Pluralist State Research Articles

Nilai Hidup Rukun Pondasi Kebhinekaan Dalam Mengantasipasi Radikalisme


 The Importance of Tat Twam Asi Values ​​upholds humanistic values ​​with a strong religious spirit and sense, a sense of universal brotherhood that is not limited by religion, science and behavior which is limited by awidhya or darkness of mind, words and deeds. Explaining, hurting other people is essentially hurting themselves. Actually living in harmony indicates respect for others in essence of respecting oneself, and vice versa against others in essence against one's own self, in other words Tat Twam Asi is upholding the human values ​​that have been created by Ida Sang Hyang Widhi / God Almighty One as a necessity and need for the realization of a peaceful, harmonious and anhamham harmony as a tangible manifestation of a pluralistic state. What's more we see the teachings of ahimsa karma which are universal Vedic teachings, the value of ahimsa is popularized by Gandhi, who strongly emphasizes, must not kill, hurt, slander, envy, and pitting sheep of various lies as rhetoric wrapped in religious teachings, in fact it is not justified by the teachings of Hinduism. Because, in essence, it hurts life in this universe, its thighs actually hurt themselves. Because Hinduism places great importance on universal truths, everything that exists has the same rights and obligations and cannot be bound by others in any form or way. If the values ​​of harmony, religious norms in the archipelago are tainted, morality is degraded, then destruction, evil will be rampant. Sadistic murders occur everywhere, raping, drug networks, coronations as if they are difficult to eradicate and terrorism networks that are enemies of the world and humanity have not been able to be overcome to the maximum. Sophisticated communication networks often inconvenience humanity. This goes back to the true human identity, by grounding religious teachings, understood to be lived and practiced in the life of the nation and state, religious teachings are not solely in the air, but religious values ​​are able to interpret this life in accordance with the goals of human life namely Catur Marga Yoga. Then life will be wise gem rifah tablets jinawi.

Human Rights and Democracy in Taiwan’s Foreign Policy and Cross-Strait Relations

Since the 1990s, Taiwan has achieved an impressive democratisation that has made it one of the most vibrant democratic societies in Asia. Most of the existing research about Taiwan’s foreign policy and cross-strait relations neglects how Taiwan’s identity and role as a democratic and pluralistic state influences the island’s external relations. This article analyses how Taiwan’s achievements in the field of democracy and human rights affect Taiwan’s foreign policy and its identity in world politics, and why democracy and human rights are important for it and its external relations. The analysis uses role theory and the three roles of normative power, civilian power, and Global Good Samaritan.

Customary Marine Tenure in Palau: Social Function and Implications for Fishery Policy

This research examines the form, social function, and policy implications of customary marine tenure (CMT) in Ngarchelong, a rural and fishery-dependent state in the Republic of Palau. Using ethnography, we find that CMT in Ngarchelong persists in a state of legal pluralism, expanding the normative space for asserting and contesting fishing privileges. Flexible administration of CMT provides benefits to the resident community, including material support from nonresidents and the strengthening of social bonds and networks. A fishery permit system under consideration would redefine fishery access as a privilege granted by government, thereby potentially impacting the social benefits supported by the community’s administration of CMT. With applications beyond Palau, we discuss an alternative management approach that could better harmonize fishery policy with local social context, thereby preserving the social functions of contemporary CMT.

The Evolution of Theisms: The Four Technological Revolutions and the Four Theistic Revolutions

This paper posits that in the evolution of theisms, the main function of theism is to pacify enlarged social structure derived from technological revolution. Therefore, the four technological revolutions (the Upper Paleolithic, Agricultural-Bronze, Iron, and Industrial Revolutions) produce the four enlarged social structures (linked egalitarian bands, decentralized union of hierarchical states, mega centralized empire, and global human community, respectively) whose internal conflicts to be pacified by the four theistic revolutions (the Egalitarian Band, Pluralistic State, Top-down Imperial, and Bottom-up Community Theistic Revolutions, respectively, for the egalitarian band, pluralistic state, top-down imperial, and bottom-up community theisms, respectively). This paper deals with the evolution of theisms in accordance of a biological understanding of evolution in terms of natural selection. For natural selection of the evolution of theisms through individual human innovations, theism better adapted to their environment, mainly, the technological revolution, tends to survive and propagate. In conclusion, biological evolution, the evolution of theisms, and bottom-up community theism are bottom-up processes involving bottom-up organisms’ efforts.

