Policy Course Research Articles

The Catholic Church in the USA and its attitude to the USSR (1933-1941): based on the materials of "Brief notes on the attitude of various Christian Churches to the moment" by Metropolitan Veniamin (Fedchenkov)

The subject of the study is "Brief notes on the attitude of various Christian churches to the moment", compiled by Metropolitan of the Aleutians and North America, Exarch of the Russian Orthodox Church in North America Veniamin (Fedchenkov) on January 22, 1942. Analyzing their content, the author examines in detail the anti-Soviet activities of Catholics in the United States of America in 1933-1941, directed first against the establishment of diplomatic relations between the United States and the USSR, and then against the allocation of assistance to the Soviet Union to fight the Nazi invaders. The mentioned document has not yet been put into scientific circulation, although many of the thoughts and considerations of the mentioned church hierarch were used by the government of the USSR to develop its foreign policy course. The methodological basis of this work includes the principles of historicism, consistency and objectivity. The analysis of the "Brief Notes..." by Metropolitan Veniamin (Fedchenkov) in comparison with a wide range of other sources allowed us to build a logical chain of relations between the USSR and the USA in 1933-1941, in which the anti-Soviet activities of the Roman Catholic Church in the USA played a negative role. The study of the "Brief Notes..." by Metropolitan Veniamin (Fedchenkov) made it possible to assess not only the seriousness of the influence of the Catholic Church on the foreign policy of the United States of America and other European countries in 1933-1941 and to better understand the nature of the events that took place after the end of World War II, but also to comprehend the role of the Catholic Church in the political processes taking place in Ukraine today. In the "Brief Notes...", completed by 1942, Metropolitan Veniamin pointed out the religious origins of Ukrainian nationalism, the narratives of which have not changed since the time of the events under consideration. The Patriarchal exarch gave a surprisingly accurate description of the various movements of the Catholic Church in the United States, which, oddly enough, does not lose its relevance in current realities.

Green Banking for Environmental Management: A Sustainable Paradigm Shift

Abstract This study aims to determine the extent to which bankss (banks) in Indonesia implement green economy policies based on current regulations and how bank has played a role in implementing it in its banking activities. The urgency of this research is based on the worsening environmental conditions caused by climate change and extreme global warming. Financial Services Authority Regulation (FSAR) Number 51/POJK.03 of 2017 is deemed a rule that only regulates the course of green economy policies in financial institutions and has not specifically regulated green banking. This study employed qualitative methods with normative data collection using secondary data. This research’s results revealed that the banking activities carried out by Banks have complied with the applicable rules, as evidenced by the annual sustainability report. Nevertheless, the report issued by Banks has not been fully included in the financial reports requested by the FSA, thus it is a separate report from the financial reports required by the FSA and the report called sustainability report. It is considered that the green banking and SDG policies have not been implemented optimally since they are only in the form of an appeal, and there are no sanctions for violators. Therefore, they only have insignificant effect on environmental improvement.

Bringing a Structural Competency Framework to the (Simulated) Bedside: The Premature Discharge Objective Structured Clinical Exam.

Structural competency is increasingly valued as a framework to address health equity within undergraduate medical education. As of academic year 2023-2024, the Liaison Committee on Medical Education (LCME) requires that medical schools have content regarding basic principles of structurally competent health care. Despite encouraging data about the effectiveness of structural competency curricula, most occur within the walls of a classroom and do not enter the authentic or simulated clinical space. From 2022 to 2023, an objective structured clinical exam (OSCE) focused on premature discharge, previously known as discharge against medical advice, was integrated into the required fourth-year Health Policy course at Weill Cornell Medical College, which uses the framework of structural competency. After a simulated clinical encounter, students completed a reflection assignment and participated in group debriefing to reflect on how policy coursework affected their simulated clinical experience. Students completed an evaluation about their OSCE experience, and OSCE checklist performance was analyzed. Of 82 students who participated in the curriculum, 68 completed a curricular evaluation, and 62 consented to have their OSCE performance evaluated for research. Mean overall OSCE checklist performance evaluating students' patient-centered communication skills, harm reduction skills, and discharge planning and counseling was 14.3/16 (89.6%; standard deviation, 9.8%). Students reported it was valuable to focus on structural factors affecting care within the simulated clinical encounter by using the structural competency framework. To the authors' knowledge, this is the first OSCE for medical students designed to deepen their understanding of structural competency by embedding the experience into an existing course using the framework. Future work should explore how this curriculum affects students' attitudes toward structurally vulnerable patients. With structural competency as an LCME requirement, the use of OSCEs may give educators a means to teach and assess fundamental concepts.

