about legislating in different ways.

Objectives of Procedural Policy: General Legal and Methodological Aspects

This article outlines the challenges of setting objectives for the current procedural policy in Russia. The primary focus is on the methodological support of research in the field under study. For a comprehensive and thorough analysis of the objectives of Russian procedural policy, the following factors are crucial: distinguishing between absolute and relative values, understanding the relationship between “legal” and “judicial” processes, setting priorities and tasks for fulfilling the pursued tactical and strategic objectives, considering the constitutional and legal doctrine of protecting citizens’ rights and freedoms, and many other factors that require theoretical jurisprudence to address the concept of procedural policy in Russia. In this context, the main objectives of procedural policy are determined by either public or private law in relation to the intended functions of these institutions.

On the Issue of Legal Regulation of Russian State Policy Concerning Compatriots Abroad

The article notes that one of the urgent tasks of the state is the formation of a legal framework and tools for the implementation of the Russian policy towards compatriots abroad. It is analyzed that currently the state management in the field of migration by the executive authorities is paid increased attention. It is argued that the successful implementation of the policy of returning compatriots corresponds to the strategic interests of the state. The conclusion is formulated that the improvement of public law regulation should continue.

FEATURES OF RUSSIA’S SOFT IMPACT ON UKRAINE (UNTIL 2014)

The article considers the main features of Russia’s soft impact on Ukraine. The study is based on the application of the soft power concept of the American scientist J. Nye. The term soft power means to the ability of one actor to influence others using attraction (of one’s values, culture, politics, etc.), persuasion and involvement, as opposed to hard coercion and bribery (hard power). The Russian Federation’s soft impact on Ukraine, despite certain achievements, was generally inefficient, inconsistent and unsystematic. The reasons for this were: 1) stereotyped attitudes towards Ukraine as a constantly loyal and close country; 2) the predominance of the pro-Western national project in Ukraine, which is based on the opposition of Russian and Ukrainian development models; 3) the Russian Federation has not had a sufficiently attractive image for Ukrainians, taking into account the specifics of its political (authoritarianism) and economic (raw materials) systems; 4) insufficient institutional support for the soft influence policy, which is especially noticeable against the background of the Western non-governmental organizations’ activity in Ukraine; 5) the delay in implementing a targeted soft power policy at the state level. At the same time, it is worth noting certain successes in this direction of Russian policy related to the church, educational, cultural, information and economic areas. However, these achievements, mostly related to the previous common historical experience of the two countries, were often accumulated inertially, without the systematic and conscious use of soft impact’s tools. Russia’s use of hard power against Ukraine since 2014 has reversed all these gains.

Конституционно-правовые основы и проблемы языковой политики Российской Федерации в отношении национальных меньшинств

The article examines the problems associated with the peculiarities and problems of the language policy of the Russian Federation in relation to national minorities. Currently, Russia's language policy is acquiring particular significance in connection with the military-political situation, as well as taking into account the fact that the “language issue” is again reaching the level of political confrontation. The purpose of this article is to understand language policy as a reflection of the fundamental rights of national minorities from the point of view of interaction between the state Russian language and the national languages of the peoples of Russia.

Non-beverage alcohol consumption in Russia: new evidence from Jewish Autonomous Oblast.

Previous studies in Izhevsk, Novosibirsk, and Kazan have found that non-beverage alcohol is a large part of alcohol consumption in Russia. Whereas those places are relatively high-income cities, there are no studies about such a problem in low-income regions of Russia. The aim of this study is to investigate correlates and factors associated with non-beverage alcohol consumption in eastern regions of Russia, e.g. the Jewish Autonomous Oblast and to assess effectiveness of implementing Russian policies to restrict consumption of non-beverage alcohol. A survey of adults in the Jewish Autonomous Oblast of Russia was performed on workdays to assess non-beverage drinking patterns in summer 2022. The questionnaire included questions about socio-demographic status and alcohol use, including non-beverage alcohol consumption and drinking patterns. We use logistic regression to identify risk factors of consuming non-beverages. First, ~30% of individuals suffering from alcohol problems drink non-beverage alcohol. Second, those who regularly consume non-beverage alcohol compared with those who chronically drink legal strong alcohol are on average more likely to experience the negative effects of alcohol consumption. Third, income and marriage are the main factors negatively associated with surrogate alcohol consumption. Besides, age shows a curvilinear relationship with that. We suggest that a modified anti-surrogate policy to increase the minimum price of pharmacy alcohol and to enforce restrictions on the sale of non-beverage alcohol is needed in Russia. Such measures could prevent an increase in non-beverage alcohol consumption in Russia against the backdrop of declining real incomes of the population.