Wie viel Fremde verträgt eine (nach)-christliche Gesellschaft?

Abstract How many refugees should the German society accept? Which ethical criteria are to be considered in the process of deliberation? Given current ambivalence between principled openness and consequent limitation of migration both in the secular and in the Christian ethical debate, this article develops biblical–theological guidelines for the foundation of a viable migration ethic. Part one reflects on central biblical texts discussing migration and asylum seekers giving attention both to the imperatives to welcome, support and love foreigners and to their warnings against religious apostasy stemming from the acceptance of strangers. Part two poses the hermeneutic question of relevance of biblical theology for a contemporary Christian migration ethic: How can a post-Christian society in a modern pluralistic state benefit from a biblically supported Christian migration ethic? – After working our path through both these levels of discussion, the article delineates selected criteria for a contextually relevant Christian ethic of migration.

PERKEMBANGAN ISLAM DI INDONESIA ERA REFORMASI

Islam in Indonesia has existed since in the 7th and became more widespread in the 13th. The success of Islam spread in Indonesia including the most dynamic with the method of cultural and political da'wah. Since the era of independence, Islam has grown rapidly. This paper aims to examine the existence of Islam in Indonesia today, with a review before the reform era and after reform. The Islamic movement can be said to be very influential on Indonesia's independence. This is evident from the role of Islamic organizations and parties. Despite its dominant influence, Islam did not become the official ideology of the Indonesian state after independence, as in the events of the Jakarta Charter, Islamic leaders preferred Pancasila as the principle of a pluralistic state. Uniquely, despite the predominantly Muslim population, Islam is not formally exposed in the system of government. After the Reform Era, many new Islamic parties and organizations were established. In Islamic conception, in general, reform is understood as ishlāh, which is in the ushul fiqh rules "keeping something good from the old and taking on the better of the new." Therefore, Islamic leaders are required to observe the global situation and its influence on Indonesia. Post reform also emerged a variety of radical Islamic organizations, terrorism, and movements that demand the implementation of Islamic law in all forms of order carried by certain Islamic movements, such as Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia and others. These problems make Islam a very sensitive issue: claims against Muslim representation, blasphemy, exclusivity and confusion between religion and politics without criticism. Such conditions precisely complicate the development of Islam in Indonesia that should consolidate and strengthen the interests of Islam. Furthermore, this condition is exacerbated also by the emergence of politicization and commercialization of Islamic identity in the context of da'wah, education and public media.

Perkembangan Islam di Indonesia Era Reformasi

Islam in Indonesia has existed since in the 7th and became more widespread in the 13th. The success of Islam spread in Indonesia including the most dynamic with the method of cultural and political da'wah. Since the era of independence, Islam has grown rapidly. This paper aims to examine the existence of Islam in Indonesia today, with a review before the reform era and after reform. The Islamic movement can be said to be very influential on Indonesia's independence. This is evident from the role of Islamic organizations and parties. Despite its dominant influence, Islam did not become the official ideology of the Indonesian state after independence, as in the events of the Jakarta Charter, Islamic leaders preferred Pancasila as the principle of a pluralistic state. Uniquely, despite the predominantly Muslim population, Islam is not formally exposed in the system of government. After the Reform Era, many new Islamic parties and organizations were established. In Islamic conception, in general, reform is understood as ishlāh, which is in the ushul fiqh rules "keeping something good from the old and taking on the better of the new." Therefore, Islamic leaders are required to observe the global situation and its influence on Indonesia. Post reform also emerged a variety of radical Islamic organizations, terrorism, and movements that demand the implementation of Islamic law in all forms of order carried by certain Islamic movements, such as Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia and others. These problems make Islam a very sensitive issue: claims against Muslim representation, blasphemy, exclusivity and confusion between religion and politics without criticism. Such conditions precisely complicate the development of Islam in Indonesia that should consolidate and strengthen the interests of Islam. Furthermore, this condition is exacerbated also by the emergence of politicization and commercialization of Islamic identity in the context of da'wah, education and public media

