Policy Frames Research Articles

Nordic early childhood education policies and virulent nationalist trends

This article was initiated by our discomfort regarding recent policy developments in Nordic early childhood education (ECE) where previous decades’ policies on creating solidarity, equality and universal access to social welfare and promoting democratic participation are seemingly waning. While from a global perspective, these policies might seem inclusive and democratic, if understood within the context of Nordic policy frames and broader policy changes in Sweden and Denmark, their undemocratic coercive moves and racist undertones become visible. By focusing on the intersections of language and place in selected policies, we respond to the questions: ‘what is the problem represented to be’ and ‘what are the solutions offered?’ (Bacchi, 2012). We argue for the urgency of further research as the identified policy shifts indicate the prevalence of a more virulent form of nationalism in the Nordic ECE space threatening its Nordic democratic values.

The framing of contemporary violence policy in England and Wales: An examination of the contributing roles of alcohol and illegal drugs.

Background: In 2018, the UK Government published its Serious Violence Strategy setting out the Government's commitment to adopting a public health approach to 'serious violence' in England and Wales and encouraging a multi-agency, whole system public health approach to violence prevention. There has been very little research attention and commentary on the roles of alcohol and illegal drugs in the construction of "serious violence" within the Strategy. Method: Drawing on thematic analysis of key policy documents, the ways in which drugs and alcohol have been conceptualised in recent violence policy in the English and Welsh context are explored through the analytical framework of "framing". Results: The overwhelming emphasis on violence associated with the drugs market has skewed attention towards exceptional and sensationalist forms of "serious" violence and diverted it from more common and widespread forms of "everyday" violence, including domestic and alcohol-related violence. Omitting these from the policy purview has implications for those affected and how resources are allocated. Conclusion: To advance inclusive and holistic violence prevention, a wider framing of violence is required and both illegal drugs and alcohol need to be embedded for meaningful working across populations and organisational boundaries.

The framing of contemporary violence policy in England and Wales: An examination of the contributing roles of alcohol and illegal drugs

The framing of contemporary violence policy in England and Wales: An examination of the contributing roles of alcohol and illegal drugs

Teaching Tech by Rote: Socialization into Digital Literacies in a Ghanaian Classroom

ABSTRACT Building on decades of interdisciplinary language-centered research on literacies, this article is an exploration of the many ideologies about technology, literacy, and “good” learners, and the resulting tangle of contradictory practices, that converge in rural Ghanaian Information and Communication Technology (ICT) classrooms. In addition to tracing how Western ideologies of technological transformation were imported into the design of ICT policy and curricula via international development organizations, the article contrasts the enduring routines and practices of hierarchical knowledge transfer in Ghanaian classrooms with assumptions about exploratory users embedded in the design of technologies primarily produced in and for North American contexts. In doing so, the article highlights the regimes of participation (Flamenbaum & George 2023), or the interplay between these taken-for-granted ideologies, technological affordances, and available roles for participation in knowledge production, which dynamically structure participatory engagements with digital literacies. Such a lens highlights the ways in which persistent policy framings of digital literacies as universal, neutral universal encounters between individuals and particular hardware or software enable and reproduce longstanding processes of disciplining marginalized populations.

Framing of development policies toward Africa: a comparative study of China and the European Union

ABSTRACT The European Union (EU) has been the leading development assistance provider to African states, with a long history and the largest amount, while China’s engagement as an emerging donor is burgeoning without aligning with the rules and norms established by traditional donors. Current research on the two donors’ development policies toward Africa overwhelmingly focuses on their differences and rivalries. However, various processes of convergence may also be traced in the evolution of the development policies of China and the EU toward Africa. This article investigates whether, and if so, in which aspects, Chinese and the EU’s development policies toward Africa are converging in the 21st century. It gauges the convergence or divergence in the two donors’ development policies in Africa from the perspectives of normative underpinnings and institutional set-ups, through a discourse analysis of their policy documents, the study of official cooperation frameworks and an analysis of institutional changes. The findings demonstrate that whereas China and the EU are converging to a significant extent with regard to their normative underpinnings, there are fewer similarities in institutional set-ups.