INFLUENCE OF NEO-OTTOMANISM TRADITIONS ON THE CURRENT STATE OF RUSSIAN-TURKISH RELATIONS: THEORY AND PRACTICE

The article examines the problems of the current state of Russian-Turkish relations through the analysis of the theoretical and methodological apparatus of neo-Ottomanism (new Ottomanism) as a foreign policy tradition, which, from the author’s point of view, today occupies one of the leading places in the foreign policy course of the current government of R.T. Erdogan. The complexity and uncertainty of this phenomenon require the use of specialized analysis methods: a system-structural analysis of the foreign policy of states (developed by the corresponding MGIMO school), a scientific approach within the framework of FPA (foreign policy analysis), separate tools for analyzing the strategic culture and foreign policy institutions of Ankara (according to the methodology of G. Almond and S. Verba). According to the author, for the current foreign policy of Ankara, the tradition of neo-Ottomanism is system-forming due to its ideological saturation of the initial ideological foundation. At the same time, the ambiguity of its interpretations lays down an expansive interpretation of Turkey’s foreign policy behavior in the international arena, which is fraught with problems and conflicts for Moscow’s foreign policy in realizing its interests in areas of international politics that cross Ankara.

Debate as an Active Learning Pedagogy Among Pharmacy Students in a Public Health Course

ObjectiveTo evaluate the impact of a debate activity on pharmacy students’ knowledge of public health and health policy topics. MethodsForty-six second-year pharmacy students in a required public health and health policy course debated universal healthcare coverage for Americans using the Lincoln-Douglas oral debate format. Demographic data, including age and gender, were collected. Knowledge (before/after) of universal healthcare principles was assessed via a rubric-embedded quiz related to the activity objectives. The students’ perceptions of the educational value of the debate were assessed before and after the debate using a 12-item Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree through 5 = strongly agree) and open-ended questions. Descriptive statistics and thematic analysis were conducted using SPSS v25 and Atlas.ti version 9, respectively. Wilcoxon t tests were conducted to compare preknowledge and postknowledge scores. An α level of 0.05 was utilized. ResultsForty-two students completed the perceptions survey, yielding a 96 % response rate. The mean age was 24 ± 4 years and primarily female (63 %). Most students had no previous experience with debates (80.4 %) and there was a statistically significant improvement in knowledge after the debate from 66.5 % ± 13.4 % to 80.7 % ± 12 % , for a total increase of 14.2 %. Open responses indicated that students believed their overall knowledge about other healthcare systems increased and they developed literature review and communications skills. ConclusionThe debate activity enhanced the students’ knowledge and assessment of controversial public health issues that will be useful during their pharmacy education and careers. The students perceived that the debates enriched their learning.