Research on the Current Situation and Countermeasures of Business Management Function Management

Business administration departments play the role of supervision and management in the market economy. Today, the market economy is constantly changing and developing, and the economic system presents a pluralistic state. The functions of the business administration departments have also expanded. In order to promote the healthy and sustainable development of the market economy, the industry and commerce management departments need to improve and innovate management principles and management methods, give full play to their management functions and improve work efficiency. This paper analyzes the present situation of business administration, the principles and methods of business administration, and puts forward relevant improvement methods.

Dictators Against Dependence: Albania and Korea

When a linguistically distinctive ethnicity is surrounded by much larger powers, its leader usually needs resources from one of them – and then that power may try to absorb it. The local leader quickly switches to reliance on the previous protector's main foreign enemy, simultaneously purging (often killing) domestic rivals. Albania's long history through Enver Hoxha, like North Korea's under Kim Jong‐un still, shows recurrent examples of this link between independence and dictatorship – although not all tyrants emerge in this way. The essay also discloses violent aspects of past South Korean politics that few readers of English know. Historical parallels can be observed without any universal covering “law.” Further examples explore limits of this method. History can inform policies toward nonproliferation (American, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean), elucidate the recent effects of surrounding pluralistic states on small countries, and provide evidence about the likely benefits of Korean patriotism and reunification.

The Emergence of Kingship in China: With a Discussion of the Relationship between Kingship and Composite State Structure in the Xia, Shang and Western Zhou Dynasties

In ancient China, true kingship was supreme rule over all under Heaven by the royal houses of the Xia, Shang and Western Zhou dynasties (the Three Dynasties). It was associated with the Three Dynasties’ plural but unified composite state structure, and its birth was signaled by the emergence of the Xia dynasty. At the time, kingship was related to the appellation “king” (王wang), but was not absolutely equated to it. On the one hand, whenever oracle bone and bronze inscriptions and textual records refer directly to “king(s),” the word refers to the Shang and Zhou kings; but on the other, some bronze inscriptions preserve the use of “king” to refer to the chieftains of smaller tribal states in remote areas. When a supreme dynastic ruler bore the appellation “king,” this indicated the kingly power of the royal house; but when the ruler of a small remote state called himself “king,” the word expressed rule over his state. The appellation “king” was used for these two different levels because the Chinese character “王” and the corresponding royal title originated in the shape of the battle axe that symbolized command of armies. The Xia dynasty was not China’s first state, for in the age of Yao, Shun and Yu numerous local states had organized themselves into tribal federations. Xia dynasty kingship, where the king was “common ruler of all under Heaven” (天下共主tianxia gongzhu) developed out of the power wielded by the hegemonic chieftains in the age of very large tribal states.

