Middle East Policy Research Articles

The Arab Spring and Russia's Middle East Policy

Russia's Middle East policy has undergone a significant change following the occurrence of the Arab Spring. The main reason for this change was the new strategic realities created by the Arab Spring in the region. Russia first considered the Arab Spring as a regional domestic issue, but this perspective changed as outside influences became involved in the events. The Western powers viewing the Arab Spring as a new regional political configuration influenced the overall framework of this change. The development that had the greatest impact on Russia's approach to the Arab Spring was the events in Libya. NATO's military intervention in Libya has led to the disruption of Russia's gains in the region. In this context, the Libyan issue has provided an opportunity for Russia to radically reconsider its Middle East policy. Unlike the reluctant and cautious attitude in Libya, Russia's regional policy on Syria has taken a more concrete form. Russia’s military operation in Syria can be considered in this context. It is impossible to consider the military operation in 2015 in isolation from the developments that emerged after the annexation of Crimea, which led to Russia's relative international isolation. The paradigm shifts and differences in approach in Russian foreign policy after 2014 should not be ignored within this context.

냉전기 한국의 팔레스타인정책

Utilizing primary sources, this study analyzes the process of and main reasons for the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) de facto recognition of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1980. In 1979, the ROK government prepared to recognize the PLO, which represented a significant departure from its previous Israel-centered Middle East policy and could have clashed with the US diplomatic posture. At a time of high uncertainty in US-Arab relations, ROK’s policy shift was understood in terms of strengthening the independence of ROK’s diplomacy. Although the ROK government confirmed the US and Japanese stance of disapproval of the PLO, it considered both explicit recognition, which would have the effect of approval, and unilateral declaration, which would lower the burden on the ROK in PLO relations. After the PLO recognition, the US government used economic support as a lever to pressure the ROK. Facing this expected friction with the US, the ROK’s pursuit of independent diplomacy was based on the following factors. First, on the economic front, the steady supply of oil and the expansion of the construction market were considered, and, indeed, South Korea’s exports to the Middle East reached a peak after the PLO recognition. Second, regarding the political aspect, the comprehensive diplomatic strategy, which sought to improve relations with the Arab states as a whole, was based on Park Chung-hee’s perception of independence, with the aim of gaining the upper hand in the diplomatic confrontation with North Korea. Third, with respect to the international aspect, in the 1970s, Europe no longer followed the US-centered policy in the Middle East, and the ties between the Communist bloc and the PLO were loosening. Overall, the ROK’s recognition of the PLO was an attempt at independent diplomacy and an important example of harnessing international currents. However, it was limited by the confusion of ROK’s diplomatic tones between Israel and the Palestinians and by the overemphasis on external economic gains.

From Security To Cooperation: Change and Continuity in Türkiye’s Middle East Policies

This study examines the transformation of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East context after the Cold War until today under four basic periods. These periods will be discussed as post-Cold War, September 11, Arab Spring process and post-Arab Spring. The main developments affecting the change and transformation in Türkiye-Middle East relations in these four periods will be analyzed. Turkey adopted a security-oriented foreign policy strategy in the Middle East after the Cold War; It can be said that during and after September 11, it followed a more active strategy based on mutual cooperation, prioritizing economic cooperation and historical and cultural ties. It should be noted that Turkey adopted a more interventionist strategy that supported changes during the Arab Spring, and in the post-Arab Spring period, it focused on solving the problems that arose during the Arab Spring. The main claim of this article is to reveal that the intensity of Turkey-Middle East relations increased after the Cold War and to analyze and evaluate the factors and practices that show this.

MIDDLE EAST POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: IN SEARCH OF THE EFFECTIVE STRATEG

The article examines the main directions of the Middle East policy of the European Union, which has intensified in recent years on the basis of the concept of «strategic autonomy». This concept itself is generated by the disappointment of European elites in the approaches of the United States both to the security problems of the Old World and to a number of crisis situations in the Middle East. The differences between Washington and Brussels were especially clear during the presidency of Republican Donald Trump (2016–2020), but they did not disappear under the administration of Democrat Joe Biden, which did not live up to the hopes of a number of European politicians for «restoring American leadership in the world». The need for Europeans to increasingly rely on their own strengths and resources is determined today not only by the situation around Ukraine, but also by Israel’s military actions against Hamas extremists in the Gaza Strip, direct clashes between Israel and Iran, and the intensification of pro-Iranian groups in a number of countries in the Middle East. The author believes that the EU’s attempts to develop an adequate strategy to neutralize threats from the Middle East region, as well as to promote its interests there, have not brought results. Questions remain regarding the achievability of this goal in principle.

