Policy Positions Research Articles

Medical ethics questions of COVID-19 vaccination in pregnant and lactating women in East Asia and Oceania.

We aimed to investigate some of the medical ethics issues that characterize the COVID-19 vaccination phase in pregnancy and breast-feeding. A literature search was conducted using PubMed, Scopus, Web of Science, focusing mainly on the countries of East Asia and Oceania. Vaccination during pregnancy and breastfeeding appears to help protect babies from COVID-19 by enabling antibodies to pass from mother to baby. However, individual countries of the same continent may adopt conflicting policy positions. Not only that, indications on the type of vaccine sometimes vary, depending on whether a woman is pregnant or breastfeeding. In this review we have taken into considerationp the policy positions on pregnancy and lactation by country and type of Covid-19 vaccine in East Asia and Oceania. Ten out of the 18 countries considered (representing more than two thirds of the population of East Asia and Oceania) provide different vaccine indications for pregnant and breastfeeding women. Can this diversity of recommendations be seen as a form of optimal protection for women in these categories, or does it suggest that some countries have taken a defensive position to avoid compensation claims in the event of complications? Is it ethically correct to leave questions concerning informed consent open? Misin-formation during a health crisis leaves people without protection and with increased vaccine hesitancy, especially for vulnerable populations in hard-to-reach areas of East Asia and Oceania.

Political mobilisation and socioeconomic inequality in policy congruence

AbstractIn recent years, scholars have observed that political parties’ policy positions frequently fit the preferences of well‐to‐do voters better than those of the less well‐to‐do; a phenomenon known as policy congruence inequality. While the existence of inequality in policy congruence is well‐established, we currently only have a modest understanding of the causes of it. We develop an argument proposing that the political mobilisation of citizens with low socioeconomic status (SES) both in the parliamentary channel, in the form of high turnout, and in the extra‐parliamentary channel, in the form of high union density, is pivotal. Both high turnout and union density force parties to pay more attention to the preferences of the disadvantaged, thereby creating lower policy congruence inequality. To test the argument, we have collected and harmonised election surveys and party manifestos covering 90 elections in Australia, Denmark, Germany, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States, covering several decades until today, yielding more than 120,000 voter–party dyads. Employing this new dataset, our results confirm that the political mobilisation of citizens with low SES is a strong predictor of policy congruence inequality. This finding nuances the conclusion of extant research by showing that low‐SES citizens are not always on the losing side politically. It also implies the important role of maintaining or maybe even increasing turnout and union membership among the disadvantaged in society. Places where either turnout or union density is slipping in these years are likely to witness further increases in policy congruence inequality in the years to come.

The US military policy toward China and Russia under the Biden administration

This article offers a comprehensive study of the policy of deterrence toward China and Russia in the military sphere under the Biden Administration. The US military policy toward China and Russia under the Biden Administration consists in increase regular pressure on Beijing and Moscow. The motivation for this policy is expressed in the following way: authoritarian China and Russia are posing a direct challenge not only to the values, interests, security and well-being of the United States, but also to the free, open, prosperous, and secure world order. According to the Biden administration's opinion only integrated deterrence through military and non-military methods and direct competition with China and Russia can maintain the US leadership in world politics. The methodological basis of the study includes analysis of the doctrinal documents which that regulate foreign and military policy of the US, the method of logical analysis and decision analysis. Despite the difference in ideological preferences and foreign policy attitudes between the Democrats and the Republicans, the foundations of the US military strategy toward China and Russia under Trump have passed into the strategic documents of the Biden administration. The main threats to the US and its allies are once again China and Russia. The US emphasizes that China and Russia are powerful nuclear powers which the US faces simultaneously for the first time in its history. China is rapidly developing its military potential and preparing for a military confrontation with the United States, which makes this country the most dangerous threat to the entire world in the very near future. Russia, which has a smaller range of capabilities compared to China, poses an acute military threat here and right now through special military operation, cyber-attacks, activities in gray zones and the deployment of the latest hypersonic missile systems.

The wisdom of claiming ownership of human genomic data: A cautionary tale for research institutions.