The Rise and Fall of Carl Schmitt

The Rise and Fall of Carl Schmitt Ian Cook (bio) Carl Schmitt: A Biography Reinhart Mehring Daniel Steuer, trans Polity www.politybooks.com 700 Pages; Print, $45.00 It's hard to account for a biography that, its author acknowledges, is "of such tortuous dimension" and which follows Schmitt's works and their revisions closely, sometimes almost month by month, across much of the 96 years of his life. At over 550 pages of text, the biography "comes close to a chronicle," which "observes and records the sequence of events that made up Schmitt's problematic life, as well as his conscious attempts at finding normative orientation and stability." Summary is also difficult because the book "tells the scandalous story of a 'life lived in the state of exception,' in which the experience of political and personal crises are inextricably linked with one another." So the book analyses Schmitt's works in terms a "complex historical and theoretical context." Mehring deliberately refuses to identify a pattern in these crises and their effects on Schmitt's works, declaring that "we should not hope for a master key to this complex character." Mehring also "seeks to avoid strong judgments and retrospective projections and, instead, to present the open possibilities and contingencies of a life in, as it were, slow motion." One of the crucial question for this "contextualization and historicization of Schmitt" concerns the source of his overt anti-Semitism and support for National Socialism. And this brings us back to questions concerning historicist analysis or, more specifically for me, social historicist analysis itself (see my Reading Mill: Studies in Political Theory [1998]). A hallmark of historicist accounts is that its circumstances constitute objective determinants of a political theory. By way of confirming this effect, its translator, Daniel Steuer, describes this biography as "quasi-positivist." "Schmitt himself looked at his work in its historical context, and he understood it as a response to certain challenges and situations." And historicization tends to validate Schmitt's pointing to external causes for his theoretical positions, as he "would always consider himself to be a collectively—politically or religiously—determined 'participant'" whose "'situation' served as an alibi or excuse." Claiming external determination, as Mehring suggests, allowed Schmitt to create "a strong and beguiling legend of his 'identity with Germany's fate.'" Schmitt wanted to be seen as both "an innocent lamb and a black sheep," indicating a discrepancy between reputation and character, as he did in the case of those authors who served him as intellectual points of reference: Donoso Cortés, Machiavelli, and Hobbes. Schmitt's self-representation might be more persuasive if he offered a structuralist account of human being, and therefore his being and theories, of which Marxism is an exemplar. But, despite some Marxists taking up his work, Schmitt was no Marxist. For him "Marxism cannot come to terms with the realities" and he celebrated the fact that (circa 1970) the "syndrome of German Hegelianism, English economics and French socialism, which makes up the substance of Marxism, is beginning to unravel." Nor, despite his increasing commitment to Catholicism, did Schmitt present himself as being directed by God's will. If anything caused him to be who he was and argue what he argued, it was the German state. It was never the party political state, however, and certainly not the pluralist state. And if he sometimes thought of himself as the servant of the German people, Schmitt's was not a biological conception of "the people." Despite Schmitt's support for Nationalism Socialism and his "'scientification' of Anti-semitism," he eschewed crude racialist notions of das Volk and "did not agree with a radically biological racism, which considered [a human being] . . . solely as an animal." Schmitt's view that individuals were but servants of the state might explain his feeling compelled to support National Socialism. This might have been part of his self-justification and exculpation, however. For, to Mehring, Schmitt was "someone who became implicated in guilt and was later hardly ever able to admit it." Well before he supported National Socialism and Hitler, though, Schmitt "forcefully suggests that the individual only gains significance as a 'civil servant...

Sumak Kawsay as an Element of Local Decolonization in Ecuador

The concept of sumak kawsay, buen vivir or “good life”—in Bolivia, suma qamaña, or vivir bien—has been widely diffused on an international level since the Ecuadorian Constituent Assembly in 2007–2008 and the Bolivian one in 2006–2009. Good life has been understood as an alternative to capitalist modernizing development that is based on the indigenous ideal of harmony between individual, society, and nature. Nevertheless, in the usage of the indigenous movement, which initiated the diffusion of this concept, good life is a local and territorial conception of a lifestyle. While this notion of locality is largely ignored or invisibilized by the Ecuadorian government and by nonindigenous intellectuals, and to some degree even by national indigenous organizations, local indigenous organizations integrated good life into their discourse of territorial autonomy in a pluralist state. Good life allows for local decolonialization, a concrete and local fight against the structures of “the coloniality of power” framed within a discursive panorama that includes concepts of plurality and autonomy. This text analyzes sumak kawsay as a key concept of local decolonialization, emphasizing its relation to similar concepts and the differences in its usage by different actors.

New England beyond Criticism: In Defense of America’s First LiteratureThe Dream of the Great American Novel

New England beyond Criticism: In Defense of America’s First LiteratureThe Dream of the Great American Novel

Migrants at Sea: A Duty of Plural States to Protect (Extraterritorially)?