China in the Middle East: strategic priorities and features

The relevance of the research is due to the growing importance of the Middle East region in the economic development In Russof China in the XXI century, and consequently, the spread of economic and political interests of the latter. The purpose of the study is to determine China’s strategic priorities and the main directions of its political presence aimed at balancing threats and opportunities in such a turbulent region as the Middle East. Given the instability of this region caused by the global anti-terrorist struggle of the United States, the specifics of Chinese policy in the Middle East and North Africa are of interest, since it is China’s interests that are being threatened. With the help of the analytical method, the factors influencing the Middle East policy of the PRC have been identified, which, of course, contributes to the transformation of the regional order. The study concludes that the future of the Chinese presence in the Middle East is determined by China’s global strategy, as well as its vision of its role and the future world order as a whole.

Syria in Us Middle East Policy (2000-2011)

This article examines one of the most pressing topics related to an important area of US regional policy. As is known, after the terrorist attack in the United States on September 11, 2001, Washington made radical changes to its Middle East policy. The fight against terrorism and countries supporting terrorists has become a priority of US policy. The article examines the role of Syria in US Middle East policy. Before the Arab Spring, Syria had a prominent role in the Arab-Israeli conflict. This meant that political leaders, including those from the US, had to consider Syria’s stance on Middle Eastern issues and the opinions of the Syrian Arab Republic's government on significant regional problems.

The Kurdish factor in Saudi Arabia's Middle Eastern policy: an analysis in the context of relations with Iraq and Iran

The subject of the study is the complex relationship between Saudi Arabia's Middle East policy and the Kurdish question. It includes an examination of Saudi Arabia's attitudes, strategies and actions towards Kurdish groups in the region, as well as the factors influencing its approach to this issue. The object of the study, is Saudi Arabia's Middle East policy, that is, it is an analysis of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy objectives, priorities and interests in the Middle East region, with a particular focus on how the Kurdish factor influences or intersects with this policy. This includes an examination of Saudi Arabia's diplomatic relations, security concerns and strategic calculations towards Iraq and Iran, as well as its broader regional ambitions. By analyzing the Kurdish factor, the authors offer an interdisciplinary understanding that bridges the fields of political science, international relations, Middle East studies and Kurdish studies. This interdisciplinary approach allows for a fuller understanding of the complexities surrounding the Kurdish question and its implications for regional dynamics. The article presents a historical analysis of Saudi Arabia's engagement with Kurdish groups in the region, shedding light on past policies, alliances and conflicts. By contextualizing current events within a historical framework, the article offers valuable insights into the evolution of Saudi Arabia's approach to the Kurdish factor. Moreover, the article is able to assess the political implications of Saudi Arabia's approach to the Kurdish factor on regional stability, security and diplomatic relations. By assessing the potential consequences of various policy decisions, the article provides valuable insights into effective strategies for managing the Kurdish issue within the broader framework of Middle East politics.

Analysis of Russia's policy in the Middle East in 2000-2023 in the works of foreign researchers.

The article is devoted to the scientific consideration of foreign researchers' views on the issues and prospects of military-political, trade-economic and socio-cultural relations of the Russian Federation with the countries of the Middle East during the presidency of V.V. Putin and D.A. Medvedev from 2000 to 2023. The paper aims to identify the main points of view of foreign researchers on the issues and prospects of military-political, trade, economic, social and cultural relations of the Russian Federation with the Middle East countries during the presidency of V.V. Putin and D.A. Medvedev in 2000-2023. The purpose of the work is to highlight the main points of view on Russia's Middle East policy and identify the key areas of interest among foreign researchers. The object of the study is to examine the geopolitical significance of the region and the ways in which this significance is reflected in the studies of foreign scholars. The subject is the views of foreign researchers on Russia's policy in the Middle East. The article analyzes the differences and similarities in the interpretations of the effectiveness and consequences of Russia's actions in the region. The study is based on the principles of objectivity, systematicity and consistency. The main conclusions of the paper are that foreign researchers have different attitudes towards Russia's policy in the Middle East. Some see this policy as a constructive approach to developing relations with all countries in the region, while others point to Russia's desire to strengthen its influence and interests in certain countries and, at the same time, Russia's attempt to upset the already fragile balance of power in the region, which is considered one of the most tense and unstable in the world.