This article considers the practical question of how research institutions should best structure their legal relationship with the human genomic data that they generate. The analysis, based on South African law, is framed by the legal position that although a research institution that generates human genomic data is not automatically the owner thereof, it is well positioned to claim ownership of newly generated data instances. Given that the research institution exerts effort to generate the data, it can be argued that it has a moral right to claim ownership of such data. Combined with the fact that it has an interest in having comprehensive rights in such data, it appears that the prudent policy for research institutions is to claim ownership of the human genomic data instances that they generate. This policy is tested against two opposing policy positions. The first opposing policy position is that research participants should own the data that relate to them. However, in light of data protection legislation that already provides extensive protections to research participants, bestowing data ownership on research participants would offer little benefit to such individuals, while leading to significant practical problems for research institutions. The second opposing policy position is that the concept of ownership should be abandoned in favour of data custodianship. This opposing position is problematic, as avoiding reference to ownership is a denial of legal reality and hence not a useful policy. Also, avoiding reference to ownership will leave research institutions with limited legal remedies in the event of appropriation of data by third parties. Accordingly, it is concluded that the wisest policy for research institutions is indeed to explicitly claim ownership of the human genomic data instances that they generate.

Policy Actors' Perceptions of Conflicts of Interest and Alcohol Industry Engagement in UK Policy Processes.

Alcohol industry organisations occupy a prominent position in UK alcohol policy, but their involvement has been contested by public health bodies on the basis that a conflict of interest (COI) exists between their economic objectives and those of public health. There are ongoing debates in the research literature about how to conceptualise COI and mitigate this in health research and practise. However, less attention has been paid to these issues in relation to the alcohol industry specifically. This article explores similarities and differences in beliefs among alcohol policy actors regarding COI and the implications of engagement with the alcohol industry in the context of UK public health policy. Semi-structured interviews with a range of policy actors (n=26) including medical professionals, parliamentarians, civil servants, academic researchers, health campaigners, and alcohol industry representatives. Interviews with alcohol industry representatives were supplemented with an analysis of industry responses to a public consultation. All data was thematically coded using NVivo software. Two competing "coalitions" were identified, expressing beliefs about COI linked to alcohol industry engagement. Both divergent and convergent beliefs were expressed by the two coalitions in relation to the type of industry actor, form of engagement, the policy issue under discussion and the stage of policy process. Alcohol policy is a complex and contested space in which policy actors have differing, nuanced and contingent understandings of COI and identify varying risks associated with alcohol industry engagement. In identifying the areas of convergence and diversion in both understanding and evaluation of COI in alcohol-specific settings, these findings will assist both decision-makers and non-governmental actors in developing policies and guidelines to manage potential COI in future.

Who Runs in the End? New Evidence on the Effects of Gender, Ethnicity and Intersectionality on Candidate Selection

Candidate selection within parties is a key stage in the political process and provides an important frame for the degree of representation of social groups in parliaments. We seek to develop a better understanding of the effect of intersectionality on candidate selection processes. We do so by examining the effect of candidates’ key socio-demographic characteristics, like their gender and ethnic background, on their chances of getting nominated by their party. We argue that features of the ideological background of the respective nominating party matter for the chances that women and aspirants with an ethnic background win the nomination as their party’s district candidate. We make use of novel data from the 2021 German federal election that provides detailed information on the candidate selection processes of all major parties in the 299 election districts. By doing so, we apply existing theoretical expectations to an untested case and find that female competitors and aspirants with an ethnic background face difficulties being nominated, in particular in the case of parties with rather traditionalist societal policy positions. We also find that intersectionality matters: female aspirants of ethnic minorities are even less likely to be nominated by ideologically traditional parties.

English medium instruction in multilingual contexts: Empirical evidence from Ethiopia

Language acquisition and learning literatures favour mother-tongue education policies, particularly in the early years of schooling. However, English Medium Instruction (EMI) remains a popular language policy position in multilingual contexts. This paper studies EMI transition policies using a longitudinal dataset from Ethiopia, by leveraging regional variation in education language policy reforms for causal identification. Employing a dynamic value-added model, this paper shows that students in schools using English as a medium of instruction have lower mathematics test scores (−0.25 standard deviations) compared to students in mother tongue education schools. Furthermore, English medium learners do not perform any better in their English test scores compared to mother tongue learners. These findings are in line with the international education literature on skill development, learning and second language acquisition. The main results support the prolonged utilisation of mother tongue instruction in primary education. These results are particularly relevant for policy makers in linguistically diverse contexts.