Although migration is a transnational phenomenon involving a plurality of states, the state of departure is often unwilling/unable to offer protection. Receiving/transit states can refrain from engaging with the problem until migrants have already entered their territory. With high seas, this can result in the deaths of people taking the risk of travelling to a new place. The article argues that states have a duty to offer (some) protection even when migrants are not in their territory, based on human rights’ positive effect and the principle of due diligence. Because of the transnational nature of migration, all involved states have the responsibility to offer protection. This may lead to concurrent state liability for failure to protect. The duty to protect may extend to the high seas, even when the traditional links for the establishment of jurisdiction are absent. The duty is not unlimited, it needs to prevail over other considerations.

The Complexity of Economies and Pluralism in Economics

Abstract From the two premises that (1) economies are complex systems and (2) the accumulation of knowledge about reality is desirable, I derive the conclusion that pluralism with regard to economic research programs is a more viable position to hold than monism. To substantiate this claim an epistemological framework of how scholars study their objects of inquiry and relate their models to reality is discussed. Furthermore, it is argued that given the current institutions of our scientific system, economics self-organizes towards a state of scientific unity. Since such a state is epistemologically inferior to a state of plurality, critical intervention is desirable. JEL Codes: A1, A2, B4

El derecho a la información como elemento integrador para la conformación de un Estado plural

La intención primordial de este trabajo es demostrar que el derecho a la información en las sociedades democráticas se convierte en el elemento que puede permitir el equilibrio entre las esferas de lo político, lo civil y de los medios, por lo que allana el terreno hacia un Estado plural, y en ello el bibliotecólogo tiene una injerencia preponderante. Además, se establece que la información, como una necesidad básica legítima, fortalece el desarrollo de una ciudadanía participativa y la toma de decisiones, lo que se traduce en un mejor ejercicio de la autodeterminación y la autonomía, lo que contribuye en autocomprensión y construcción de la identidad personal y colectiva. El artículo se basa en la teoría de justicia social de John Rawls y el pluralismo cultural de León Olivé y Luis Villoro.

The Complexity of Economies and Pluralism in Economics

From the two premises that (1) economies are complex systems and (2) the accumulation of knowledge about reality is desirable, I derive the conclusion that pluralism with regard to economic research programs is a more viable position to hold than monism. To substantiate this claim an epistemological framework of how scholars study their objects of inquiry and relate their models to reality is discussed. Furthermore, it is argued that given the current institutions of our scientific system, economics self-organizes towards a state of scientific unity. Since such a state is epistemologically inferior to a state of plurality, critical intervention is desirable. <italic>JEL Codes: A1, A2, B4</italic>

"Voice of Jacob, Body of Esau": A Nigerian Writer's Dilemma in Communicating the Postcolonial in the Colonial Language

In a pluralistic state like Nigeria, the choice of language for the creative writer is important both as a function of the literary imagination and as a reflection of the choice of political ideology. In a sense, and in more cases, choice of language is imposed on the writer by circumstances of birth and teh geographical environment he finds himself in. This may be no choice at all. Yet, how language is deployed helps to define the trajectory of a writer's work. Often the writer in a postcolonial state has both his mother tongue and the language of the colonial conqueror at his disposal. Through the foreign language, he can reach millions of his own people and beyond. However, the inscribed meanings and cultures embedded in that language are alien, even injurious to the survival of the conquered.

