Asia Policy Research Articles

Health technology assessment and innovation: here to help or hinder?

Innovative health technologies offer much to patients, clinicians, and health systems. Policy makers can, however, be slow to embrace innovation for many reasons, including a less robust body of evidence, perceived high costs, and a fear that once technologies enter the health system, they will be difficult to remove. Health technology funding decisions are usually made after a rigorous health technology assessment (HTA) process, including a cost analysis. However, by focusing on therapeutic value and cost-savings, the traditional HTA framework often fails to capture innovation in the assessment process. How HTA defines, evaluates, and values innovation is currently inconsistent, and it is generally agreed that by explicitly defining innovation would recognize and reward and, in turn, stimulate, encourage, and incentivize future innovation in the system. To foster innovation in health technology, policy needs to be innovative and utilize other HTA tools to inform decision making including horizon scanning, multicriteria decision analysis, and funding mechanisms such as managed agreements and coverage with evidence development. When properly supported and incentivized, and by shifting the focus from cost to investment, innovation in health technology such as genomics, point-of-care testing, and digital health may deliver better patient outcomes. Industry and agency members of the Health Technology Assessment International Asia Policy Forum (APF) met in Taiwan in November 2023 to discuss the potential of HTA to foster innovation, especially in the Asia region. Discussions and presentations during the 2023 APF were informed by a background paper, which forms the basis of this paper.

Systematic scoping review of ageing in place strategies in Japan, Singapore and Thailand: A comparative analysis.

Given the differing cultural contexts and service needs of older persons in the west and the east, programs or policies should be thoughtfully redesigned to accommodate these diverse societies. This paper presents a systematic scoping review of ageing in place (AIP) strategies in Japan, Singapore and Thailand, emphasising how they are tailored to address the unique challenges of ageing populations in Asia. A systematic literature search was conducted through seven databases. Empirical, peer-reviewed studies in English that discussed AIP-related programs or policies involving aged populations in the target countries were included. Themes were identified using the policy triangle framework, allowing for a comprehensive comparison of AIP across the countries. Three key components of AIP, place, support network and workforce, were identified from 44 included studies. Each country exhibits distinctive approaches to implementing these components. Japan has extensive AIP systems with comprehensive services and strong community and family support. Singapore offers innovative aged care with significant government involvement, though on a smaller scale. Thailand's localised initiatives focus on community health care and age-friendly city assessments, with a less developed AIP infrastructure. The study proposes a comprehensive framework for developing ageing policies in Asia, emphasising the need for a person-centred approach in developing AIP strategies that cater to the diverse needs of ageing populations, and underscores the importance of integrating health-care services, community support and home environment modifications. The three AIP elements advocate for a person-centred approach, providing valuable insights for policymakers to effectively manage challenges of rapidly ageing populations.

Addressing the Urgent Need for Comprehensive Healthy Aging Policies in Asia

Addressing the Urgent Need for Comprehensive Healthy Aging Policies in Asia

A hierarchical vision of order: understanding Chinese foreign policy in Asia; China's asymmetric statecraft: alignments, competitors, and regional diplomacy; The authoritarian century: China's rise and the demise of the liberal international order

A hierarchical vision of order: understanding Chinese foreign policy in Asia; China's asymmetric statecraft: alignments, competitors, and regional diplomacy; The authoritarian century: China's rise and the demise of the liberal international order

Biden’s U.S. Foreign Policy in Central Asia: Military-Political Aspect

Biden’s U.S. Foreign Policy in Central Asia: Military-Political Aspect

PATTERN OF ALLIANCES IN SOUTH CHINA SEA: AN ANALYSIS OF US REBALANCE POLICY

The prominence of America’s ‘Pacific turn’ has not been reduced despite conflicts have conflagrated in the elsewhere regions. The US rebalance towards Asia policy has been in the limelight since its proclamation under Obama administration. This policy has been based upon forging alliances, especially with countries of Asia Pacific. Though successive US administration brought few changes in policy, yet, none have downgraded the notion of China as challenging US preponderance. The realists argue that a state either balances with power or against threat, albeit bandwagon on occasions. The South China Sea dispute exist as territorial conflict between China and the littorals states, presents an ideal situation for the later states to form an alliance with USA. However, these littoral states have instead opted hedging behavior towards greater powers. This article measures this behavior deducing the fact that complex interdependence among states and associated threats effect the traditional alliance patterns.