Considering How India’s Middle East Policy Has Changed and Remained Consistent Since 2019 Under Modi Government

The review of India’s Middle East strategy under Prime Minister Narendra Modi has garnered attention. Modi’s outreach to Israel, including a historic 2017 visit, departs from India’s traditional pro-Arab and pro-Palestine stance. His subsequent visits to the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Qatar, and Oman engage major regional players. Does this foreshadow a foreign policy shift? Can Modi’s preferences explain this shift? This paper aims to extract insights on Modi’s influence on this policy evolution. Drawing from foreign policy studies, it questions prevailing interpretations, suggesting a noteworthy change in India’s stance in the Middle East.

European Union and Middle East crisis 2023: between values and pragmatism

The article examines the features of the Middle East policy of the European Union regarding the confrontation between Israel and the extremist organization Hamas in the Palestinian Gaza Strip. It is emphasized that such a large-scale and bloody confrontation between the mentioned antagonists is happening for the first time: until now, the clashes have been limited and shortlived. Due to the traditionally high sensitivity of the Palestinian problem for European societies (primarily as a stigmatization of the thesis about the «historical injustice of Europeans towards the Palestinian Arabs»), Brussels’ position in situations of aggravation of relations between Israel and Hamas was almost always formulated as equidistant from the conflicting parties, limited to calls for reconciliation. This time, much is different: after the brutal Hamas terrorist attack on Israeli territory on October 7, 2023, the EU leadership condemned the Islamist atrocities and reaffirmed Israel’s right to defense. Later, however, this position began to undergo a transformation towards traditional balance. The article examines the reasons and parameters of disagreements between the political elites of a number of EU countries on this issue, as well as conflict situations within the leading institutions of the European Union.

Klyuchevye napravleniya blizhnevostochnoj politiki oficial'nogo Vashingtona v period prezidentstva B. Obamy (2009–2017 gg.)

During the presidency of Barack Obama (2009-2017), official Washington identified priority aspects of Middle East policy: preventing the development of nuclear energy by the Iranian leadership and achieving a final peaceful settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The response to the White House's readiness for diplomatic negotiations with the Iranian side without putting forward preliminary conditions was the unwillingness of the Iranian leaders to participate in the negotiation process on curtailing the development of the national nuclear program. As for the Palestinian-Israeli peace settlement, even here, despite a number of positive steps by the American administration, the parties failed to achieve tangible results at the negotiating table.

A Wall of Despair: The Interplay of the Turkish Wall and Foreign Policy in Syria

The wall constructed along the Turkish-Syrian border is one of the new wave of border barriers built in the twenty-first century and represents a radical shift in Turkey's Middle East policy. The decision to erect the "Turkish Wall" was the result of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's government's desire to improve relations with the European Union, Russia, and the United States in the context of the Syrian Civil War. This article uses the concept of "fortified boundaries" as its framework to analyze the transformed border.

Strategic Setbacks: Analysis of Carter Administration's Middle East Policy

After World War II, successive U.S. presidents have steadily advanced the U.S. strategic presence in the Middle East, but such efforts were challenged under the Carter administration. At the time of the Carter presidency, he actively promoted the Egyptian-Israeli reconciliation and further reaffirmed his support for Israel, while focusing on addressing the potential risks of oil supply and prices in the Middle East, but many of his Middle East policies did not fundamentally achieve the expected results. Despite the Egyptian-Israeli reconciliation, the Arab-Israeli conflict remains unsettled; the re-emergence of the oil crisis had once again triggered a crisis in the Western world, and the failure of the Iranian Hostage Crisis and the Islamic Revolution has destroyed a pillar of the U.S. Middle East strategy. Consequently, Carter’s foreign policy is not without impediments but settles the basis for subsequent U.S. Middle East policy with inveterate impacts and the concepts of peace and democracy.

