Eastern Policy Research Articles

CONCEPTS OF EASTERN POLICY IN THE DISCOURSES OF LEADING POLISH PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS (1991–1997)

CONCEPTS OF EASTERN POLICY IN THE DISCOURSES OF LEADING POLISH PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS (1991–1997)

Babylonia as the center of the Early Selkid Empire

The interest in the Seleucid empire and the problems of organizing the political space in the Hellenistic East has recently been due to a methodological turn in the historiography of the Hellenistic era. These changes actualized the study of the role of Babylonia in the empire of the first Seleucids according to narrative and epigraphic sources. The satrapy appears in them as the region where the political career of Diadochus and the founder of the Seleucus dynasty began after the death of Alexander the Great. It was here that his power was most entrenched, apparently supported by local priestly elites. Although the question of the political center of the Seleucid state has been considered in historiography, however, it has not received systematic study. The scientific novelty lies in the study of the early Seleucid state and the peculiarities of the eastern policy of the first Seleucids in the imperial context. The methodological basis is the methods used to study imperial and multicultural spaces, as well as general scientific philosophical and historical methods. The study of the legendary information about Seleucus revealed frequent references to Babylonia in predictions of his future power, which should be perceived as a vaticinium ex eventu. This indicates the ideological and "mythological" significance of the image of Babylonia for the Seleucids, which can be explained both by the strategic and economic role of the region and its significance in Alexander's policy, which can be interpreted as a manifestation of "imitatio Alexandri".

Charity for Christian Unity

Abstract At the end of the First World War, a profoundly transformed Middle East faced massive population displacements and health crises, which presented crucial challenges for humanitarian actors. North American philanthropy and charity played a decisive role in this context. Among the organisations involved, the Catholic Near East Welfare Association (cnewa) is not well known. It was established by American Catholics to help Eastern Christians – especially Greek Catholics – and to thwart the influence of Protestantism in the region, mainly by supporting local Churches and missions in their humanitarian and welfare work. cnewa was quickly placed under the supervision of the US episcopate and the Vatican, partly transforming its operations and purposes. Its activity became closely involved with the Eastern policy of the Holy See, which primarily focused on the “return” of Orthodox Christians to the Roman Church. This article, at the crossroads of the history of mission and humanitarian aid, examines the early developments of cnewa and highlights how the Catholic Church dealt with the emergence of modern humanitarian aid in the mid-twentieth century.

The Mission of Mazepa's Supporters Myrovych and Nakhymovskyi in Crimea in the 1750s in the Context of Implementing the Eastern Policy by the Kingdom of France

The Mission of Mazepa's Supporters Myrovych and Nakhymovskyi in Crimea in the 1750s in the Context of Implementing the Eastern Policy by the Kingdom of France

Postawa Francji i jej belgijskiej sojuszniczki wobec wojny polsko-bolszewickiej

The Stance of France and Belgium Toward the Polish-Bolshevik War The article is an attempt to underline the difference in the conduct of foreign policy by two allied countries. One of them – France, had the opinion of the most powerful state in Europe after World War I, and the other – Belgium, was a small country that decided to abandon its neutrality (imposed by the great powers in 1839). Such an alliance, salutary for strengthening the security guarantees towards the former occupant, brought with it fears of domination and instrumental treatment. In matters of eastern policy, both countries were concerned about the loss of numerous investments and capital investments in tsarist Russia. It was through this prism that the Polish-Bolshevik war was assessed. The second factor that distinguished the two countries in their approach to the war was the different composition of the government. While in France the electoral victory of the National Bloc facilitated the conduct of politics, the government of catholic-socialist coalition in Belgium faced serious obstacles from the socialists, which was manifested in the decision concerning the transit of weapons to Poland. French aid in the form of weapons supplies and support for Poland from the diplomatic side led to an alliance with Poland. Belgium took advantage of the end of the war to establish, above all, economic cooperation.