Turkey’s policy in Central Asia

Turkey’s policy in Central Asia

Turkey’s policy in Central Asia: results and prospects

Turkey’s policy in Central Asia: results and prospects

The British policy in Central Asia

The British policy in Central Asia

Analysis of Climate Change Adaptation Policies in Asia

Analysis of Climate Change Adaptation Policies in Asia

POST-SOVIET ASIAN POLICY: RUSSIAN DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITY IN CHINA AND INDIA (1991–1999)

This article is an attempt to revisit the Asian policy of the Russian Federation in the Post-Cold War era. More specifically, the aim of this article is to determine the origins of Moscow’s current strategic alliances with China and India in a historical trajectory from 1991 to 1999. To this end, the article focused on Russian diplomatic activities, state visits, cooperation strategies and signed agreements within this timeframe. Then, in the context of these diplomatic efforts, the article discussed how the priorities of each government could affect these initiatives with a focus on their national concerns, geopolitical imperatives and global strategies. Following these discussions, the article concluded that a revival of global status was at the heart of Russia’s Asian diplomacy. Moreover, it was concluded that while foreign relations with China and India had emerged from two different historical processes, the common interests and imperatives that were mutually perceived by these states were crucial in reaching strategic agreements and shaping post-Soviet alliances.

Extended commentary—U.S.‐Asian policy in the throes of McCarthyism, old and new

AbstractThe subtext of this extended commentary for the 2024 Policy Studies Yearbook in Politics & Policy is the crucial role that liberalism and civil rights must play in U.S. foreign policy if America is to be on the right side of history. Our explicit subject is the conflux of elite and populist forces that constantly work against such liberal‐democratic engagement. It is no secret that today's MAGAism (“Make America Great Again”) wears many of the same antiliberal stripes as did postwar McCarthyism, which was its direct progenitor. Thanks largely to the center‐right resistance of President Eisenhower, McCarthyism was ultimately held in check domestically. Unfortunately, that was not the case on the side of U.S. foreign policy, where tenacious strains of antiliberalism had a very long shelf life. Thus, McCarthyism ended up having its most durable impact in the developing world, where cozy relations with highly reactionary regimes were considered necessary in the face of communist inroads. At a time when liberalism was hitting its full stride on American soil, U.S. foreign policy was exporting a very different America abroad, and especially in Asia. Even domestically, the waspish virulence of McCarthyism was never eradicated. It simply hibernated, and in 2016, it came back with a vengeance in the even more truculent form of Trumpism. Once again, xenophobic populism is laying claim to U.S. foreign policy and savaging liberal internationalism. The entrenched progressivism that stood its ground against McCarthyism has long since eroded. MAGAism faces no obstacle comparable to the dynamic liberalism of the 1950s or the counterculture of the 1960s. Seen from the perspective of January 6, 2021, the old McCarthyism looks tame by comparison.Related ArticlesCraig, Stephen C., and Jason Gainous. 2024. “To Vote or Not to Vote? Fake News, Voter Fraud, and Support for Postponing the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election.” Politics & Policy 52(1): 33–50. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12577.Haar, Roberta N., and Lutz F. Krebs. 2021. “The Failure of Foreign Policy Entrepreneurs in the Trump Administration.” Politics & Policy 49(2): 446–78. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12399.Skidmore, Max J. 2023. “Abortion—Reactionary Theocracy Rises in America, While Declining Elsewhere.” Politics & Policy 51(3): 437–57. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12534.

MONGOLIA AND THE REPUBLICS OF CENTRAL ASIA

The article examines the state of relations between Mongolia and the post-Soviet republics of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan). The author assesses main constraints of Mongolian-Central Asian economic cooperation, as well as steps to strengthen various elements of interstate partnership. Another part of the research is the study of Ulaanbaatar’s attempts to develop new theoretical approaches to the strengthen Mongolian policy in Central Asia in the context of the observed growth of global geopolitical and geo-economic tensions. It is obvious that in the current conditions Mongolia’s needs to expand the range of international partnerships becomes a serious challenge, requiring the authorities of the republic to make important political and foreign economic decisions in the short term.

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The ‘US Factor’ in the Satō Administration’s Diplomacy in the Indonesia-Malaysia Conflict, 1964-1966

ABSTRACT Peace efforts to resolve the Indonesia-Malaysia conflict (1963–1966) became an important agenda in Japan’s Southeast Asia policy under Prime Minister (PM) Eisaku Satō. After a cautious start, the Satō government sought to create conditions for the Indonesians and Malaysians to end their armed confrontation (confrontation), which had become a source of destabilisation in Southeast Asia. Japan’s peace efforts began under PM Hayato Ikeda (1960–1964), marking the first time after World War II that Tokyo became involved in attempts to mediate a conflict. These endeavours were carried out in a region where mixed feelings lingered towards Japan for its wartime occupation. This paper investigates the factors that shaped the Satō administration’s engagement in efforts to resolve the confrontation and sheds light on how Japan’s relations with the United States (US) influenced its peace-making role – an aspect on which little has been written in previous studies. The findings indicate that considerations related to Japanese relations with the US were an important driver, although not the only one, of the Satō administration’s diplomatic initiatives to resolve the Indonesia-Malaysia armed confrontation. Furthermore, Japan’s peace efforts contributed to the US policy in Asia.

