Genocidal Policies Research Articles

Who is the Blame for the Russia-Ukraine war? Feminist and Postcolonial Perspectives on 'Real Politics'

The 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine has widely been narrated as having epochal significance with far-reaching implications. For leading historians of Eastern Europe, such as Timothy Snyder (2022) and Serhii Plokhy (2015), what we are seeing is an existential threat to democratic norms. While discussing phenomena of the political world, drawing on a variety of lenses is advantageous; in the case of the Russian-Ukrainian war it is a necessity. This article engages with a combination of lenses provided by feminist and postcolonial theories to critically reflect on the logic, as articulated by Russia's political elites, behind the invasion of Ukraine. It focuses on the role of gender and racialisation in normalising one’s place in the social hierarchy and its ‘appropriate’ behaviour, excusing occupational, violent and genocidal policies under the abstract term of ‘real politics’. This article attempts to trace the way social structures empower gendered and racialised politics, allowing invasions to be justified. Russia-led wars in Ukraine will be discussed as an example of the consequences of such a structure and ideology. This article will firstly underline a feminist and postcolonial approach that addresses the necessity of social hierarchy analysis to reveal the causes of war. Further sections will focus on unpacking Russia’s claims of the legitimacy of its colonial/great-power state project to incorporate Ukraine. I will conclude with a reflection on how the notion of the nation-state, rooted in the ideologies of social hierarchy and colonial domination, can be seen as having fuelled the ongoing war.

The Postwar Fight Against Fascism: Auschwitz Memory in Leftist Activism

ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the memory activism of three survivors of the Auschwitz resistance and explores the ways in which they linked fascism and genocide to economic exploitation. By doing so, our paper excavates a leftist-antifascist paradigm of postwar memory that waned with the advent of contemporary Holocaust culture. We analyse the memoirs of Oszkár Betlen, Bruno Baum, and Hermann Langbein, members of the international communist movement before, during, and after the Second World War. For these authors, calls to remember Auschwitz were inseparable from a struggle for social change in the present, and their memory practice was never restricted to writing. Therefore, our paper places their memoirs into the wider context of their political-organizational work, and shows that their efforts to commemorate Auschwitz responded to some pressing issues of their time, including the re-militarization and NATO-membership of the Federal Republic, reparations, amnesty and reintegration of former Nazis, and war crimes trials. Importantly, all these issues were intertwined with what they regarded as capitalist restoration and a looming resurgence of fascism. Our paper argues that the so-called economic case was central to their postwar campaigning because they believed that economic exploitation was central to fascism and had wide-ranging implications for postwar societies as well. Furthermore, we challenge the prevailing view on antifascism by demonstrating that for these authors the economic aspect of fascism did not eclipse the genocidal character of fascism and the specifically Jewish experience of it. In contrast to some Marxist historians, they did not see genocidal policies as merely derivative or secondary either. Rather, these leftist-antifascists commemorated Auschwitz in ways which regarded economic exploitation and genocide as interrelated and constitutive aspects of fascism.

Unveiling injustice: Disrupting child removal policies and upholding breastfeeding: An emancipatory framework.

Before colonization, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities had nurturing, holistic, and communitarian approaches that promoted extended and healthy lives for their children. Colonization, marked by policies of genocide and assimilation, has resulted in an alarming overrepresentation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children under the care of child protection agencies, resulting in compromised health outcomes and reduced life expectancies. We are conducting a study designed to enhance positive developmental outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children by articulating and enabling the rights of mothers and children to breastfeed in the context of a child protection intervention and child removal. To understand and address this problem, it is critical to implement culturally safe, de-colonized, emancipatory research that is guided by and benefits Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities. This article presents an emancipatory framework that we are applying to our study using an Aboriginal participatory action research approach, that serves as a guide for non-Indigenous researchers seeking to conduct research with Indigenous communities. We emphasize the importance of incorporating an Aboriginal participatory action research framework, using community consultation and codesign; culturally secure data collection methods, and paying attention to Indigenous data sovereignty. Developing trusting respectful relationships is conducive to knowledge acquisition, exchange, and use, when research approaches deeply rooted in community involvement are applied. A call to action by the critical midwifery studies collective, urges non-Indigenous researchers to become accountable allies that demonstrates respect for community leadership while actively striving to ensure research does not perpetuate further harm, and produces effective change. This article provides an overview of ways to conduct ethical emancipatory research with Indigenous participants, that is, of benefit to midwifery practitioners and is applicable to many areas of research, policy, and practice.