The European Parliament as Transformational Actor toward the Reconsideration of the EU Eastern Policy

Abstract The main purpose of the paper is to analyse the role of the European Parliament (EP) in the reconsideration of the EU eastern policy in the light of Russian full-scale military aggression against Ukraine. With the view to reaching the stated objective, the following research tasks are taken into consideration. First, particular attention is paid to the change of the EP approach toward the issue of eastern policy building in the aftermath of the 2019 elections and after the 24 February 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. In order to define the transformative potential of the EP in the institutional system of the European Union (EU) as regards the eastern dimension of its neighbourhood policy, the analysis covers selected resolutions and recommendations as well as key political addresses delivered by leaders of the EP, European Council and European Commission. Second, the study presents the context of the foreign policy structural competition between the EU and Russia putting particular emphasis on the role of institutions mentioned above in the process of foreign policy-making and on the nature of the EU support for the democratisation processes in the Eastern Partnership (EaP) region before the 24 February 2022. Finally, there is made an attempt to evaluate the steps undertaken by the EP in order to reform the EU eastern policy and enhance support for the Europeanisation processes in partner states aimed at democratic transformation of the region.

Belarus in Polish eastern policy during the Polish-Soviet War (1919–1920)

Abstract The late 19th century saw a national awakening of the Belarusian people. During World War I, under German occupation, the Catholic Belarusian national movement intended to create a sovereign Belarusian state (the Belarusian People;s Republic) or in union with Lithuania (a revived Grand Duchy of Lithuania). After the February Revolution of 1917 in Russia, Orthodox national activists wanted a sovereign Belarus within a federal and democratic Russia. The Belarusian People’s Republic, established in March 1918, was not recognized by any state. Poland, Lithuania and Soviet Russia intended to incorporate the Belarusian lands on an autonomous basis. As a result of the Riga Peace Treaty (1921), the Belarusian lands were divided between Poland and Soviet Russia.

An exploration of the unification policy in West Germany during the Brandt period

After the Haldensianism of Adenauer, Brandt decided to change his usual aggressive Eastern diplomacy and made diplomatic attempts with East Germany, Eastern Europe, and even the Soviet Union and put forward the New Eastern Policy as his fundamental policy of reunification. From the 1960s to the 1970s, West Germany marked a turning point in the resolution of the German question.

Study on the influence of carbon trading pilot policy on energy efficiency in power industry

PurposeTo cope with climate change and achieve the dual carbon goal, China has actively promoted the implementation of carbon trading pilot policy, among which the power industry plays an important role in China’s carbon emission reduction work. The purpose of this paper is to study the influence of carbon trading policy on the energy efficiency of power industry and achieve the comprehensive goal of carbon emission reduction, carbon peak and carbon neutralization.Design/methodology/approachThis paper constructs the difference-in-differences model based on 2012–2019 provincial data to study the impact of carbon trading policy on energy efficiency in the power industry and its effect path. Heterogeneity analysis was conducted to compare the effects of carbon trading policy in eastern, central and western regions as well as at different levels of power structures.FindingsCarbon trading policy can significantly improve the energy efficiency of the power industry, and the policy effect is more significant in eastern and western regions and areas with high power structure. Mechanism analysis shows that carbon trading policy mainly influences the energy efficiency of power industry by environmental protection investment, power consumption demand and industrial structure.Originality/valueThis paper uses provincial panel data to deeply study the influence of carbon trading policy on energy efficiency of the power industry and its effect path. By constructing the difference-in-differences model, this paper empirically analyzes the governance effect of carbon trading policy. Meanwhile, it controls individual and time effects to solve the endogeneity problem prevalent in previous literature.

Modus vivendi with Moscow? The 1945 Flynn Mission and the Eastern Policy of Pius XII

One of the open questions in the historiography of the Vatican-Kremlin relations after World War II, is whether bilateral dialogue and reaching an agreement was prevented by the caution and anti-communist principles of Pope Pius XII, or rather by the aloofness of the Soviet Union. Based on the newly opened Vatican sources, the paper examines the mission of Edward J. Flynn, an American Democrat politician, who in February-March of 1945 attempted to mediate between the two parties. After a brief review of the assessment of the Flynn mission in scholarly literature, the paper first outlines the course of events, then evaluates the goals and perspectives of the actors involved. It concludes that it was the lack of interest shown by Moscow that led to the failure of the first post-war Vatican-Soviet approaches while the Holy See was open to dialogue. Pius the XII’s eastern policy is therefore to be interpreted not in terms of intransigence but rather within the paradigm of the traditional Vatican concordat policy. Nonetheless, by contrast with the later “classic”, “active” Vatikan Ospolitik under Popes John XXIII and Paul VI, Pius XII pursued what might at most be termed a “passive” Ostpolitik.