The ethno-political context of the median hedging of Turkey as a model for ensuring national stability

Purpose: to illuminate the ethnopolitical aspects of Turkey's median hedging strategy, which has been significantly influenced by the Russian military aggression against Ukraine. This strategy serves as a potential model for maintaining national stability amidst the challenges of globalisation. Method: analysis and synthesis, comparative, modelling, analogies, and functional. Findings: Determination of the conceptual foundations of Turkey's foreign policy against the background of the Russian military aggression against Ukraine; analysis of Turkey's median hedging policy as a model for ensuring the national stability of the state in the face of challenges and threats of globalisation. Theoretical implications: It consists of determining the main ethnopolitical features of Turkey's median hedging as a mechanism for ensuring the national stability of the state against the background of the Russian military aggression against Ukraine and the formation of a foreign policy course. Practical implications: This study sheds light on the evolving security architecture of Europe and the world, particularly through the lens of Turkey's median hedging policy. The findings suggest a need for reevaluating defence and foreign policy strategies, enhancing state stability, increasing military expenditures, and forging new alliances. These insights can be valuable for professional researchers, geopolitics and geostrategy analysts, security and defence sector representatives, international organisations as well as state and local authorities. Originality: This research stands out for its exploration of the ethnopolitical dimensions of Turkey's foreign policy, particularly in the context of escalating globalisation challenges and the Russian military aggression against Ukraine. The study underscores the state's deepening median hedging policy as a response to these dynamics. Paper type: theoretical, practical.

«Зворотній курс» у політиці США щодо Японії 1947-1952 рр.

The purpose of the research is to analyze the evolution of the foreign policy course of the USA in relation to post-war Japan and to show the economic, political, and strategic achievements of the "Reverse Course". The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, comprehensiveness and multi-vectority, objectivity and systematicity. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that Ukrainian historiography on the issue of the history of post-war Japan is extremely small and has a number of white spots, in particular, on the issue of cooperation between the Japanese government and the American military administration. Conclusions. American policy in Japan proves that yesterday's enemy can become a potential partner and, even more so, an ally in the future. Having paid a bloody price for the victory, the USA began radical reforms in Japan, which were aimed, at least in the first period of occupation, at the demilitarization and deindustrialization of yesterday's enemy. However, practice has shown that building a strong and structural economy, liberalizing and democratizing political processes work much more effectively. After the end of the Korean War, Japan's economy started to grow steadily and very soon led to the famous "economic miracle." Modern Japan is a successful democratic state that ranks among the top five in terms of GDP and other economic indicators and is a pioneer in the latest technologies and science. The example of Japan, in our opinion, is indicative and proves that a country that has survived a devastating war with terrible losses can recover if deep and comprehensive reforms are carried out in all social, political, cultural, and economic spheres.

The Impact of the Monetary Policy of the US Federal Reserve on the Ratio of the US Dollar To the Japanese Yen in the Foreign Exchange Market during 2015-2023

The information base of the study is the time series of the daily exchange rate of the currency pair USD/JPY, the US 10-year Treasury bond (TB 10), the Japanese government bond 10-year (JGB 10), the volatility index (VIX) of the Chicago Board Options Exchange (CBOE), which calculated by Bloomberg. Study period: December 1, 2015 (the date the Federal Reserve raised interest rates, which initiated a new regime – began easing its ZIRP zero interest rate policy) to December 29, 2023. The relationship between monetary policy and the currency pair USD/JPY is evaluated using 3 approaches: 1) a rally dynamic system based on the standard theory of nonlinear differential equations aimed at eliminating psychological noise (1/f noise, pink noise, trend noise with spectrum capacity); 2) regression of instrumental variables with heteroskedasticity aimed at managing unobservable sources of variability; 3) an event tracking method to measure anomalous asset price response, analyzing the daily price action of USD/JPY to detect market-related fluctuations in the exchange rate and separate the impact of general market trends from related differences in interest rates. The study found that the US Federal Reserve’s (Fed’s) monetary policy only occasionally affects the USD/JPY exchange rate, and it changes mainly when monetary policy deviates from expected future trajectories. Within the studied period, this happened only 3 times: growth on December 16, 2015; emergency rate reduction due to COVID-19 on March 15, 2020; and the first increase of 75 basis points on June 15, 2022 (the article estimates the impact of each of these episodes on the exchange rate). Statements by the Fed on monetary policy affect the price dynamics of the USD/JPY pair in the short term (since short-term psychological expectations play a decisive role in shaping the dynamics of the currency market), but not often (if the statement on monetary policy is consistent with market forecasts, it is practically will not affect exchange rates). The Fed’s adoption of tools such as “forward guidance” and official statements to inform the future course of monetary policy indirectly affects the price dynamics of USD/JPY. The price action of USD/JPY was driven by the fundamentals of the difference in interest rates between the US and Japanese bonds, which are influenced by the monetary policy of the US Federal Reserve and the Bank of Japan (BoJ). In 2023, it could be hard to attempt to challenge FX intervention except to curb “excess volatility and disorderly movements in exchange rates” like the Minister of Finance’s (MoF) 2022 intervention.