The Deportation of the Poles to Kazakhstan: Ethnic Cleansing, Collective Suffering, and Cultural Assimilation

The paper explores and analyzes one of the darkest pages of the history of the Polish people linked to the deportation of the Poles from Ukraine in 1936 and from Ukraine and Belarus in 1940-1941 to Kazakhstan. The central argument of the study is that the deportation of Poles from their historical homeland was carried out based exclusively on their ethnicity. We argue that the real intention of the Soviet regime’s genocidal policy was not confined only to the collective punishment and extermination of Poles as a distinct ethnic group, but the regime also sought to subject the deported Poles to slave labor exploitation for profit and to forced Russification. The assumption here is that Poles were uprooted from their homeland not only for extermination, but also the Soviet regime considered Poles to be an important component of its nation building project and their assimilation into Russian-dominated society was on the totalitarian regime’s agenda. The theoretical basis of this study constitutes the concept of ethnification of Stalinism, yet we add another dimension to our research, namely we employ the concept of racialization as a theoretical underpinning of the study to further deepen our analysis and indicate how ethnic identity of Poles was racialized. The study draws upon archival sources and the extant literature on the history of deportation in the Soviet Union, specifically we increasingly focus on Polish deportees’ collective and individual experiences who went through horrendous dehumanization and brutalization in exile in various parts of Kazakhstan between 1936 and 1956.

Politický mýtus, Thomas Robert Malthus a vznik árijské rasové imaginace

The emergence of Nazi ideology and the rise of Nazism represented one of the most dramatic and tragic events of modern times, the consequences of which humanity is still dealing with today. The doctrine of the superiority of the Aryan race was an integral part of Nazi doctrine and served as a “scientific” justification for German expansionism and the policy of ethnic genocide. The Nazi conception of the German nation as the chosen Aryan racial community was identified as an example of a modern political myth by Henry Tudor in the early 1970s [Tudor 1972: 16]. We will attempt to explain the rise of Aryan ideology using the concept of political myth and Blumenberg’s notion of “work on myth” as the result of the long development of Western genealogical speculation, which underwent a process of secularization during the Enlightenment and once combined with stimuli coming from contemporary natural sciences, was used under the conditions of modern industrial society to “rationally” legitimize inequalities between people. A parallel development, consisting in the attempt to deny by scientific arguments the equality of human beings, despite the spread of liberal ideas inspired, among others, by the American and French Revolutions, took place in the economic sciences, where the doctrine of the British political economist Thomas Robert Malthus gained prominence at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Malthusianism, Aryan race ideology, Social Darwinism, or the eugenics movement thus had a common denominator, which Friedrich August von Hayek called the “counter-revolution of science” or Zeev Sternhell “counter-Enlightenment”.

Federal field nurses and Indigenous births

Beginning in 1924, the US Office of Indian Affairs sent public health or ‘field’ nurses to Native nations to provide preventative healthcare and education. The field nurse programme began under...

“Böyük Ermənistan” xülyasının reallaşdırılması yolunda “məzlum erməni xalqı”nın azərbaycanlılara qarşı törətdiyi 31 mart soyqırımı

The policy of genocide carried out by Armenian nationalists against Azerbaijanis has a history of more than 200 years. The goal of this insidious policy was the expulsion of Azerbaijani people from their historical lands and the creation of a mythical state of “Great Armenia” in these territories. On March 31, 1918, under the leadership of the Dashnaktsutyun party with the help of the Red Army of Soviet Russia, the Azerbaijani population of Baku was subjected to genocide. The corpses of 57 Muslim women, whose ears and noses were cut off, and their bellies were torn open, were found in one of the neighborhoods in Baku. Armenians threw people alive into water wells, burning ovens, and oil wells, ripped apart pregnant women's bellies with bayonets, killed children with bayonets, nailed babies to walls, raped women, young girls, and old women. They hung men upside down by their legs, cut them in half with swords, crucified some of them on wooden beds, wrapped them in carpets and rugs and burned them alive, cut off people's hands and feet, and forced them to eat their own flesh under bayonets. Wild Armenian gangs burned Muslim clerics in the fire of bonfires lit from the Koran, the holy book of Islam. This was the true face of the Armenian nationalists who loudly shouted about “self-determination”, “autonomy” and “genocide”. The cruelty of Andranik, who made “necklaces” from children’s eyes, and other Armenians, knew no bounds. In March 1918, up to 20 thousand Azerbaijanians in Baku, and in 1917-1920 on the territory of Azerbaijan, more than 400 thousand Azerbaijani people were subjected to “genocide” by the Armenians. As the world ignores these atrocities, they are increasing.