Some legal aspects of Russian policy towards neighbouring countries

Russia’s policy towards neighbouring countries and nations has always been dictated by imperialist and expansionist goals. To achieve them, Russia used brutal methods, including direct military aggression, incit­ing ethnic conflicts, genocide and ethnic cleansing. There are many examples of this in history in the form of the genocide of the Caucasian nations in the 19th century, the Holodomor against Ukrainian people, Soviet repres­sions, the ethnic cleansing of Georgians in the Abkhazia and Tskhinvali region at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century, and others. Nevertheless, Russia has not been held accountable for its actions. The war against Ukraine, which started in February 2022, dispelled all illusions of the democratic world towards Russia. Today, the democratic world is united, and the primary basis of this unity is the values, which it must bear responsibility for protecting. For this purpose, all international legal levers and institutions should be used. Russia’s leadership must be brought to justice, and the country must be held financially accountable. The only way for peace between Russia and the world is the democratisation of Russia, which is only possible through international legal coercion, as happened in the case of Nazi Germany. This article is an attempt to present the specific facts of Russia’s aggressive and imperialist policy towards neighbouring countries, especially towards Georgia, the specific legal levers for combating this policy, and future perspectives.

Wagner Group: An instrument of Russian foreign policy? | Grupo Wagner: Um instrumento de Política Externa da Rússia?


 In an international context where states seek to diversify their means of external projection, consistent with their traditionalism, Russia maintains a traditional vision of power. In this context, the Wagner Group has emerged as a new instrument that can be used in the pursuit of Russian interests and objectives abroad. Through a comparative case study that draws on Western and Russian academic and journalistic sources, as well as Russian strategic and legal documents, the research aims to understand the role of the Wagner Group in Russian foreign policy. To this end, we begin by investigating the concept of a private military company, then we look into the Group’s origin, history of operations and modus operandi. In addition, we identify other ‘Western’ private military companies and compare their activities and the level of scrutiny they receive in relation to the Russian group. We conclude our research by identifying attempts by international law to respond to the emergence of Wagner and other private military groups.

Alcohol policy in Russia in the last decade: A movement backwards

Since the mid-nineties of this century, Russia has intensified its state policy of combating excessive alcohol consumption. In particular, a minimum price threshold for vodka was introduced, excise taxes on alcohol in alcoholic beverages were substantially increased, and a mandatory ban on nighttime retail sales was introduced. A number of studies using Russian microdata have confirmed the effectiveness of these measures. From 2007 to 2017, the dynamics of alcohol consumption by the Russian population did show a consistent decline. Many researchers, both Russian and foreign, considered this trend as a success of government policy. Recently, however, official statistics have noted an annual increase in the consumption of alcoholic beverages: from 7.2 liters of pure alcohol per capita adult population in 2017 to 7.7 in 2021. Why has the alcohol policy, designed initially in line with international best practices, not reduced consumption in recent years? This article analyzes the practice of applying price and restrictive measures for the last 10 years on the basis of Rosstat data, federal and regional legislation. Excise duties and minimum vodka prices in real terms are calculated, as well as indices of the ratio of alcoholic beverage prices and average wages. The real excise taxes and prices for alcoholic beverages decreased after 2014, making them more affordable for consumers. After 2017, there is no increase in the number of Russian territories applying stricter temporary restrictions on alcohol trade compared to the norm of the federal law. Today, almost half of the country’s population lives in regions with the mildest possible time limits on alcohol sales that do not constrain its physical availability. We have to admit that the alcohol policy is inconsistent. The formal application of price and restrictive measures in the last decade has not prevented the growth of alcohol consumption.

Analysis of Russia's policy in the Middle East in 2000-2023 in the works of foreign researchers.

The article is devoted to the scientific consideration of foreign researchers' views on the issues and prospects of military-political, trade-economic and socio-cultural relations of the Russian Federation with the countries of the Middle East during the presidency of V.V. Putin and D.A. Medvedev from 2000 to 2023. The paper aims to identify the main points of view of foreign researchers on the issues and prospects of military-political, trade, economic, social and cultural relations of the Russian Federation with the Middle East countries during the presidency of V.V. Putin and D.A. Medvedev in 2000-2023. The purpose of the work is to highlight the main points of view on Russia's Middle East policy and identify the key areas of interest among foreign researchers. The object of the study is to examine the geopolitical significance of the region and the ways in which this significance is reflected in the studies of foreign scholars. The subject is the views of foreign researchers on Russia's policy in the Middle East. The article analyzes the differences and similarities in the interpretations of the effectiveness and consequences of Russia's actions in the region. The study is based on the principles of objectivity, systematicity and consistency. The main conclusions of the paper are that foreign researchers have different attitudes towards Russia's policy in the Middle East. Some see this policy as a constructive approach to developing relations with all countries in the region, while others point to Russia's desire to strengthen its influence and interests in certain countries and, at the same time, Russia's attempt to upset the already fragile balance of power in the region, which is considered one of the most tense and unstable in the world.