Борьба за новый мировой порядок: технологическое измерение. Статья первая. Технологическое соперничество и гибридные войны

This research consists of two interrelated articles. The struggle for a new world order is currently becoming very relevant and popular topic. However, it is nearly as broad and multifaceted as the World System, within which there is the intensification of the struggle for the principles of coexistence and development, for what international life will be like in the context of a growing number of rapidly growing states and a declining role of the West. Usually, foreign policy and political aspects are explored within the framework of this topic; less frequently military and economic issues are explored. Recently, geopolitical aspects have been actively discussed. This scientific and political problem is also considered within the framework of global studies and globalization, cultural and ideological influence, sometimes within the framework of the study of the role of global forces (globalists). However, the technological aspects and dimensions of the struggle for a new world order become the object of scientific study much less frequently. Meanwhile, technologies are omnipresent, affecting literally everything, and largely determining who will become a leader, who will be able to become one of the forces determining the fundamental principles and institutions of the new world order. In general, in this work we sought to show the connection between the development of technological trends and their influence on the political and foreign policy course of leading and other powers, as well as on the directions of the struggle to maintain/change the world order and to change the balance of power. The first article “Technological Rivalry and Hybrid Warfare” will provide more information related to general ideas about how technology affects the balance of power and world order. The reader will see how many aspects of foreign policy activity and game are related to technology. The second article “Military-Space, Cybernetic and Other Aspects of Technological Rivalry” will consider this influence in terms of diverse and numerous technological and related areas.

REVISITING THE PAKISTAN’S FOREIGN POLICY WITH SHIFT IN ECONOMIC AND TRADING INTERESTS: A GEOPOLITICAL SCENARIO

Pakistan, a country in the South Asian region, is located at the pivot of global trading routes. However, it has remained a security state with threat perception constantly driving its foreign policy. Multiple causes can be associated with the security-driven course of foreign policy and numerous consequences can be derived from such a course of foreign policy. The main aim of this explanatory study is to revisit the foreign policy of Pakistan to shift its economic and trade interests from security state to welfare state. The dynamics of international relations are changing from security-led alliances to economic interdependence. China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) provides Pakistan with a significant opportunity to realize its geo-economic and geopolitical strength and revenue potential. Through a foreign policy driven by economics and trade interests to neighboring countries and the regions Pakistan’s not only become a welfare state but also a Great Power. In a nutshell, Pakistan has the potential to become another Germany which evolved from a security state to a welfare state.

The Russian factor in the development of France's strategic culture

Due to the development of the Ukrainian crisis and, as a result, the change in the international situation, the French leadership has taken steps to change its foreign policy course, including with regard to Russia. Issues related to understanding the strategic culture of France are key in developing a foreign policy course towards our country, which requires a modern response. However, strategic culture as a concept has not been studied much and continues to be the subject of research by scientists. The strategic culture of France has been formed over a large number of years, and now the French strategic culture is embodied in the positioning of the state abroad, has its own style and specific features. The current situation in modern international relations regarding the deterioration of relations between Russia and France requires theoretical study aimed at identifying the foundations of France's strategic culture and its influence in order to form a foreign policy.