Геноцид армян как преступление, нарушающее нормы международного права (историко-правовой аспект)

The purpose of the study is to substantiate the fact that political genocide is one of the most serious crimes throughout the entire path of human development. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to solve the following task – to present and analyze the stages and manifestations of the policy of cultural genocide carried out by the Young Turks in Western Armenia and other Armenian-populated areas of the Ottoman Empire, and then by the Kemals in the Republic of Armenia.

Cultural Robbery, the Carceral System and the Settler Coloniality of Multiculturalism in Moroccan-Occupied Western Sahara

Cultural appropriation or exploitation in settler colonial studies occurs when a settler group adopts the cultural practices of the Indigenous group. Appropriation often compounds the marginalization and silencing of the Indigenous group, and therefore overlaps with, and facilitates, the settler colonial tactic of cultural domination. The latter seeks to eliminate the Indigenous group by way of forced assimilation into the dominant settler culture. In this article, I focus on the purpose and intended effect of the parallel pursuit of cultural exploitation and cultural domination. I argue that the side-by-side enactment of such settler colonial strategies amounts to cultural robbery: the settler state ensures exclusive use or possession of Indigenous cultural practices, markers and heritage. It adopts the latter as its own whilst simultaneously prohibiting—through the carceral system—the use and practice of the culture by the Indigenous community. Using the case of Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara, I focus on the evolution of Morocco’s settler colonial strategies in the cultural realm from its 1975 invasion of Western Sahara until today. I argue that Morocco’s policy of cultural domination over the Indigenous Saharawi population, initially enacted alongside other settler colonial genocidal policies, has made way for cultural appropriation alongside domination. This is, I argue, part of a wider Moroccan regime effort to mobilize “multiculturalism” to quell political opposition.

Eponyms that honor Jewish dermatologists: A celebration and a remembrance, Part three: Jewish physicians who practiced during the Holocaust and in its aftermath

Part III of this contribution continues to celebrate the many contributions that Jewish physicians have made to advance the specialty of dermatology, as reflected by eponyms that honor their names. Part I covered the years before 1933, a highly productive period of creativity by Jewish dermatologists, especially in Germany and Austria. The lives of 17 Jewish physicians and their eponyms were described in Part I. Part II focused on the years of 1933 to 1945, when the Nazis rose to power in Europe, and how their anti-Semitic genocidal policies affected leading Jewish dermatologists caught within the Third Reich. Fourteen Jewish physicians and their eponyms are discussed in Part II. Part III continues the remembrance of the Holocaust era by looking at the careers and eponyms of an additional 13 Jewish physicians who contributed to dermatology during the period of 1933 to 1945. Two of these 13 physicians, pathologist Ludwig Pick (1868-1944) and neurologist Arthur Simons (1877-1942), perished in the Holocaust. They are remembered by the following eponyms of interest to dermatologists: Lubarsch-Pick syndrome, Niemann-Pick disease, and Barraquer-Simons syndrome. Four of the 13 Jewish physicians escaped the Nazis: Felix Pinkus (1868-1947), Herman Pinkus (1905-1985), Arnault Tzanck (1886-1954), and Erich Urbach (1893-1946). Eponyms that honor their names include nitidus Pinkus, fibroepithelioma of Pinkus, Tzanck test, Urbach-Wiethe disease, Urbach-Koningstein technique, Oppenheim-Urbach disease, and extracellular cholesterinosis of Karl-Urbach. The other seven Jewish physicians lived outside the reach of the Nazis, in either Canada, the United States, or Israel. Their eponyms are discussed in this contribution. Part III also discusses eponyms that honor seven contemporary Jewish dermatologists who practiced dermatology after 1945 and who continue the nearly 200 years of Jewish contribution to the development of the specialty. They are A. Bernard Ackerman (1936-2008), Irwin M. Braverman, Sarah Brenner, Israel Chanarin, Maurice L. Dorfman, Dan Lipsker, and Ronni Wolf. Their eponyms are Ackerman syndrome, Braverman sign, Brenner sign, Chanarin-Dorfman syndrome, Lipsker criteria of the Schnitzler syndrome, and Wolf's isotopic response.