Intelektualne źródła paryskiej „Kultury”. Myśl polityczna Adolfa Bocheńskiego okresu wojny

A significant aspect of the study of political thought is the recognition of its creativity, expressed in the ability to evaluate the past critically and to formulate groundbreaking ideas at moments of radical social and political changes. Undoubtedly, Adolf Bocheński’s political thought in the texts published during World War II had this attribute. The ideas that Bocheński produced were a vital source of inspiration for the program of the magazine called Parisian “Kultura”, which was the most influential center of Polish political emigration after 1945. The forerunning political thought of Bocheński inspired the critical approach of Jerzy Giedroyc’s magazine to the social system of the Second Republic and a willingness to support transformations aimed at making social groups hitherto excluded from active participation in the life of the national community more aware of their rights as citizens. Bocheński’s neo-federalist concepts were even more inspiring. He was undoubtedly a precursor of the concepts of eastern policy of Parisian “Kultura”. When designing the post-war policy of Polish emigration, he postulated linking the Polish cause with the fight for national independence of nations subjugated by the Soviet Union, in particular with the idea of Ukraine’s independence.

거란과 고려의 保州 영유권 분쟁

In the 10th century, Song in China, Kitan in Manchuria, and Goryeo in the Korean Peninsula were unified. However, territorial disputes frequently occurred as the three countries faced each other with borders centered on Kitan. In Liaodong, Kitan and Goryeo fought wars and diplomatic battles boringly over the Yalu River basin, which was Balhae‘s territory. With the accession of the sixth emperor(聖宗), his Eastern policy and Goryeo's northern policy clashed. Eventually, the Kitan invaded Goryeo, and with this opportunity, the two countries signed an agreement to make the southern part of the Yalu River a territory of Goryeo and the northern part a territory of Kitan. However, not only did he abandon his diplomatic cause and maintain effective control over the already ceded Boju(保州), but he also invaded again to return all six Gangdong states(江東六州). Boju is an area located in the lower reaches of the Yalu River and corresponds to the throat connecting Liaodong and the Korean Peninsula. Goryeo could not yield because it was a military hub and an important transportation and trade hub. Goryeo protested several times to destroy various facilities of Kitan built in Boju and further asked for the return of the site, but failed to achieve its intention. Goryeo had to win Boju on a strategic level, but it was not able to forcibly recapture Boju due to its weak military power. In such a situation, Jurchen rose and founded the Jin Dynasty, and due to the fierce offensive of the Jin, Kitan was in danger, so Goryeo had a chance to acquire Boju again. Goryeo used diplomatic means rather than physical means to compromise with Kitan and Jin. When Kitan withdrew his troops, delivered Naewonseong Fortress(來遠城) and Boju to Goryeo. Goryeo occupied Boju before the Jin's army and asked the Jin Dynasty to recognize their ownership. Jin Dynasty recognized the ownership of Goryeo in return for subservience to the stronger. Finally incorporated Boju into Goryeo's territory. In this way, Goryeo obtained six weeks of Gangdong and Boju by serve Kitan and Yeojin. Subservience to the stronger, in which a small country serves a large country, were international practices at the time. As long as they became a hegemonic power in Northeast Asia, it was a practical option for Goryeo. Goryeo acquired territory and maintained friendly relations between the two countries to minimize the war, which created favorable conditions for the development of Goryeo.

미일통상항해조약의 폐지와 미 국무부의 극동정책 전환

The Abolition of the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation Between the U.S. and Japan (1911) and a Shift of the Far Eastern Policy of the Department of State - Treaty of Commerce and Navigation between the U.S. and Japan;Sino-Japanese War;Stanley K. Hornbeck;Trade Sanction on Japan;U.S. Department of State

Der Einfluss der FDP auf die Ostvertragspolitik der Bundesregierung in den Jahren 1969-1974 im Lichte der neuen Quellen vom Archiv des Deutschen Liberalismus