Kazakhstan’s Foreign Policy: Adjusting the Priorities

Kazakhstan’s foreign policy has been characterized by continuity for a long time. The country has been balancing between Russia, the West and China. In the context of the transformation of world politics and economy, as well as aggravation of relations between the West and Russia, the adjusting foreign policy priorities and its specific content are getting especially important for Kazakhstan. The realization of a special military operation by Russia has greatly impacted Kazakhstan’s foreign policy. Kazakhstan is under strong political pressure from the West. It requires Kazakhstan to change its foreign policy course and join anti-Russian policy. The study is aimed to identify new trends in Kazakhstan’s foreign policy, both in the relations with Russia and the West as well as countries of Central Asia. For this purpose, the statements of the first persons of the state, reflecting the priorities, were analyzed. A special attention was also paid to Kazakhstan’s policy towards Russia, which remains a key partner. In the conclusion, the author identified the key priorities: an intensification of relations with the West, a search for new approaches to cooperation with Central Asian countries and preservation of balancing between Russia and the West.

«IT WILL BE USEFUL FOR YOU TO TAKE US TO YOUR ALLIANCE»: ABOUT AVAR-BYZANTINE DIPLOMATIC RELATIONSHIPS IN 557–565 A.D.

Nomad Avar horde, which migrated to the Balkan region from Asia, soonly was included in the diplomatic system under the supremacy of Constantinople. After using territorial claims nomads on Romei lands, a short form of the institution of the supreme ruler and a small number of Avars, Roman Emperor Justinian I (527-565) signed the federative agreement with nomads. During the alliance, Avars tried to develop their independent political course. Such circumstance contradicted Eastern Rome’s interests and, in perspective, created a direct threat to the Empire. Using centuries of weakening the Byzantium on the Danube border, nomads started a series of raids against Empire allies and broke the deal with Constantinople. The diplomatic corps of nomads focused on disinforming the autocrat. As a result, it caused deterioration in relations between sides in the last years of rule of Justinian I and finally to a protracted military confrontation after the death of the Emperor, which lasted with breaks to the first third of VII cent. The main thesis of the article is the Avar-Romei political relations, which topic is considered primarily in the context of the wars. At the same time, the only basileus who succeeded in managing the long-term alliance with the future enemy of the Empire was Justinian the Great. In our opinion, the consideration of Avar-Romei political relations in this period illustrates, on the one hand, the specifics of the attitude of ‘Latin’ Byzantium to folks whose military potential it wanted to use. On the other hand, the peculiarities of the formation of another ‘steppe empire’, which by the way, turned out to be more stable in ethnic and political aspects than the Huns. Based on the messages of Romei historians in the second half of VI cent., the article recreates the terms and the precedents of concluding and further observance by the parties of the Avar-Byzantium alliance during the final period of Justinian the Great rule. The author tried to chronologically recreate the picture of the initial step of Avar-Romei relations that primarily evolved in mutually beneficial coexistence. This was primarily caused both by low numbers of Avars and insufficient formation nomads’ elites, as well as the political experience of Justinian the First. The focus is on the relations between nomad folks and Empire federates, such as Alans, Antes, and Gepids. Against the background of military-political connections of Avars with their neighbors, their first initial steps are noticeable. Analyzed factors that promoted Avars’ initial transition under Rome’s supremacy and the slow creation of their own policy course by Avar Khagan Bayan.

An Op-Ed Writing Curriculum for Medical Students to Engage in Advocacy Through Public Writing.

Op-ed writing can be a powerful and accessible advocacy tool for physicians, but training is lacking in undergraduate medical education. To train and engage first-year medical students in op-ed writing. Midwestern research-intensive medical school. All students in a required first-year health policy course in 2021 and 2022. For their health policy course's final assignment, students could opt to write an op-ed on a healthcare issue of their choice. All students received written instruction on op-ed writing. Additionally, they could access a seminar, coaching and editing by peers and faculty, and publication guidance. Of 179 students over 2years, 105 chose to write op-eds. Fifty-one attended the seminar, 35 attended peer coaching sessions, 33 accessed structured peer editing, and 23 received faculty assistance. Thirty-eight students submitted a total of 42 op-eds for publication. Twenty-two pieces were published in major outlets and 17 in the university's health policy review. Of the 22 in major outlets, 21 received editing from either peers or faculty. An op-ed writing curriculum can be integrated into an existing medical school health policy course, resulting in a high level of engagement and in published op-eds by medical students.