Thanatolatry as a signifier of totalitarian ideology (on the example of russia)

The full-scale invasion of Ukraine by the russian federation has led to the actualisation of the discourse of cultural confrontation. The rule of vladimir putin has not only led to the establishment of a totalitarian regime in russia, but also led to the formation of the cult of death. The cult of death (thanatolatry) should be understood as the emergence of social and cultural practices that are directly related to death. The main idea is to recreate the USSR by creating a necrophiliac ideology. In which the life of any citizen is levelled and deformed. A decent life is replaced by a glorious death, with arms in hand, in a foreign country. Through propaganda, russian ideology promotes the idea of death as the main virtue of a citizen. The process of such ideological processing begins in childhood and is supported by various state organisations throughout a person’s life, with the activities of the Wagner PMC and the immortal regiment Association being particularly prominent. Understanding this phenomenon will help Ukrainian authorities and society to better respond to the challenges posed by russia’s policy of genocide of the Ukrainian nation.

НИЩЕННЯ ГОСПОДАРЯ – СКЛАДОВА ЗЛОЧИНУ ГОЛОДОМОРУ-ГЕНОЦИДУ 1932–1933 РОКІВ

The article reveals the destruction by the Soviet command-repressive system of the economic freedoms of the Ukrainian rural producer, the prosperous peasant (kulak), a middle-class representative in the village – the guarantor of the socio-political and economic stability of the state. Since the late 1920s, a command-repressive system of governance was formed in the Ukrainian village, implemented by the Soviet communist political regime. In the context of the problem, it is important to study the dynamics of the destruction of prosperous producers (dekulakisation), which is a component of the criminal genocidal policy of the Soviet totalitarian regime against the Ukrainian nation. During 1918–1920, the Bolsheviks’ periodic invasions of Ukraine were marked by the introduction of a policy of «war communism», when «military communist» methods ensured the non-fixed collection of taxes. In March 1921, the Soviet political regime radically changed the taxation system in the village. Instead of the pre-tax system, a fixed food tax was implemented, and the New Economic Policy was introduced. The years 1928–1929 proved to be a crucial turning point in the relations between the peasant producer and the Soviet state. Since the late 1920s, an overall offensive by the Soviet political regime against the Ukrainian village affected several important segments for the village: the church, economic and political repression of the prosperous producers, forced grain procurement, and forced collectivisation. In 1929–1931, the article examines the example of the village of Zaruddia in Poltava region to demonstrate the formation of a command and repressive system of governance. In the late 1920s and early 1930s, the destruction of the spiritual, ethical, socio-economic foundations of the traditional Ukrainian peasant by the Soviet political regime is studied on a specific historical example. The Soviet political communist regime, forming a command-repressive system of governance since the late 1920s, violated human and civil rights and humiliated human dignity. Such actions caused irreparable spiritual, ethical, socio-economic damage in the traditional Ukrainian village.

The dépôt of the Police Prefecture of Paris During the Occupation: French Collaboration in the Nazi Genocidal Policy

The dépôt of the Police Prefecture of Paris, in the heart of the city, was one of the most important places of anti-Jewish repression in France during the Occupation. It was the hub for the deportation of almost a third of the 38,500 deportees domiciled in Paris who were not arrested by the French police during the round-ups, but even more Jews passed through the dépôt without eventually being deported. These arrests were mostly based on the justification of offences committed by Jews against French laws and German orders. From mid-1942, the dépôt gradually evolved from a platform for sorting those arrested with a view to bringing them before a French judge to the main concentration and transfer point for Jews arrested individually to the Drancy internment camp. Yet, despite its importance, the dépôt remains completely unknown. The aim of this article is to present the central role played by the dépôt in the daily anti-Jewish repression that sealed French collaboration with Nazi genocidal policies until the Liberation.