Approaches to policy framing: deepening a conversation across perspectives

Since Rein and Schön developed their approach to policy framing analysis in the1990s, a range of approaches to policy framing have emerged to inform our understanding of policy processes. Prior attempts to illuminate the diversity of approaches to framing in public policy have largely “stayed in their lane,” making distinctions in approaches within shared epistemic communities. The aim in this paper is to map different approaches to framing used in policy sciences journals, to articulate what each contributes to the understanding of the policy process, and to provide a heuristic to aid in deciding how to use the diverse approaches in framing analysis and to further the dialogue across different approaches. To develop the heuristic, we manually coded and analyzed 68 articles published between 1997 and 2018 using “frame” or “framing” in their title or abstract from four policy journals: Critical Policy Studies, Journal of European Public Policy, Policy Sciences, and Policy Studies Journal. We identified five approaches, which we label: sensemaking, discourse, contestation, explanatory and institutional. We have found that these approaches do not align with a simple binary between interpretive and positivist but show variation, particularly along the lines of aims, methodology and methods. In the discussion, we suggest that these five approaches raise four key questions that animate framing studies in policy analysis: (1) Do frames influence policies or are policies manifestations of framing? (2) What is the role of frame contestation in policy conflict? (3) How can the study of frames or framing reveal unheard voices? And (4) how do certain frames/framings become dominant? By introducing these questions, we offer a fresh way scholars might discuss frames and framing in the policy sciences across approaches, to highlight the distinct yet complementary ways they illuminate policy processes.

Impacts of New Town developments on carbon sinks: Implications from the Case of Seoul Metropolitan Area, Korea

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) ambitious goal of achieving carbon neutrality by 2050 has been embraced by a variety of countries including South Korea. In South Korea, an increasingly vital neutrality strategy is enhancing carbon absorption through land use planning. A key consideration in these strategies is the comprehensive evaluation of carbon sinks present in various land cover categories. These carbon sinks—most notably forests, grasslands, and wetlands—play a critical role in mitigating the effects of climate change by locking carbon dioxide out of the atmosphere. However, forests and grasslands have long been prime avenues for new exurban development. This study analyzes the effects of large-scale development across several key carbon sinks for the Seoul Metropolitan Area of South Korea. Our findings indicate that the key carbon sinks increased from 2007 to 2021. Regardless, urban development has flourished where greenbelts were released, leading to significant depletion of forests, grasslands, and wetlands. However, converting farmland to New Town developments with massive park systems has contributed to an increase in carbon sinks in some parts of the region. In the perspective of South Korea’s goals for carbon neutrality, absorption is insufficient. Therefore, it is necessary to reflect the loss of sinks as a cost of sprawl and frame policies to expand storage through afforestation or reassessment of idle, undeveloped land.

Governance perspectives on achieving demand side flexibility for net zero

Net-zero has rapidly become the accepted way of framing mitigation policy and sustainable development goals. A critical step to achieve net zero targets consists of demand side flexibility, i.e. the ability to flex consumption according to levels of low carbon electricity generation. There is much emphasis on the importance of reaching high levels of flexibility, as this will enable balancing of renewables supply with demand, hence lowering energy costs. However, little attention has been paid to governance aspects, i.e. how demand side flexibility can happen and which institutions are responsible for delivering it. This policy perspective paper makes use of net-zero “good governance” principles to review evidence on demand side flexibility governance in the UK. It discusses which areas are most relevant and how they could best be developed.

Understanding ‘refugee resettlement’ from below: Decoding the Rohingya refugees’ lived experience in Bangladesh