“The Ukrainian Issue” at the G7 Summits in Conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict 2014–2022

This article is aimed to provide an in-depth analysis of the G7 policy towards Ukraine in the context of Russian invasion 2014–2022. The hypothesis formed and verified in this paper is that since the beginning of Russian expansion on Ukraine in 2014 the G7 members have called for a negotiated process and a political solution to the conflict, but it was hardly possible to quickly adopt and implement timely and adequately decisions to resolve the crisis in the region through the bonding of global and regional security mechanisms. Thus, a comfortable field for prolonging the conflict, which has developed into a full-scale war, was formed. The research methodology is based on systemic, historical, structural and political approaches to the study of the problem. Research methods are comparative analysis, content analysis, chronological and classification methods.
 This study allows us to distinguish the stages of the G7 involvement in the “Ukrainian issue” in the period of 2014–2022. During these years, the group’s policy underwent three shifts in course, influenced in large part not only by the activities of Russia, but also by policy course changes of individual G7 members. The example of the nine-year unresolved local Russian-Ukrainian conflict shows that such crisis may pose a threat not only to regional, but also to global stability and there is a strong correlation between them.

The role of physical training in the selection system of military personnel for the special operations forces of the Indian armed forces

This article describes the training system of special operations forces of the Indian Armed Forces. Selection for the units of special operations forces is carried out from army units, in which psychological and intellectual tests are conducted, as well as a check of physical fitness level. The training takes place in various geographical conditions, including in the desert and mountains. Also, urban tactics are practiced. Units of special operations forces perform combat tasks using force methods in extreme conditions with the use of special tactics in specific conditions, which requires a high level of psychological, ideological, physical and combat training of military personnel. The doctrine of joint training of the Armed Forces of India demonstrates the intention of the country’s leaders to put into practice contemporary technologies for training the Armed Forces personnel, to increase the effectiveness of troops in modern military warfare, which are characterized by the use of hybrid forms of armed struggle. The doctrine reveals the essence and content of challenges and threats to national security. According to the military and political leadership of the state, it is considered the result of the activities of terrorist organizations and the foreign policy courses of China and Pakistan, which are aimed at reducing the role of India in South Asia. The existence of interstate disagreements with the countries of South Asia on territorial issues, the implementation by the leadership of neighboring states of military programs aimed primarily at increasing nuclear potential, is considered by Delhi as the main source of military conflict in the region, in which the armed forces may be involved.

Iran’s Current Foreign Policy Course in the South Caucasus

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of Iran’s foreign policy in the South Caucasus at the present stage in the context of the degradation of Iran’s relations with Western countries and the proclaimed turn of the country to the East and Asia. The article analyzes the trends in the development of the South Caucasus as a regional subsystem of international relations, as well as logistics and energy projects promoted by various countries in the region. It is stated that for Iran, the South Caucasus is part of a complex megaregion of Southwest Asia, where Tehran’s strategic interests lie. The article examines Iran’s foreign policy course in the Transcaucasia region during the presidency of E. Raisi, especially taking into account the dynamics in the Iran-Azerbaijan-Armenia “triangle”.