“We must fight!”. The resistance of the Jews to the genocidal policy in Kremenchuk (1941–1943)

The article examines an almost unexplored topic about the resistance of the Jews to the Nazi genocidal policy in Kremenchuk. The author reviewed historiographical developments on this issue, outlined terminology, and characterized the source base (a part of the sources is introduced into scientific circulation for the first time). The article analyzes the factors that influenced Holocaust flow in the city: the evolution of the “Final Solution to the Jewish Question” during the occupation of the town; events at the front that determined the priority of current tasks for rear structures; demands or the lack of demands for Jewish labor, etc. In accordance with this, the author researched the condition of local Jews and Jews-prisoners of war who got to the Kremenchuk due to the encirclement of parts of the South-Western Front and analyzed the dynamics of the implementation of the Holocaust in the city.The article considers the aspects that prevented the development of a purely Jewish resistance movement in Kremenchuk. Therefore the author explores the opposition of Jews at the individual level and their activities as a member of underground organizations that actively helped Jews (those who were prisoners of war, local people, and those who arrived in the city during the occupation). Consequently, it was investigated that thanks to the cooperation of leaders from among the Soviet prisoners of war and local activists, it was possible to create an effective infrastructure for providing help and rescue to persecuted groups, including Jews. For example, in the «Patriot of the Motherland» underground organization, this infrastructure consisted of a prisoner of war camp, the first city hospital, a Red Cross station, and underground apartments. This enabled those persecuted within the framework of underground organizations to effectively resist the Nazi genocidal policy. The article also analyzes, on an individual level, how both local and Jewish prisoners of war, as well as those who arrived in Kremenchuk, resisted the genocide.

The Karabakh Flashpoint: Turkish Authoritarian Rule and the Recurrence of Genocide

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, currently a serious humanitarian crisis, is often categorized as a post-Soviet conflict. This article challenges that conceptualization and reframes the historiography of Nagorno-Karabakh by shedding light on Bolshevik-Kemalist collaboration in the South Caucasus. The true flashpoint of the conflict stems back to 1917, a period of imperial decline, which occurred during the ongoing process of the Armenian Genocide. The cooperation between Turkish and Azerbaijani actors between 1917 to 1921 demonstrates the intent to undermine the Armenian national pattern in the Karabakh region, as well as other regions including Zangezur, and Nakhichevan. Present-day grievances reflect similar Turkish and Azerbaijani intentions. The collapse of the Russian, and Ottoman Empires had severe consequences for the Armenians of the Karabakh region, as Bolsheviks and Kemalists supported genocidal policies towards them. From a historical perspective, Bolshevik-Kemalist cooperation in the South Caucasus provides a disturbing precursor to the region's current authoritarian actors and their impact on enflamed ethno-territorial tensions and the region's cycles of stability.

Ruscism as a variant of the fascist form of state-legal regime

The relevance of the paper lies in the emergence of a new type of fascism in the Russian Federation – ruscism, which in the 21st century returned humanity to the understanding that the revival of the most dangerous forms of the state-legal regime is possible. The purpose of the study is to define ruscism, analyse its origin as a separate phenomenon and the development of constituent elements, and identify similar and distinctive features with classical fascism and its varieties. Methods of dialectics, analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, generalisation, and analogy are used as methodological tools. Historical and comparative approaches allow investigating the evolution of the origin and development of ruscism, identifying its common and distinctive features with classical fascism and its varieties. There are clear signs of fascism and its varieties. The paper examines the convergence of fascism with the Russian world, Russian imperial chauvinism, and criminal practices of the communist regime of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. It is established that the result of the ruscist regime was the creation of a totalitarian repressive militaristic state in Russia, which unleashed aggressive wars against Georgia and Ukraine. The study highlights the systematic violations of international law, human rights, and fundamental freedoms inherent in the ruscist regime, and the implementation of the policy of genocide of the Ukrainian people. The definition of ruscism is formulated and the history of the development of both its individual constituent elements and it as an integral phenomenon is considered. The practical value of the study is to unify the use of the definition of ruscism both at the scientific and legislative levels to condemn and prohibit it as a criminal, misogynistic ideology and a form of state-legal regime.