While the resettlement of displaced people often denotes rehabilitation in one way or another, the paper illuminates the paradox of resettlement between repatriation and relocation with the case of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. The Rohingya, considered the most persecuted ethnic minority in the world at present as per the United Nations (UN), are an ethnolinguistic and religious minority of Myanmar but at present most of them are living in Bangladesh as refugees. About 750 thousand Rohingyas fled a deadly genocidal attack perpetrated by the Myanmar security forces in 2017 and took refuge in Bangladesh. Combining with the previously living ones, Bangladesh now hosts more than 1.3 million Rohingyas as refugees in 34 temporary camps in Ukhia and Teknaf, two south-eastern sub-districts of Cox’s Bazar. This massive Rohingya presence has heavily impacted the local lives and resources and thereby the local community gradually became reluctant, though not yet hostile, to host them anymore. To accommodate the local pressure, Bangladesh made two consecutive repatriation attempts (the first one on November 15, 2018, and the second one on August 22, 2019) to send the Rohingya back to Myanmar but failed since none willingly returned to their ‘homeland’. The refusal was interpreted as non-cooperation of the international community, and non-preparation on Myanmar's part to accept the Rohingyas back and let them resume their lives safely in the Rakhine state where they used to live. Since the repatriation attempt did not work and local pressures started mounting, Bangladesh initiated a program to relocate a few thousand Rohingya families to Bhasan Char, a newly emerged island located in the Bay of Bengal under Noakhali district. Empirical data reveal that the physical facilities of Bhasan Char seem far better than the same of Ukhia and Teknaf. Still, Rohingya refugees remain reluctant to move due to their entrenched fear of cyclones, floods and tidal surges which, they believe, could wash them away anytime. The entire process of Rohingya relocation to Bhasan Char has created huge debates about whether the Island is safe-liveable for the Rohingya people since it is a twenty-year-old island and there was no experience of people living there. Still, it does not appear to be a convincing plan to resolve the displacement problem of the Rohingya refugees. Given the background, what the Rohingya people articulate their aspiration in the name of resettlement is completely missing in the entire planning and action to redress the Rohingya crisis. Empirical findings show that the majority of Rohingyas are willing to return ‘home’ if three conditions are met: legal recognition amid conferring citizenship, social safety through the deployment of UN peace troops, and human dignity so that they can enjoy all forms of human rights. So, the Rohingya perception of resettlement is repatriation with aforesaid conditions. Therefore, the paper argues that beyond the populist idea of resettlement in the form of rehabilitation or relocation, the whole discourse of resettlement could come up from the bottom and people’s perspectives which could be both crucial and instrumental in policy framing and action planning. The Rohingya refugees desire dignified repatriation with legal recognition and social safety which is largely absent in the activism of the human rights bodies and the action of the international communities as well as the state-level movements. Given the matrix of relocation and repatriation, resettlement takes a central point of discussion and debates whether resettlement could settle the Rohingya crisis in the place of migration. The paper with the experience of decade-long ethnographic research intends to rearticulate the people’s perception and ground-level view of (re)settlement to redress the Rohingya crisis in the interface of repatriation and relocation.

Trading-off or trading-in? A critical political economy perspective of green growth’s policy framing

ABSTRACT The trade-off policy framing has been a central feature of green growth since the 1980s, employed to frame the countervailing spheres of social, environmental, and economic policies purported to ensure the sustainable development of the global economy. This article argues that so central has this framing become that IPE scholars have tended to focus on different types of ‘greenable’ growth observable within capitalism, rather than question the prospect of greening growth itself. Far from value-free, the trade-off framing is ultimately determined by the structural imperative for economic growth, veiling the disciplines anthropocentric ontology in a normative or objective guise. To account for the tacit prioritization, the trade-in policy framing – the compromising of environmental objectives to accommodate the growth imperative – is advanced as an alternative framing. The trading-in of environmental policies is legitimized through political-industrial narratives, of which three, the (i) consequential, (ii) allay, and (iii) finance are outlined in this analysis.

Venezuelan migration in South America: coordinating regional responses to a transboundary reception crisis

ABSTRACT Migration is a policy field that is prone to transboundary reception crises due to the weakness of inter-state cooperation and global governance institutions’ incomplete architecture. Research suggests that the regional level is a more realistic policy arena where cooperation to coordinate responses may emerge. Our paper aims to explore and analyse the conditions under which coordinated responses to transboundary reception crises are present in (or absent from) regional migration governance. Below we develop an analytical model based on crisis management scholarship to examine coordination capacities at the regional level. Empirically, we comparatively assess the ability of old regional institutions (i.e. MERCOSUR, the South American Conference of Migration) and new ones (i.e. the Quito Process) to orchestrate responses to receive Venezuelan migrants across the region. Our findings reveal that coordination capacities remain scarce as regional institutions navigate from non-crisis to crisis times. This is largely because there was a shift in policy framing regarding immigrant reception, to self-interested national, regional and extra-regional actors promoting new regional mechanisms, and to the increasing complexity of regional migration governance as (new) competing actors emerge. Our conceptual and empirical contributions provide insights into how governance processes in South America have changed, particularly during crises.

Optimizing tourist flows through operative carrying capacity assessment: The case of Bakkhali coastal tourism, W.B., India

<p>Carrying capacity assessment of nature-based tourist destinations is important for keeping the consumption of natural resources and anthropogenic pollution levels within environmentally safe and sustainable limits. With the mostly rural character of such destinations, the local community's well-being also needs to be prioritized. Exposure to natural hazards and climate crises have further exacerbated concerns about the long-term sustainability of these locations. The interrelationship between tourism intensity and its impacts clearly reflects Butler’s Tourism Area Life Cycle model of 1980. The ‘elements of capacity’ and their ‘critical range’ mark a significant threshold in the model that leads us to the concept of carrying capacity. The capacity may be physical, spatial, ecological, environmental, social, economic, management, and governance, among others. This is also linked with the quality of the touristic experience and satisfaction. In this context, aiming to understand the optimum level of tourist traffic flow in Bakkhali, one of the popular beach destinations of the deltaic island system of the Indian Sundarbans, this study assesses its visitor carrying capacity at three levels—physical, real, and effective. It also briefly introduces the idea of ‘operative’ carrying capacity at the fourth level. The study is based on tourist data until 2019 and adopts the well-established methodological framework of carrying capacity assessment applied widely in several settings. The result suggests that tourism operations at Bakkhali may optimally handle 2040 visitors per day, which may be stretched to a maximum of 2267 visitors per day. This may be used as baseline information for sustainable coastal tourism policy framing in the long term while planning for tourism management and infrastructure development in the Sundarban region in immediate terms.</p>