ПОЛІТИКА АДМІНІСТРАЦІЇ ПРЕЗИДЕНТА США ДЖ. БАЙДЕНА ЩОДО ВІЙНИ В ГАЗІ: ВИКЛИКИ, ПРІОРИТЕТИ, ЗАВДАННЯ

The aim of the article is a comprehensive analysis of the foreign policy course of U.S. President J. Biden’s administration regarding the war in Gaza. The article examines the formation of principled positions by the American president and his team regarding the war in Gaza in the context of preventing the spread of hostilities to the entire region of the Middle East, the post-war fate of Gaza and the need to implement a two-state solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, prospects for resuming the process of normalization of relations between Israel and Arab countries. Research methods include a set of general and special research methods, including systematic and comparative analysis, methods of critical analysis of sources. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that its author was one of the first in Ukrainian historiography to make a systematic analysis of the foreign policy course of US President J. Biden’s administration regarding the war in Gaza. The study was conducted in the context of war challenges and risks and in view of the next presidential election in the United States in November 2024. Special attention is paid to introducing the latest American, Israeli and Arab sources into scientific circulation. The author concludes that there is a close relationship between the war in Gaza and the Russian aggression against Ukraine, which allowed Biden to combine these two problems into one package of actions. The author of the article also distinguishes two stages in the implementation of the policy of the US President J. Biden’s administration regarding the war in Gaza. The first stage (October – December 2023) is marked by the formation of the main principles and directions of this policy, realizing that the main condition for resolving the long-term Palestinian-Israeli conflict is the creation of an independent Palestinian state. Its second stage (January 2024 – until now) is characterized by working out the ways of radical transformation of Gaza in the post-war period, with the financial help of the Arab monarchies.

Russia's interaction with the countries of the Global South

The change in the geopolitical landscape, which occurred under the influence of the COVID19 pandemic and the beginning of a special military operation, served to change the foreign policy course of the Russian Federation. The pandemic has significantly reduced the population and had a devastating impact on the economies of almost all countries of the world. The special military operation announced by the President of the Russian Federation in February 2022 had an impact on all EU countries and the United States, which sided with Ukraine. Supplies of ammunition, weapons, military equipment, as well as large financial resources were aimed at weakening Russia's military potential. Under these conditions, Russia has put forward the thesis that a unipolar world can no longer exist, and in the new geopolitical conditions, we should talk about multipolarity. The introduction of anti–Russian sanctions has determined another vector of development of Russia's economy and politics - the Global South. The countries of the African continent and the Middle East, adopting Russia's policy of non-interference in the affairs of other countries, although rather cautiously, are developing cooperation with the Russian Federation. Russia is choosing a new vector of cooperation in the context of building a multipolar world, which should be built on the basis of the laws of mutual respect, mutually beneficial cooperation and international law. Russia's return to the Middle East and African countries has serious grounds, as it is based on the experience of the USSR in building enterprises, infrastructure facilities, creating jobs and training personnel. At the same time, time dictates new areas of cooperation, among which the most relevant are: the fight against international terrorism, the suppression of drug trafficking, the prevention of illegal arms trade, issues of peaceful settlement and information security on the territory of the African continent and the Middle East. Russia stands for expanding its presence in the regional markets of weapons, nuclear fuel, oil and gas. Much attention in matters of cooperation between Russia and the countries of the Global South is paid to building a strategic partnership in the field of agriculture, which would help prevent a food crisis in individual countries and increase their own agricultural production. Russia is ready to act as the main supplier of mineral fertilizers and agricultural products. The most urgent problems to be solved in the region are still the construction of nuclear power plants, the development of oil and gas fields, and the production of petrochemical products. In these matters, the Russian Federation is ready to act as a partner providing its specialists and technologies. The leaders of the countries of the Great South are showing great interest in the development of digital technologies and banking. Special attention is paid to participation in space exploration. The Russian Federation is making efforts to expand its diplomatic presence and establish a political dialogue with the countries of the Global South, as a result of attracting them to participate in long–term alliances.

“Blue Homeland” as Step for Development of Turkey’s Subjectivity

The Republic of Turkey has been renewing its approaches to foreign policy over the past decades. Some of them were successful for a certain time period, but the rapidly changing world situation forced the country’s leadership to abandon them. A separate case from the temporary doctrines that have already become a thing of the past is the Blue Homeland, which, based on the changes in Ankara’s foreign policy course since 2016, has the potential to become a locomotive of Turkey’s emerging subjectivity.