John Courtney Murray on Church and State

70 Studies • volume 106 • number 421 John Courtney Murray on Church and State1 Gerard Whelan SJ John Courtney Murray (1904-67) played an important role in producing Vatican II’s key doctrinal statement, the Declaration on Religious Freedom (Dignitatis Humanae) in 1965. In this article, I offer an outline of Murray’s intellectual biography, noting in particular how his thinking underwent creative development after the Council, as he turned to the thought of fellow Jesuit Bernard Lonergan. In outlining the Irish Church’s slowness to heed the message of Dignitatis Humanae and to accept that Ireland was becoming a secular and pluralist state, I suggest that Murray’s reflections and the importance of Lonergan’s thought for the Church remain as true for Ireland as for elsewhere. MURRAY’S INTELLECTUAL JOURNEY2 Early life and development (1904-46) John Courtney Murray was born in 1904 and, having joined the New York Province of the Jesuits, was sent for doctoral studies in theology at the Gregorian University in Rome (1937-40). Upon his return he was given a number of jobs: to lecture inTrinitarian theology in the Jesuit seminary outside New York City and also to be a founding editor of two Jesuit publications, the academic journal Theological Studies, and the periodical America, aimed at an educated Catholic audience. He would continue in all three roles until his untimely death of a heart attack in 1967. At various times he complained about this workload, suggesting that it prevented him from being able to do any one task well. In retrospect, however, the variety of commitments he undertook had a cross-fertilising effect. His journalistic work helped him be alert to key signs of the times; his academic work enabled him to recognise the deeper theological questions at issue in certain contemporary events. From a young age, he had been attracted to Catholic social teaching and the notion that the Church should contribute to both the education of good citizens and robust debate around public decisionmaking . Although always an admirer of American political order, he felt that Gerard Whelan SJ Studies • volume 106 • number 421 71 the quality of debate was fast deteriorating and that a Catholic contribution was needed. He attributed the deterioration to a number of factors: the difficulty of understanding public policy in an increasingly complicated industrial society; a reduction in the quality of education at popular level; and a reduction of the quality of media debate, often under the influence of self-interested, rich media moguls:3 Underneath the countless surface currents that are bearing in all directions in the thought of our contemporaries, there is, it seems, a deeper current that long ago set in – one might perhaps better call it an enveloping drift: by the action of a considerable portion of its elite thinkers, Western humanity is denying its Christian origins and turning away from God.4 Murray was aware that, during the 1930s in the USA, Catholics had not often felt qualified to engage in public debate and thought of themselves as representing a ‘ghetto Church’, made of certain immigrant communities. He knew that the Second World War, with the mixing of ethnic and religious groups in the army contributing to a more unified sense of nationhood, had made a big difference to this. But, as he began his work on America and Theological Studies, he came to recognise that there was one major obstacle to Catholics enjoying credibility in public debate: the current Church teaching on the question of religious liberty. At this time the teaching on Church-state relations looked back with nostalgia to medieval times, when Catholic kings could be relied upon to make the faith the official religion of states and to exercise official ‘intolerance’ of other religions. After the Protestant Reformation, ‘Plan B’ developed: when Catholic populations found themselves in a minority, they should focus on protecting their right to freedom of religious practice. Even with the advent of Catholic social teaching, from the 1890s on, little stress was placed on the responsibility of Catholic minority populations to promote Catholic social teaching and contribute to the common good of the cultures in which they found themselves. Having identified the question of...

“If Chemists Don’t Do It, Who Is Going To?” Peer-driven Occupational Change and the Emergence of Green Chemistry

We investigate the emergence and growth of “green chemistry”—an effort by chemists to encourage other chemists to reduce the health, safety, and environmental impacts of chemical products and processes—to explore how occupational members, absent external triggers for change, influence how their peers do their work. Using extensive interviews, archival data, and observations, we find that advocates simultaneously advanced different frames that specified the utility of making the change: (1) a normalizing frame, positioning green chemistry as consistent with mainstream chemistry innovation; (2) a moralizing frame, positioning it as an ethical imperative; and (3) a pragmatizing frame, positioning it as a tool that could help chemists tackle problems they encountered in their day-to-day work. Each frame resonated differently with chemists in their various occupational roles. Though this pluralistic approach generated broad acceptance of the change effort, it also exposed tensions, which threatened the coherence of the change. Advocates’ diverse responses to these tensions contribute to a persistent state of pluralism and dynamism in the change effort. We uncover a process through which occupational members generate and sustain change, show how occupational heterogeneity can enable and delimit change, and show how well-meaning efforts to “moralize” occupational work can heighten resistance, inhibiting the very changes that enable experts to address urgent societal problems.