Objective numeracy exacerbates framing effects from decision-making under political risk

While Prospect Theory helps to explain decision-making under risk, studies often base frames on hypothetical events and fail to acknowledge that many individuals lack the ability and motivation to engage in complex thinking. We use an original survey of US adults (N = 2813) to test Prospect Theory in the context of the May 2023 debt ceiling negotiations in the US Congress and assess whether objective numeracy moderates framing effects. We hypothesize and find evidence to suggest that most respondents are risk-averse to potential gains and risk-accepting to potential losses; however, high numerates are more risk-averse and risk-accepting to gains and losses, respectively, than low numerates. We also find that need for cognition interacts with numeracy to moderate framing effects for prospective losses, such that higher need for cognition attenuates risk-acceptance among low numerates and exacerbates risk-acceptance among high numerates. Our results are robust to a range of other covariates and in models accounting for the interaction between political knowledge and need for cognition, indicating joint moderating effects from two knowledge domains similarly conditioned by the desire to engage in effortful thinking. Our findings demonstrate that those who can understand and use objective information may remain subjectively persuaded by certain policy frames.

Study of biocapacity areas to reduce ecological footprint deficits: A case study of Turkey

Our world has had difficulty meeting humans' needs in recent years. To ensure that the world can sustain its inhabitability and self-sufficiency in terms of natural resources, it is required to make the total amount of biocapacity areas equal to or higher than the ecological footprint. An analytical study has been carried out to remedy the biocapacity deficit by utilizing this information for Turkey and then these areas are optimized with heuristic optimization techniques. As a result, Artificial Bee Colony provides better objective function results (fewer errors) compared to Particle Swarm Optimization and Global Optimization Method Based on Clustering and Parabolic Approximation in terms of minimum, maximum, average value, and standard deviation. The rates of change according to the current situation of the biocapacity areas in 2016 are 277.97 %, 30.28 %, −29.28 %, 14.97 %, and −44.85 % for cropland, grazing land, forestland, fishing grounds, and built-up land, respectively. Depending on the population growth, these rates should additionally change by 83.24 %, −0.69 %, 3.97 %, 6.22 %, and −14.24 % respectively in 2050. The developed model can be used in industry or within the frame of government development policy and thus the balance between ecological footprint and biocapacity can be kept under control.

Whitlam's Economic (Inter)Nationalism

By his own admission, Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam was not much of an economist, a disclosure that has fuelled criticisms of his government's performance during the economic crises of the 1970s. By contrast, Whitlam was a self‐declared internationalist who promoted the domestic and global possibilities of the international system. Of course, twentieth‐century economics and internationalism were mutual rather than dichotomous. Accordingly, Whitlam's internationalism provides a vantage point to re‐evaluate his economics. This article focusses on how one strand of Whitlam's internationalism — his Third World sympathies and alignments — informed his government's resource policy, as designed by Minister for Minerals and Energy, Rex Connor. Rather than seeking to redeem Whitlam's economic credentials via this internationalism, however, I argue Whitlam's appeal to Third Worldism sought to infuse an anti‐economics — or, more precisely, a critique of mainstream economic thinking — into Australian resources policy. The legacies of this critique have been enduring. Whitlam and Connor's attempts to establish export controls, foreign investment regulations, and state‐owned enterprise galvanised a fierce backlash from miners and libertarian economists. This backlash has helped shape the neoliberal framing of Australian mining and energy policy over the past 40 years. At the same time, with climate change and energy transitions again illuminating the politics of natural resources, Whitlam's Third World critique remains salient.

Critiquing ‘powerful knowledge’ in school geography through a decolonial lens

ABSTRACT The concept of ‘powerful knowledge’ has risen to prominence in the school curriculum in England, taking on a life both in educational policy and in the work of schools, teachers, teacher educators and students. This article conducts a decolonial critique of ‘powerful knowledge’ in school geography. We begin by reviewing research about ‘powerful knowledge’ in geography education before turning to its interpretation in education policy and curriculum framings. We then offer our decolonial critique. We argue that the concept adopts reductive binary frames and neglects the racialising politics of geographical knowledge production. In doing so, ‘powerful knowledge’ marginalises the everyday knowledge of people globally and glosses over their ‘hidden’ geographies and histories in ways that sustain racialised global inequalities. We conclude by explaining the reasons for the emergence of ‘powerful knowledge’ and arguing for its demise on account of lack of analytical rigour and inattentiveness to social justice.