The United States and Asia in 2023

The past year witnessed a broad range of cooperation between the US and Asian states. As tensions with China and Russia and threats from North Korea continued to mount, the Biden administration’s strategic goal of a free and open Indo-Pacific gained ground in many Asian states, and strategic partnerships were formed based on various interests. The trilateral partnership between the US, South Korea, and Japan and deepening ties between the US and India were notable. While US–China relations deteriorated, there was a glimpse of positive adjustment in their competition. However, uncertainties and skepticism were raised regarding shared interests or values. Worries about the rise of a new Cold War intensified. The third year of the Biden administration continued to see persistent challenges to its Asia policy.

Current policies in Europe and South Asia do not prevent veterinary use of drugs toxic to vultures

Current policies in Europe and South Asia do not prevent veterinary use of drugs toxic to vultures

Türkiye’s “-lateralisms” in Asia: A Multi-Vectorial Analysis

This study aims to illustrate that multi-vectorial approaches in foreign policy could not only be practical but also productive for middle powers. With this aim, the study conceptualizes Turkish foreign policy in Asia with multi-vectorism, a foreign policy behavioral pattern that has been mainly utilized for post-Soviet countries’ concurrent interactions with the West (the EU, the U.S.) and the non-West (Russia). The study, firstly, argues that Asian international relations require a more composite re-definition of multi-vectorism, since in Asia, due to the intra-regional fragmentations and diversions, there are more than the conventional two vectors, the West and the non-West. By considering this argument the study applies multi-vectorism to Türkiye’s foreign policy in Asia by comparing the practicability of different interaction patterns, e.g., multilateralism, minilateralism, and bilateralism. The study, secondly, argues that Türkiye’s multi-vectorial foreign policy in Asia is particularly successful in its bilateral relations and less so in its multilateral and minilateral interactions.

Assessing the long-term impact of macroeconomic and environment dynamics: Does sustainable energy production shape the environmental landscape of south ASIAN nations?

<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 10pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 14pt;">This study delves into the intricate interconnections among the financial sector, macroeconomic dynamics, and the advancement of sustainable energy production in South Asia. Utilizing data from 1987 to 2022 in Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka, the research employs the Structural Vector Autoregressive (SVAR) method to analyze financial market responses. The findings reveal nuanced insights into the complex relationship between economic and environmental factors, fostering a comprehensive understanding of the region's intricate nexus between financial markets and sustainable energy initiatives. In the Economic Growth model, the negative coefficient for CO2 emissions underscores environmental concerns, indicating an inverse relationship with economic growth. Conversely, positive coefficients for non-fossil energy production, Gross Fixed Capital Formation, stock exchange value, and domestic credit emphasize their positive impact on economic growth. A positive GDP coefficient in the CO2 emission model signifies heightened carbon emissions with economic growth, while a negative coefficient for non-fossil energy production suggests potential environmental benefits. The nearly unitary positive coefficient for Gross Fixed Capital Formation highlights its significant role in driving carbon emissions. The Non-Fossil Energy Production model reveals an inverse relationship between GDP and clean energy, suggesting a potential reliance on fossil fuels during economic growth. Positive coefficients for CO2 emissions, Gross Fixed Capital Formation, stock exchange value, and domestic credit highlight factors influencing non-fossil energy production. Long-run stable coefficients affirm variable significance, while a negative error correction term suggests convergence in developing countries. These models offer nuanced insights into the intricate relationships among economic, environmental, and energy variables, guiding sustainable development policies in South Asia.</span></p>

Economic Considerations and Public Support for Environment Policy in East and Southeast Asia

AbstractThe “environment–economy trade-off” is a key question in research on public opinion on environmental policies. While evidence from Western economies suggests that individuals are more supportive of environmental initiatives when the macroeconomic situation is favorable, little is known about how environmental policy preferences are shaped by economic factors in East and Southeast Asian countries. Using a survey dataset consisting of 12 countries based on the fourth wave of the Asian Barometer Survey (ABS), we investigate how environmental policy preferences are associated with multiple aspects of economic consideration. In a pooled multilevel analysis, we find that personal economic conditions and perceptions are more consistently associated with greater support for environmental initiatives than objective and subjective national economic conditions. However, an analysis of the heterogeneous effect shows that the effect of individual economic situations is only partially identifiable among lower-middle or upper-income countries in our sample, signaling the complexity of qualifying the relationship between economic considerations and environmental attitudes in a cross-country context.