Introduction

Introduction

Contested Liberalisms: Martineau, Dickens and the Victorian Press, by Iain Crawford

Reviewed by: Contested Liberalisms: Martineau, Dickens and the Victorian Press by Iain Crawford Jessie Reeder (bio) Contested Liberalisms: Martineau, Dickens and the Victorian Press, by Iain Crawford; pp. xii + 332. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2019, $110.00, $29.95 paper, $110.00 ebook. Comparing two Victorian authors’ experiences in the United States might not seem a particularly expansive prospect. And yet, in Iain Crawford’s Contested Liberalisms: Martineau, Dickens and the Victorian Press, we see just how wide the view can get. Crawford identifies Harriet Martineau’s and Charles Dickens’s early visits to the United States as formative to their views of the periodical press, their own careers, and, ultimately, their incompatible philosophies of liberalism that led to their infamous and public falling-out. While the two authors share much in their parallel trajectories as self-fashioning authors and liberals, they turn out to diverge on subjects as wide-ranging and consequential as the role of women in the public sphere (something Martineau advocated and Dickens disliked) and the nature of progressive history (Martineau adhering to a stadial arc while Dickens saw more indeterminacy than pattern). Crawford follows these fissures through an impressive array of subjects, including abolition, working-class and Irish unrest, urban versus rural prospects, and the role of the celebrity author. Working adroitly in three fields—transatlantic studies, periodical studies, and liberalism—Crawford’s two-author study offers a vision of the early Victorian press as “shaped by a transatlantic community of letters broadly united in [End Page 691] support for the advance of progressive values but crucially divided over core elements of the ideology of liberalism itself” (2). Chapters 1 and 2 track Martineau’s political philosophy as it developed in the early 1830s in England and then during her lengthy stay in the United States. Influenced by Friedrich Schiller and Adam Smith, Martineau believed the key to social progress was the creation of sympathy through robust public discourse, which in turn required a free press and universal access to education, particularly for women. In her American writings, then, Crawford argues, Martineau depicts the United States—and especially the western frontier—as “a potential if still partially realised exemplar of liberal progress” in which slavery, constrained womanhood, and a restricted press all threaten the otherwise promising advance of liberal subjectivity (50). By turning to Dickens in chapters 3 and 4, Crawford offers a striking comparison of the two authors’ American experiences. Reading American Notes (1842), Crawford shows that where Martineau privileged the frontier, Dickens favored New York City; where Martineau saw the promise of progress in America, Dickens saw degeneration from a British ideal; and where Martineau despised the restrictions of American republican motherhood, Dickens condoned domesticity and limited subjectivity for women. Both writers, however, “examined the American press as a predictor of what the future might hold in store for British journalism” (119). And so, on his return to Britain, Dickens penned Martin Chuzzlewit (1844), which Crawford reads as a response to widespread criticism of American Notes—and as a doubling-down on its critiques of American society. Martin Chuzzlewit depicts an atopic America, drowning in a tide of unregulated mass media, disconnected from both history and future, and corrupted by women’s independence. These first four chapters contain some of Crawford’s most compelling close reading, particularly as he tracks Martineau’s and Dickens’s divergent senses of the temporality of American landscapes. And he makes a persuasive case that the transatlantic voyage was formative for both authors’ political views and professional futures. Crawford is somewhat more critical of Dickens’s version of liberalism than of Martineau’s in these early chapters. And although he concedes that both authors “endors[ed] the underlying theory [of progress] that pushed Native Americans beyond the pale of civilised society,” one wishes for a more critical orientation toward Martineau’s erasure of violence against Indigenous and enslaved people (118). Martineau is apparently concerned with miscegenation only as it affects white families and not Black victims of sexual violence, and she locates Andrew Jackson’s threat to liberalism in his censorship of the press rather than in his genocidal policies of Indigenous displacement. These are features of her...

The genocide against the Tutsi: the establishment of the genocidal policies since 1959

An article about the content of a presentation held at the workshop on Histories of Genocides in the World, organized by Paris-based organization Memorial de la Shoah in Kigali/Rwanda, on 20-21/12/2022.

Indigenous territories and territorialities in Brazil: conflicts, r-existences and rights.

In contemporary Brazil, a geopolitics of dispossession is underway in the territorialization of agro- business, of which the greatest victims are the indigenous peoples. The objective of this paper is to analyze the territories and territorialities of r-existence of indigenous peoples and traditional communities in the light of territorial conflicts in the struggle for land, water and forest. Faced with the attacks of the genocidal policies of the Brazilian State and the context of the pandemic, indigenous peoples have carried out their struggles through mobilizations, marches and r-existence. In the struggle against the pandemic, urban and climate crisis, it is important to consider territories and territorialities that fight for and by indigenous peoples, guided by the principles of environmental justice, which focus on the protection of the environment, the body-territory of the Earth, and which effectively aim to reduce inequality, poverty, oppression, violence and environmental racism.