The Impact of Iran's Nuclear Program on Iranian-American Relations (2010-2021)

Objectives: This paper explores the relationship between Iran and the U.S., focusing on Iran's nuclear program. It examines how successive U.S. administrations have addressed the issue and analyzes the responses of newly elected Presidents of the U.S. and Iran, as well as the Prime Minister of Israel, to the ongoing Iran Nuclear Deal negotiations using an analytical approach.
 Methods: The study employs an analytical methodology derived from the fields of political and social sciences, moving beyond traditional approaches in international relations.
 Results: The paper argues that Iran's development and acquisition of nuclear weapons, as a regional power, pose a direct threat to regional stability and may trigger a nuclear arms race. The interests of the U.S. and its allies in the region would also be endangered.
 Conclusions: The paper concludes that both Washington and Tehran should reach a mutually beneficial agreement to maintain regional power balance and prevent the potential for an arms race, especially with the seventh round of negotiations approaching. As Iran pursues destabilizing regional ambitions in the Middle East, posing a strategic threat to U.S. interests and allies, the U.S. should reassess its Middle East policy to ensure that Iran does not exploit sanctions relief and its remaining nuclear energy capacity to expand its revolutionary agenda throughout the region.

President Donald Trump's Abraham Accords initiative: Prospects for Israel, the Arab states, and Palestinians

AbstractFocusing on recent U.S. policy developments toward the Middle East, this commentary examines the potential influence of the Abraham Accords' agreements on politics in the region, the resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and the future of Israel as a democratic and Jewish state. It is based on a review of media coverage of the accords. It begins with a brief history of President Donald Trump's earlier Middle East policies involving Jerusalem, the West Bank, and the “Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action” limiting Iran's access to nuclear weapons. I then examine the development of the Abraham Accords under the direction of Jared Kushner. This is followed by an analysis of the potential consequences of the Accords on relations between Israel and the Arab states including Saudi Arabia, on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and on the potential policy implications for the Palestinians. I close with a comment on the future sustainability of Israel as a Jewish and democratic political entity.Related ArticlesFriedlander, Melvin A. 1988. “Jimmy Carter's Fascination with the Middle East.” Politics & Policy (formerly, Southeastern Political Review) 16(1): 205–30. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.1988.tb00251.x.Jouini, Nizar, and Manel Ben Akal. 2022. “Political Consensus, Economic Reforms, and Democratic Transitions in the Middle East: Evidence from Voting on Tunisian Reform Bills.” Politics & Policy 50(4): 851–71. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12489.Sarquís, David J. 2012. “Democratization after the Arab Spring: The Case of Egypt's Political Transition.” Politics & Policy 40(5): 871–903. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00381.x.

An opportunistic Russia in the Middle East, a view from China

As Sino-American competition and Russo-American tensions continue to rise, many believe that China and Russia have established an increasingly well-coordinated division of labour to undermine the United States. Yet, this discussion has long neglected the analysis of Sino-Russian relations in the Middle East despite the importance of that region. Hence, this article investigates how Russian actions there are perceived in China through the analysis of the debate among Chinese foreign policy experts. Russia is seen as an opportunistic actor whose behaviour is only partially consistent with Chinese interests. However, problems related to China’s own Middle East policy and the pressure caused by the rivalry with the United States in Asia greatly limit China’s capability to adopt a more assertive approach. These findings prompt important considerations about the dynamics of the triangular Sino-Russian-American relations. They also help us to understand Chinese foreign policy and the evolution of world politics better.