THE INFLUENCE OF THE FDP ON THE EAST TREATY POLICY OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT IN THE YEARS 1969-1974 IN THE LIGHT OF THE NEW SOURCES FROM THE ARCHIVE OF GERMAN LIBERALISM The main objective of the article is to analyze the course and consequences of the diplomatic negotiations for the signing and ratification of the Eastern Treaties between the Federal Government and the governments of the USSR, Poland and Czechoslovakia in the years 1969-1974. What is of great importance here is using new archive resources from the archive of German Liberalism in Gummersbach in this work. This enabled the author to present a new assessment of the influence of the FDP on the Eastern policy of the Federal Republic of Germany during the period presented. The author comes to the following conclusions: (1) The FDP played a fundamental role in the negotiations and ratification of the Eastern Treaties with the USSR (1970), Poland (1970) and Czechoslovakia (1973); (2) These treaties contained a clause not to use force in mutual relations; (3) The treaty with Poland also contained a border clause and in that sense it is to be regarded as a border treaty (Article I Paragraph 1 of the treaty of December 7, 1970). In this treaty, the Federal Republic of Germany recognized Poland’s western state border on the Oder-Neisse, as defined in the Potsdam Agreement; (4) The federal government has recognized this border in its own name (suo nomine) and not in name of a reunified Germany. The Warsaw Treaty therefore did not rule out the reunification of Germany in the indefinite future. At the same time, the Federal Government undertook not to assert any territorial claims against Poland in the event of reunification; (5) The western allies – which is very often overlooked in the specialist literature – had already forced the federal government in the secret memorandum of Acheson-Adenauer dated November 21, 1951 to agree to their definition of the reunification of Germany as an amalgamation of the Federal Republic, the GDR and both parts of Berlin accept. In return, the Federal Republic received a. o. the contractual obligation of the Western powers that the Federal Government would participate in a peace settlement in the future (Article VII Paragraph 1, 3 of the Germany Treaty of Mai 26, 1952).

A Return to Prometheanism: The Space of Opinion on Polish–Russian Relations in Postcommunist Poland

This article provides an in-depth analysis of the system of production of expertise on Polish–Russian relations in post-1989 Poland. For this purpose, the author develops the concept of the ‘space of opinion’ on Polish–Russian relations, focusing on the reconstruction of its origins and main structures. The present analysis challenges the idea of a radical rupture in the theoretical and ideological background of Poland’s Eastern policy after 1989—promoted by dominant interpretations in the literature—and highlights historical continuity in a long-term perspective.

Russian-Ottoman Border in the East Transcaucasia in the 20s-30s of the 18th century: Problems of Demarcation, Reaction of Frontier Communities

The paper analyses one of the issues of the eastern policy of Russia of the Peter’s era, related to the creation of the Russian-Ottoman frontier on the territory west to the Caspian Sea. The difficulties in the process of carrying out demarcation in the border zone caused by the negative reaction of various actors in the border life are discussed. The author introduces a new source – a historical map of the Caspian territories, on which the border between the Russian and Ottoman Empire is drawn; demarcation work, conducted by the committee, is shown. The study reveals that the Russian-Ottoman border line divided the communities of the East Transcaucasia without consideration of historical traditions of conducting economic activity and ethnocultural contacts, thus certain difficulties and unsteadiness occurred in the border zone. The reaction of the frontier participants make it possible, in general, to determine the attitude of the Caucasian and Persian political elites to the emergence of the Russian and Ottoman Empires in the Caucasus-Caspian region. The obtained scientific results are unique from the point of view of humanitarian knowledge, and they can be used for further development of various issues of the Caucasian foreign policy of the Russian and Ottoman Empires of the 18th century by Russian and foreign researchers.

Between the Vatican and Moscow: The Lithuanian Imprint on the Death Throes of the Soviet Union (1979–1989)

AbstractBy introducing different types of sources—published documents on Vatican's Eastern policy, archival material of the Soviet governmental agencies, egodocuments of local ecclesiastical leaders—this article tries to identify the role Lithuanian subjects have played in the field of Vatican-USSR relations during the first half of Pope John Paul II's pontificate. The research reveals that, since the end of 1970s, issues pertaining to the Lithuanian Catholic Church were considered priority agenda items—both within the halls of the Vatican and in the central government offices of the Soviet regime. An analysis of available sources illustrates also that interrelated issues of the boundaries of the Vilnius Archdiocese and the question of its further administration constituted the most acute node of issues during the period under review. The Soviet regime was the most interested in focusing on these issues, as it hoped thereby to dispel any mutual sympathies between Lithuanian Catholics and the Polish pope, put a stop to the emerging cooperation between Catholics in Lithuania and Poland, and bring an end to the politically costly case of Bishop Steponavičius, who by then had become a symbol of the Lithuanian Catholic Church's resistance. Suppressing of any attempts of the Holy See to be represented at commemoration of important events in Lithuania's history was yet another highly complicated task for the Soviet authorities.