New trends in Russian diplomacy after February 24, 2022

The article examines the new trends in Russian diplomacy, which emerged after February 24, 2022. The diplomatic war launched against Russia by "unfriendly States" leads to the "zeroing" of ties between the Russian Federation and the States of the collective West - the Anglo-Saxon and European countries. In the context of the degradation of relations with the Euro-Atlantic region, there is a shift in the regional focus in Russia's foreign policy. Moreover, in order to make the implementation of foreign policy goals more efficient Russian intensifies the use of "new tracks" in addition to classical diplomacy. The purpose of the article is to identify the prospects for using the potential of diplomacy of dialogue structures as an auxiliary tool for promoting national interests in the international arena, strengthening Russia's position as an independent center of power in international relations. The theory of a two-level game developed by R. Putnam in relation to the practice of negotiating facilitates the explanation of the diplomacy of dialogue structures specificity. The theory of securitization of the constructivist school served as a theoretical justification for diversifying the global priorities of Russia's foreign policy. In the course of the study, the author came to the conclusion that the diplomacy of the dialogue structures of the Russian Federation is not developing in isolation, but it takes into account the strategic goals and objectives formalized at the official level in the basic conceptual foreign policy document. In particular, the central topics of the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum include sovereignty of the economy and the formation of a multipolar world. A series of regional forums and congresses reflects the priority desire of the Russian Federation to build up ties with partners from the CIS and BRICS countries. The “Pivot to the East” raises the profile of the Eastern Economic Forum. Particular attention is paid to the development of relations with the states of the Islamic world, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. It is noteworthy that regional platforms serve not only for the exchange of views, but also for the adoption of practice-oriented agreements in the field of politics, economics, culture and sports. The very holding of events on the territory of the Russian Federation contributes to the growth of the investment attractiveness of Russian cities and regions, as well as the formation of a favorable image of the country abroad.

India's Strategic Considerations With Russia In The Post-Russia-Ukraine War Era

This article examines India's strategic considerations in the aftermath of the Russia crisis, explicitly focusing on India-Russia relations. The article analyses the factors influencing India's approach towards Russia, particularly in defense cooperation while considering the implications of China's rising influence on India's strategic calculations. By conducting a case study of India-Russia relations, the paper investigates the dynamics of defense collaboration, the significance of Russia as a defense partner for India, and the evolving regional security landscape shaped by China's ascent. The research provides insights into India's strategic alignments and decision-making processes in the post-Russia crisis era, considering Russia's new foreign policy emphasizing India and China. Furthermore, the paper examines the encircling impact of China's rising influence in South Asia on India, highlighting India's abstention in the UN General Assembly resolution condemning Russia's invasion of Ukraine as a reflection of its difficult position amidst these geopolitical developments. The findings of this research contribute to the understanding of India's strategic responses and decision-making frameworks in the context of shifting regional dynamics, considering the implications of Russia's foreign policy approach and China's growing power.

"Славян должно прижать к стене"

. The relevance of this topic is associated with numerous attempts of Western countries to subjugate Russia, which was traditionally associated with the protection of the Slavic world. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the struggle of the Slavic peoples for the preservation of their identity going on for centuries. In the course of numerous wars, many Southern and the Western Slavs came under the influence of Western states and the Ottoman Empire. The significance of the impact of the religious factor on the historical development of Slavic people is noted. The expansion of the Catholic Church and Islam began to play a significant role in the socio-political life of these peoples. Russia is the only country, which preserved not only state, but also religious sovereignty. It is noted that the struggle of the Slavic people was the subject of not only historical research, but also reflected in the works of Russian writers and poets. Some of the works of foreign authors, who studied the history of the Eastern Slavs, and the works of domestic representatives of Russian literature were analyzed. Views of Russian and Soviet writers and poets F.M. Dostoevsky, F.I. Tyutchev, A.A Blok, A.A. Zinovieva, V. Pikula promote understanding of historical processes related to the Slavic peoples and a special role of Russia in the Slavic World. Their works help to understand the current position of Russia in the world, as well as in Slavic world. Particular attention in their works is paid to the evaluation of the positions of the Russian intelligentsia, which groveled before Europe and took a pro-Western position. In the post-war period, the West concentrated their efforts to destroy the system of education and culture in Russia. At present, the collective West has achieved some success, it managed to make most of the Slavic states dependent and put two closely related peoples – Ukrainians and Russians – against each other and complicate Russia's foreign policy and economic situation. However, the politics that the West pursues towards Russia does not give expected results. Maintaining Russia’s leading role in Western Europe depends to a large extent not only on strengthening the country’s socio-economic situation, but also on the position of the Russian elite, which must understand that the West assigns a secondary role to our country, a place on the outskirts of Western civilization.

THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AS AN OBJECT OF FOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS OF MODERN GERMANY

The relevance of the study is due to the increasing role of the information factor in modern conditions. The amount of information is rapidly increasing, military methods of warfare have given way to information warfare, and even more countries are including ensuring information security in the list of national interests in their strategy. The article emphasizes that Germany is no exception: the country has an established, developed system of information and analytical support for decision makers, which consists of several elements: private, controlled analytical structures and party funds. The author notes that the research topics of information and analytical centers are devoted to various current areas of foreign policy. One of the main priorities of information and analytical reports at the present stage is the Russian Federation. The article identifies the main areas of research in Russia: military operation in Ukraine, the energy crisis, the current state of security policy, internal problems of Russian society, Russia’s relations with other actors in the international arena. The significance of the scientific article is in the need to take into account the results of the work of information and analytical centers of Germany when forming Russia's foreign policy in the German direction.

“Crimean Issue” and the Civilizational Foundations of Russia’s Foreign Policy in the Context of a Global Hybrid War

The article examines the role of the phenomenon of civilizational identity in Russia’s foreign policy in the context of the current hybrid confrontation based on the study of the parameters of the possibilities for resolving the “Crimean issue”. The essence of the global hybrid conflict between Russia and the West is analyzed, the possibilities of using the concept of civilizational identity as a geopolitical toolkit are determined. Aim . Unleashing the potential of the concept of civilizational identity in the global hybrid confrontation with the collective West in the context of the formation of a polycentric world order based on the experience of resolving the “Crimean issue”.Tasks. Determine the essence and parameters of the global geopolitical conflict in modern world political conditions; to characterize the role of the civilizational identity of the Crimean population in solving the “Crimean issue”, to identify the potential of civilizational identity for solving domestic and foreign political problems, taking into account Russian national interests.Methods. Geopolitical approach, system analysis, retrospective method, document analysis.Results . The study showed the need for the formation and conceptualization of the civilizational foundations of Russia’s foreign policy. This should be a larger-scale policy that is creative in nature and translates the principles of justice and peaceful interstate relations. Changes in Russian foreign policy thinking can bring positive results — to strengthen the Russian statehood, Russia’s international subjectivity, lay the foundations for a truly polycentric world order and expand the boundaries of the Russian world.Conclusions . The concept of civilizational identity acts as a universal an d effective tool for solving the “Crimean issue” and therefore should be considered both as a basic social value, and as a mandatory category of state document strategies, and as a formative element in th e information sphere.

Uses of the History of World War II in Russian Foreign Policy, 1991–2022

Uses of the History of World War II in Russian Foreign Policy, 1991–2022

Realpolitik vs. Messianism in Russian Foreign Policy

Contrary to the prevailing view, messianic thinking has not driven Russian expansionism. Russian rulers have rather been guided by realpolitik in a search for security through the creation of strategic depth. When messianic thinking has infected Russian conduct abroad it generally has led to humiliating setbacks. In recent years, Russian President Vladimir Putin has abandoned realpolitik for messianic thinking. Such thinking lay behind his decision to invade Ukraine. It informs his escalating conflict with the West. And it will likely produce no better results for Russia than messianic thinking has in the past. This article is a slightly edited excerpt from the author’s new book, Getting Russia Right.

Soft power and foreign policy of the Russian Federation: some aspects of the present

The article is devoted to the analysis of the development and transformations of the Russian Federation foreign policy. Since the beginning of hostilities in Ukraine, the policy of Russia is undoubtedly one of the most researching areas in modern political science these days due to many practical aspects. It objectively dynamically develops and transforms in accordance with the promising new role of this state on the world stage. The purpose of the article is to determine the involvement of Soft power elements in their modernization and transformation in the further implementation of Russian foreign policy in the world space in the short and medium term. As a result, the article attempts to determine the main conceptual changes in Russian foreign policy and certain forecasts about the directions of possible upgrades and improvements in the translation and promotion of Soft power by the Russian side in the foreign policy space. In the course of the analysis, the authors came to the conclusion that the main participants in the political confrontation on the world stage in the near future will actively develop and improve the Soft power technology in their foreign policy. Objectively, they will also receive a new impetus to the development of methods and technologies for counteraction, strengthening their constant application in practice. Thus, the leading countries, including Russia, are drawn into a kind of "arms race" in the format of the unarmed advancement of their foreign policy interests.