British Parliament as Center for Making Foreign Policy Decisions during Syrian Crisis (2011—2015)

The activities of the British Parliament to regulate the foreign policy of the United Kingdom towards Syria during the reign of Prime Minister D. Cameron are analyzed. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that the strengthening of the role of Parliament, which occurred during the acute phase of the Syrian crisis, significantly affects current trends in British foreign policy. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that for the first time the Syrian crisis is considered as a factor that contributed to the consistent strengthening of the role of parliament as a center for making foreign policy decisions. Attention is paid to the role of parliamentary committees in determining the UK’s policy on the Syrian track. The documents of the British Parliament are being studied in order to identify the position of parliamentarians in relation to the government course. The evolution of the British Middle East policy during the active phase of the Syrian crisis is analyzed. It is proved that Parliament had a corrective influence on the foreign policy of Great Britain, which is confirmed by the appearance during this period of significant functions, both in the House of Commons and in parliamentary committees. It is noted that the government sought to enlist the support of the parliament to ensure the legitimacy of the supply of weapons to the Syrian opposition and the conduct of a military operation in Syria.

In search of a Canadian Middle East policy: A look at past approaches

Public debate about Canada's role in the Middle East is divided between two camps. One camp contends that Canadian foreign policy should return to its Pearsonian roots, in which Canada plays the role of a dispassionate but honest broker. The other holds that Canada's foreign policy should be defined by high-minded principles. The disagreement is over norms, not interests. This paper refers to two former Prime Ministers who roughly embody the two schools of thought on Canada's foreign and defense policy in the Middle East: Lester B. Pearson and Stephen Harper. Contrary to conventional wisdom that Harper was a realist and Pearson, a Pearsonian, the paper demonstrates that Pearson pursued a realist foreign policy that advances Canada's national security interests whereas Harper was guided by a values-based neo-conservative ideology.

Russia – Saudi Arabia: plight and prospects of cooperation

For Russia, the political situation in the Persian Gulf region is of fundamental importance due to the size of its resource potential, its significant role in the global energy sector, geographical proximity, and the influence of the Arabian countries on the Muslim population of our country. The relative political stability and economic weight of the Arabian monarchies serve as the basis of the new – Arabian vector of Russia's Middle East policy. The influence of the monarchies of the Persian Gulf zone, primarily the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, is growing in the region. The author tried to answer the question: what are the opportunities and prospects for establishing partnership relations between Russia and Saudi Arabia? Besides cooperation in the settlement of regional conflicts and the fight against international terrorism, the creation of a collective security zone in the Persian Gulf, coordination of actions in the oil market, bringing economic relations to a new qualitative level, and the development of humanitarian contacts are the most realistic areas of rapprochement.

Arab-Iranian Relations in Context of the Syrian Crisis

Since the early 2000s, Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) has been providing active policy in Middle East. The Syrian crisis challenged Iran’s positions in the region. In 2013–2014, the “imminent” collapse of Alawite power in Syria could affect Iran’s national security. In 2015 after the involvement of Russia’s Aerospace Forces (RAF) in Syria, Moscow-Tehran coordinated efforts played a decisive role in achieving al-Assad’s victory and reasserting regime’s influence across Syria. Tehran achieved all its primary goals in Syria and secured its long-term interests in the Middle East. The group of influential factors determined Iranian policy in Syria and other Middle Eastern countries. These factors derived form historical legacy, political background of Arab-Iranian relations, the presence of identically typical groups of population in the targeted countries, Tehran’s ability to change the regional power balance in its favor. The Syrian conflict presented an exclusive example from Iranian typical behavioral crisis model (e. g., low numbers of IRGC ground forces mostly in an advise-and-assist capacity). Meanwhile, Iranian policy in Syria affected Tehran’s relations with key regional, international players in the region. New developments in Iran Israeli crisis complicated situation in the region and created potential threats for lunching a new war on the Middle East. The main research’s goal shaped by study of the new developments in Iran’s Mideast politics and Iranian military operation in Syria regards Arab-Iran historical legacy. The above-mentioned questions shape the urgency of presented research paper that investigates most of advanced statements and proves forwarded conclusions. An appropriate theoretical framework for this study was provided by the constructivist approach combined with comparative methodology. The last decade has witnessed several studies about the Syrian crisis. Meanwhile the important details of evolution of Iran’s politics in the Syrian conflict and Tehran’s military operations in other Mideast countries call for more comprehensive examining. In view of this the article defined by its novelty and based on sources in Arabic and Persian languages. An author tries to predict transformations in Iran’s Middle Eastern politics in view of further political developments in the region and Syria, as well.