Silent responsiveness: How public opinion affects party discourse on wedge issues

AbstractHow does public opinion affect political discourse on issues that parties struggle to deal with? Although scholars tend to analyse party–voter linkages in terms of policy positions, parties can respond to public opinion by changing both the positions and the salience of their policy agenda. Based on original time‐series data of party discourse and voter preferences in France, Italy and the United Kingdom (1992–2016), this paper analyses how mainstream parties have changed their political discourse on European integration in response to an increasingly Eurosceptic public. Results show that mainstream parties have adapted their positions to changes in public opinion and have at the same time deemphasized European Union issues in their discourse as the public grew Eurosceptic. Parties did not talk more about Europe even when they followed the tides of public opinion. These findings challenge our current understanding of party responsiveness, have implications for theories of party competition, and contribute to debates on the legitimacy of the European project.

Intra-party determinants of the allocation of legislative speeches

ABSTRACT Parliamentary speech is an important and highly visible feature of legislatures in democracies. Time in parliament is scarce and the allocation of floor time is characterised by largely incompatible preferences between party leaders, aiming to preserve a unified party label, and individual members of parliament (MPs), facing incentives to differentiate themselves and take alternative stances to maximise their personal reelection prospects. This paper investigates the role of MP policy positions in the allocation of parliamentary speeches in different institutional settings. Measuring positions using a novel dataset containing tweets by MPs in three European countries, we find that MPs with positions diverging from the party line get allocated less time on the parliamentary floor when floor time is exclusively controlled by parties, but not when parliamentary rules allow individual access to the floor.

The Effects of Import Shocks, Electoral Institutions, and Radical Party Competition on Legislator Ideology: Evidence from France

Abstract Across advanced industrialized democracies, the political centre is collapsing as politicians on the far right and far left enjoy increasing electoral success. Recent research links import shocks to voter support for far-right parties. However, we know comparatively less about how these shocks impact individual legislator ideology, especially that of mainstream politicians. Do import shocks drive economic or cultural ideological shifts among mainstream legislators? If so, to what extent do local competitive contexts shape these shifts? Using a dataset of French Senate roll call votes, we find that localized increases in import exposure moves elite ideology to the left economically; this is magnified in departments with majoritarian electoral systems. We show that legislators shift their cultural positions in response to import shocks, but only when faced with extremist political competitors focused on cultural issues. Our results suggest the value of attending to how political and economic geography intersect to shape elite policy positions.

The role of the IPCC in assessing actionable evidence for climate policymaking

Climate policymakers across the world seek inputs from the research community to determine appropriate policies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. However, the reports of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), which perform the largest available analytical exercise in this area, offer scarce analytics on climate policy design. Here, we explore how, despite its ‘neutral, policy-relevant but not policy-prescriptive’ principle, the IPCC’s analytical scenario process in Working Group III on Mitigation has adopted an implicitly prescriptive policy position in favour of carbon pricing. Drawing on the example of alternative climate-economic modelling using the E3ME-FTT framework, we explore a pathway for the IPCC process that could cater for diverse ranges of more realistic granular policies. We conclude that, to become truly policy-relevant, the IPCC’s climate mitigation work is in urgent need of reform to provide more effective support for policy design.

Left authoritarianism and positional shifts of populist parties in Central and Eastern Europe

ABSTRACT The key to understanding the emergence of left authoritarianism in Central and Eastern Europe lies in how populist parties alter their policy positions during times of crises. In response to the refugee crisis of 2015, these parties adopt extreme stances on cultural issues. Interestingly, the same parties did not appear to modify their economic policy positions when confronted with the financial crisis of 2008. The case studies of Lithuania and Hungary presented in this article add that the success of these shifts depends on party competition, the electoral system, corruption scandals, and political actors' commitment to voter- party linkage.