Climate policy integration as a process: from shallow to embedded integration

ABSTRACT Across many policy areas, policymakers try to integrate new policy issues into old policy processes. This is challenging. Getting to net-zero greenhouse gas emissions requires radical change across a broad range of societal sectors; thus, climate policy integration is essential. This article develops a new processual perspective on climate policy integration, allowing assessment, classification, and comparison of various stages of integration across policy processes, and over time. The integration process can be shaped by differing institutional logics. In a study of Norwegian agricultural policy, we identify three logics: multifunctional, market failure, and socio-technological transition. These portray differing frames, objectives, instruments, and sector involvement as appropriate ways of linking climate concerns to agricultural policy. We suggest that a shallow integration process is characterized by a sector-specific logic that facilitates discussions of policy frames and goals. In an embedded integration process, multiple logics are mobilized, and a broader range of policy elements are discussed: frames, goals, instruments, and sector involvement in the process. Consistent and contested integration processes are intermediate categories. Climate integration in Norwegian agricultural policy had the hallmarks of a shallow process in 2006–2009 but changed to a contested process in 2016–2021.

Voice, access, and ownership: enabling environments for nutrition advocacy in India and Nigeria

What constitutes an enabling environment for nutrition advocacy in low- and middle-income countries? While a sizeable body of scholarship considers the enabling environment for nutrition policy, we focus specifically on the necessary conditions for advocacy. We argue that three factors—voice, access, and ownership—provide a useful lens into the advocacy enabling environment. These are operationalized, respectively, as the space to articulate and frame policy positions, entry points to interact with policy decision makers, and the existence of committed decision makers rather than those responding to pressures from external actors. These three factors are explored vis-à-vis a comparative analysis of two federal democracies—India and Nigeria—that each have vibrant advocacy communities confronting persistent malnutrition. Drawing on more than 100 structured interviews with nutrition advocates, government actors, donors, and researchers in the two countries, we highlight the ways in which voice, access, and ownership interactively shape advocacy efforts. In doing so, we find that Nigeria has a less ideological approach to certain nutrition issues than in India but also perceived to be more beholden to external actors in defining its nutrition actions. Recent restrictions on freedom of speech and association shrunk the civic space in India but these were less problematic in Nigeria. In both countries, the multi-tiered, multi-party system offers many different points of access into the policy arena, with sometimes negative implications for coordination. Overall, the paper contributes more broadly to the literature on enabling environments by highlighting potential indicators to guide nutrition advocates in other settings.

Editorial: Policy Framing and Branding in Times of Constant Crisis

This editorial serves as an introduction to <em>Media and Communication</em>’s thematic issue Policy Framing and Branding in Times of Constant Crisis. Crises cast challenges for political actors and concurrently create opportunities for policymaking, public reflections, and political competition. In times of crisis, when it comes to communicating policymaking but also framing the crisis itself, issues close to political communication (including political marketing and political branding) become of paramount relevance. The eight articles of this issue cover a broad array of subjects, expanding the understanding of the relevance of communication when it comes to policymaking in times of crisis, through the lens of policy framing and policy branding.

Policy Capacity for Urban Village Redevelopment in China: A Two-Case Case Study

Policy capacity is described as a determinant for effective policy implementation. Its contents vary according to modes of governance. Based on available academic studies, grey literature, and semi-structured interviews, this study empirically explores how urban village redevelopment has been carried out in two cities, Hangzhou and Guangzhou, through the lens of policy capacity. By contrasting policy outcomes and the manifestation of policy capacity at different levels in these two cities, we develop three arguments that contribute to our understanding of urban renewal and policy capacity. Firstly, the performance of any policy action is affected by the capacity of the central actor to develop and implement policies. Secondly, understanding the interactive logical between analytical, operational, and political capacities under different governance modes is the key to understanding the strengths and weaknesses of policy capacity in a specific sector. Shaped by local contexts and past experience, local governments are predisposed to path dependence in developing and deploying policy capacity in urban village redevelopment. Thirdly, the capabilities and resources needed to support policies are largely determined by policy problematization at the analytical level: the technique-based approach of policy capacity theory needs to complete the missing link between policy framing and ethical issues.