German–Polish Transfers on Eastern Policy? Research Deficits, Europeanisation Inputs, Empirical Testing

This article calls for more studies concerning German-Polish Eastern policy cooperation. Existing literature does not explain in detail whether German-Polish rapprochement on their Eastern policies resulted from their mutual concessions rather than simply from their similar assessments of certain Eastern European developments. However, the literature highlighs the countries’ individual interests and complementary influences within the European Union’s (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). This can potentially explain their bilateral policy transfers. Therefore, to design studies of such cross-transfers, the article re-discusses the under-researched model of Europeanisation through cross-loading. It theorises that even member states with divergent foreign interests can, paradoxically, engage in tactical coalition- and consensus-building. Here, the states recognise each other’s complementary coalition-building skills among their different allies as to help them broaden support for their own positions within the CFSP. Consequently, the article’s case study analyses German-Polish compromise-building behind their similar positions towards the EU’s anti-Russian sanctions from 2014. It argues that mainly Poland transferred from Germany’s milder approach towards the sanctions, thus recognising Germany’s stronger influence over this EU policy. However, also Germany adopted some Polish Russo-sceptical positions because it recognised Polish expertise in the context of the dominant CFSP-level critique of Russia.

ОСОБЕННОСТИ СТРАТЕГИЧЕСКОГО ПЛАНИРОВАНИЯ РАЗВИТИЯ ДАЛЬНЕГО ВОСТОКА РОССИИ НА ФЕДЕРАЛЬНОМ УРОВНЕ

The article explores the socio-economic development challenges for the regions of the Russian Far East, as well as the peculiarities of the state policy in the framework of the organization of strategic planning. The idea is confirmed that the Far East lags behind the rest of Russia, and the Far Eastern regions are highly differentiated among themselves. Overcoming socio-economic problems is difficult due to the lack of a unified system of targets and goals of the Far Eastern policy. Over the past decades, strategic planning for the development of the Far East has undergone significant evolution. Initially it was aimed at transforming the economy and foreign economic activity, later it became less ambitious by reorienting towards improving the quality of life and solving the internal development problems. An analysis of all the state programs and strategic plans adopted (since 1987) for the development of the Far East has shown that the targets they set are unrealistic, and the efficiency of their implementation are low. A meaningful assessment of the current strategic planning documents indicates a low level of its consistency in terms of setting goals.

Позиция казахов по отношению к калмыкам в 60-х гг. XVIII в.

The relevance of this article is determined by the desirability and even, speaking more directly, the need for a further, more source-based, expanded and theoretically grounded study of the role of the Kalmyk Khanate in Russia’s eastern policy, especially in the eighteenth century, when the khanate was at its peak. This is important not only for the history of the Kalmyk people proper, but also for studying and highlighting the participation of the peoples that were part of Russia in its foreign policy activities in this or that period. The aim of the article is to examine the relations of the Kazakhs and the Kalmyks in the third quarter of the 18th century, based on new materials from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire and the National Archive of the Republic of Kalmykia. The scientific novelty of the work consists in a detailed tracing of the connection of the Kalmyk Khanate with the neighboring nations and states in the east, mainly with Kazakh zhuzes, which did not contradict the interests of Russia in these regions. In the 1760s. relations between the Kalmyks and the Yuzhny Zhuz suddenly began to worsen. The Kazakhs were guided in their actions by their own goals. Speaking about the regional situation, its role was determined by the available opportunities, and they were quite modest, which made Kazakh khans turn to a strong external ally for protection. The Russian state for them in this regard was quite profitable. The author infers that, in the second half of the 18th century. the situation in the Kalmyk-Chinese relations changed, which was due to the attack of the Qing Empire on the Dzungar Khanate. The rebellion of Amursana demonstrated the reluctance of the Dzhungar people to endure Chinese domination, which was the reason for the Chinese court to get rid of the discontented. Another pilgrimage mission reminded China that there was another branch of the Dzungar people. The nomadic system of the Kalmyk economy, their courage and the ability to travel long distances in a matter of hours could serve both for protecting the interests of the Qing Empire and for opposing them. Everything was determined by the extent to which Beijing could control the migration process. Therefore, the Qing used a certain psychological effect on the Kalmyks, prompting them to leave Russia. The author concludes that, politically, the role of the Kazakh Khanate in the development of the situation in Central Asia was not decisive.