Can a change in the leadership of a populist radical right party be traced among voters? The case of the Finns Party

AbstractWhat happens to the electorate of a populist radical right party when the party splits? Finland provides an excellent case for an analysis of this nature. In 2017, the Finns Party split due to an internal rift. Party leadership was taken over by members of the party's anti‐immigrant faction, who, in the election of 2019, succeeded in replicating the party's previous electoral successes in 2011 and 2015. At the same time, the moderate faction that split from the party was wiped out in the election. In the election of 2023, the party gained yet another victory. Using the Finnish National Election Studies (2011, 2015, 2019 and 2023), we examine whether the party's transformation to a more anti‐immigrant populist radical right party is reflected in the policy positions and sociodemographic composition of the party's electorate. Our findings show that the electorate came to reflect the change in leadership after the party split. Furthermore, we are able to demonstrate that the pattern prevails in the newest election of 2023 under the leadership of Riikka Purra.

The Ukrainian Revolution and contacts with Japan (1917–1921)

Japan did not maintain a stable relationship with the Ukrainian governments during the revolutionary years. We can only speak of isolated instances where both sides showed interest in each other. It was the Japanese side that initiated the initial contact. In the summer of 1917, Hitoshi Ashida, an attaché of the Japanese Embassy in the Russian Empire, and in the autumn, Takayanagi Yasutaro, a military observer in the Russian Empire’s army, visited Kyiv. However, any official contact between Kyiv and Tokyo became impossible after the signing of the Brest- Litovsk Treaty. In the following year, Borys Voblyy attempted to serve as a representative of Ukraine in Japan. During this period, the White Army garnered significant attention from Japan, and a Japanese representative was present in Crimea and Odesa between 1919 and 1920. Despite this, they did not engage in direct communication with Ukrainian political forces. However, a representative from Sevastopol sent various reports to the Japanese capital, including information about Ukrainian events. The Tokyo government diligently researched all events and conflicts between different political forces but refrained from active participation. In the years 1920–1921, Ukrainian diplomats sought to use Japan as an intermediary to bolster their foreign policy position. They transmitted several diplomatic notes to the Tokyo government through the Japanese embassy in Rome. Regrettably, these efforts did not yield any tangible results. This situation was closely tied to the primary foreign policy objectives of both governments. Japan’s focus was primarily on the Far Eastern region, and it refrained from active involvement in European affairs. Meanwhile, Ukrainian governments were primarily concerned with establishing relations with Eastern countries.

Red Tide Outreach in Florida: Message Framing, Environmental Emotions, and Support for Mitigation

“Red tide” is the popular name for a harmful algal bloom that occurs frequently in Florida waters and has significant impacts on the environment, the economy, and human and animal health. This paper addresses the limited understanding of public attitudes surrounding red tide and the potential for message framing to increase support for mitigation action. A sample of Florida residents (n = 498) was randomly shown a digital article framed around different red tide impacts (economic loss, human health risks, ecosystem damage, or harm to charismatic species) or a control article not framed around a specific red tide impact. Participants were then queried about their emotional responses, support for red tide mitigation policies, and intentions to change their behavior to mitigate impacts. Participants reported higher levels of negative emotions after viewing the harm to charismatic megafauna framing, indicating that messaging may play a significant role in eliciting environmental emotions. Message frames did not significantly impact other policy attitudes. Results demonstrate barriers to shifting support for mitigation where public support for action is already high.

Muslim Ban during Trump’s Presidency through the Target Population Framework

One of the controversies that defined Donald Trump’s presidency was his travel ban policy, which targeted immigrants from many Muslim-majority countries in 2017. While researchers have analyzed the rhetoric, discourse, and indirect speech acts of President Trump and American politicians to fully understand the enforcement of the travel ban, the number of studies investigating how politicians utilize the social construction of immigrants to support or oppose the travel ban is limited. Hence, it is crucial to thoroughly study how political actors socially construct immigrants to justify their policy positions on the travel ban. In this article, we contextualize the travel ban policy within the literature on the social construction of target populations, one of the prominent theories of policy processes. To that end, we examine four types of data sources: legal documents, relevant tweets posted by politicians, think tank publications (op-eds, releases, and commentaries), and news articles published during the travel ban debates. In light of our analysis, we find that not only policymakers but also members of the judicial system, news media sources, and think tanks construct immigrant identities in a way that justifies their policy positions on the travel ban. Our findings underscore the need for a nuanced and well-rounded debate on travel restrictions concerning the reconstruction and reimagination of immigrant identities by various actors. We also contend that future research could greatly benefit from analyzing the social construction of immigrants by different policy actors in a comparative fashion.

How Fromm’s Ideas Resonate Politically as well as Philosophically: The Contemporary Case of Guaranteed Income

ABSTRACT Erich Fromm is not generally associated with policy positions and politics. Yet, Fromm was an early proponent of guaranteed income as an important practical entitlement necessary if greater human freedoms were to be realized. The article traces the development of the idea of basic (or guaranteed income) in US social movement history going back to the 1960s and including the writings of Erich Fromm on this topic. It argues that the concept of guaranteed income flows easily from, and is consonant with, Fromm’s humanistic philosophy overall. Four reasons are offered, including those that are politically, ethically and pragmatically oriented, as to why providing basic income to all citizens has major advantages over the kind of economic precarity and anxieties that many people currently experience. Lastly, after making a multi-dimensional case for guaranteed income, the article responds to a common objection – namely, if basic income became universally available, people would not wish to work. Quite to the contrary, and as empirical experiments have shown, Fromm’s ideas suggest that guaranteed income would encourage people to work with increased commitment and passion and that more positive than negative consequences would ensue from the concept becoming a widespread and much more generally accepted public policy.

Framing sexual and gender-based violence: Australia Day, nationalism and conservative prime ministerial policy discourse

ABSTRACT Grace Tame’s 2021 Australian of the Year (AOTY) award directed public attention towards sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), as did Australia Day award recipients Donna Carson in 2004 and Rosie Battie in 2015. We use mixed-method textual analysis of a corpus of prime minister’s Australia Day speeches between 1990 and 2021 to show how conservative Liberal Party prime ministers have narrated a discourse of idealised national identity to manage activist demands regarding SGBV policy. We quantitatively find that prime ministers promote masculine and heteronormative representations of Australian identity and then develop a qualitative typology of conservative SGBV frames employed by prime ministers that gloss over SGBV as a pressing and chronic policy issue and position idealised Australian femininity to condone and obscure SGBV. This paper builds upon scholarship on public policy and gendered nationalism to explain this pattern of SGBV problem definition and framing by conservative prime ministers.

Argentina’s Foreign Policy Under Milei: Limited Disruption?

The decisive victory of Javier Milei in Argentina’s 2023 presidential elections signalled major changes in domestic policies and potential shifts in the country’s foreign policy and global positioning. During his campaign, Milei advocated a Western-oriented alignment with the United States, Israel and the ‘free world’, vowing to sever ties with ‘communist’ countries, including Brazil and China – Argentina’s major trading and economic partners. But his capacity to do this will likely be constrained by pressure to maintain domestic stability and his own ultra-libertarian principles. While Argentina probably will increasingly look West under Milei, the extent to which ties with the Global South, including Brazil and China, can be curtailed remains uncertain. The need for economic continuity and stability may temper Milei’s ability and inclination to break or significantly downgrade important relationships, pointing to substantial continuity in foreign and trade policy.

The right to an interpreter in the Zimbabwean health care system: an appraisal

The right to an interpreter in the health care sector is an indispensable right, especially given that issues in this sector have a bearing on life and death if language becomes a barrier to diagnosis and prognosis. Against this background, this article examines the policy position and practice in Zimbabwe in relation to the right to health. It also examines the implications of the two on the right of access to health. Findings of this study show that the right to health care services and information in Zimbabwe is not guaranteed in the language understood by the patient and in forms of communication suitable for persons with disabilities or through an interpreter. Some patients’ right of access to health care services and information is compromised due to the language barrier. There are no linguistic considerations in the deployment of medical practitioners such that some practitioners find themselves in communities with languages they cannot speak or understand. This compromises diagnosis, prognosis and patient adherence to treatment. It was observed that persons with disabilities and minority language speakers are the most affected in this regard.