Platform Mounds Research Articles

A Case of Congenital Radioulnar Synostosis from Prehispanic Peru

A rare example of congenital radioulnar synostosis was observed in a sample of 160 male, female, and juvenile Lambayeque (Sicán) skeletons excavated from Huaca Cao Viejo, a mud brick platform mound built during the Early Intermediate Period and later utilized by a Late Intermediate Period Lambayeque population (ca. AD 950–1250) for interments. The affected individual was a young female, estimated to be 16–18 years of age at the time of death. To date, this is the first case of congenital radioulnar synostosis to be described from an archaeological context in South America, and one of 13 reported archaeological cases worldwide. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Mound Construction Chronology at Angel Mounds Episodic Mound Construction and Ceremonial Events

AbstractMound F was the second-largest platform mound at Angel Mounds (12Vg1), a Mississippian town in southwestern Indiana. It consisted of a simple truncated pyramid shape, but excavations in 1939–1942 and 1964–1965 revealed at least two platforms that once contained buildings buried within it. Each of these mounds and buildings were successively larger than the preceding. The first platform mound (informally known as the inner mound) was <1 m high and include at least two buildings. Thatch from one building yielded a 14C age of 900 B.P. Other 14C ages indicated that the inner mound was buried ca. 750 B.P. when a second ca. 2 m high platform (informally known as the primary mound) was built. Features and structural elements from a large, multichambered building on this surface yield 14C ages between 680 and 530 B.P. A final ca. 3–4 m mound (informally known as the secondary mound) was built over the Primary Mound soon after 530 B.P. No building was found on the secondary mound’s upper platform.Compared ...

Community and Ritual Within the Mississippian Center at Town Creek

AbstractThis article evaluates aspects of an occupational history that was developed for the Town Creek site, a small Mississippian center in the North Carolina Piedmont that was occupied sometime between A.D. 1150–1400. Town Creek’s occupational history suggests that its Mississippian community consisted of multiple, discrete household groups, and that these groups were important throughout the center’s existence. Analyses of architectural, mortuary, and ceramic data indicate that Town Creek began as a town with a substantial domestic population, but it evolved into more of a vacant center later in time. This decline in domestic population coincided with significant evidence for site-wide ritual activity that included the construetion of a platform mound and the use of cemeteries in former house locations. Parallels between the small center at Town Creek and some of the largest Mississippian centers, especially the persistence of household-group spaces and an emphasis on ritual activities later in time, suggest that interaction among discrete social groups within a ritual context was a salient part of being Mississippian.

An Integrated Geoarchaeology of a Late Woodland Sand Mound

AbstractThe Graveline Mound (22JA503) is a sand platform mound in Jackson County, Mississippi, built on a low, late Pleistocene terrace on the Mississippi Sound. The Late Woodland mound (A.D. 590–780) is composed of local soils, and its presence today is a testament to the ancient builders’ knowledge of earthen construction materials and methods. Central to the study of the mound is an integrated geoarchaeological approach that uses stratigraphy and micromorphology to decipher material source and selection, construction techniques, and periodicity, in combination with more traditional artifacts, revealing the activities that created this ultimately monumental space. The mound was built in three rapid stages beginning with a low earthwork demarcating a ritual precinct used during late spring/early summer. Stage II quickly followed with a series of alternating zoned fills, sealing the space that was then subsequently covered by Stage III, a massive hard red surface that marked the location with a platform mound.

Analysis of a Surface Collection from the L. A. Hale (41TT12) Mound Site, Titus County, Texas

This article, and the three that follow in this volume, are summaries of artifact surface collections obtained by Robert L. Turner, Jr. at four sites in the Big Cypress Creek basin in the Post Oak Savanna and Pineywoods of Northeast Texas. The first surface collection is from the L.A. Hale Mound site (41TTI2) on Blundell Creek, a southward-draining tributary to Big Cypress Creek. According to Thurmond, the principal component at the L.A. Hale Mound site is an Early Caddo (ca. A.D. 900-1200) mound center with extensive midden deposits. There are six mounds at the site, two large platform mounds (Mounds 1 and 2) and four low mounds that cover occupational deposits and burned house structures. There are also four large midden areas adjacent to the earthen mounds as well as at least one borrow pit. In addition to the Early Caddo component, Thurmond has recognized Late Paleoindian, Early Archaic, Middle Archaic, Late Caddo Titus phase, and an early historic Anglo-American occupation from material culture remains recovered in excavations conducted at the site in 1934 by A. T. Jackson (1934) at The University of Texas and a 1980 surface collection by Susan Lisk of The University of Texas at Austin. Turner's collection adds additional information on the occupational history of the site. The exact location of the surface collection area at the site is not known.

OBSIDIAN SOURCE CHARACTERIZATION AT LAS COLINAS: SHIFTING EXCHANGE PATTERNS DURING THE HOHOKAM SEDENTARY - CLASSIC TRANSITION

Previous studies of the Hohokam have suggested that obsidian procurement and distribution practices were conducted differently between two subsequent intervals, the Sedentary and Classic periods. In the Sedentary period, obsidian may have changed hands at events associated with the ballcourt ritual. By the Classic period, obsidian is argued to have moved either through an elite-sponsored or kinship-based economy. However, the Sedentary and Classic periods are long temporal intervals, which, when used to describe changes in time, can mask short-term but significant temporal variation. Our research employs a refined dating scheme, standard lithic analysis, and X-ray fluorescence spectrometry on a sample of obsidian from the Hohokam village of Las Colinas to determine: (1) when the change in obsidian exchange patterns actually began, (2) if the transition was an immediate shift or a gradual trend, and more generally (3) the behavioral changes related to the Sedentary to Classic transition. The results of our study suggest that there was not one decisive transition in the obsidian exchange system, but rather changes in the procurement patterns (i.e., frequency and sources) at two different points in time. These shifts in the movement of obsidian were felt at Las Colinas, and perhaps across much of the Hohokam region, and were seemingly related to the demise of the ballcourt network at the end of the middle Sedentary and the later rise of platform mounds during the early Classic period.

DATING THE CONSTRUCTION OF EARLY LATE WOODLAND EARTHEN MONUMENTS AT THE JACKSON LANDING SITE IN COASTAL MISSISSIPPI

Middle Woodland and early Late Woodland monuments generally have been interpreted as ceremonial spaces that integrated communities both within and among regions. This article presents information on the early Late Woodland component at the Jackson Landing site, a large site with a platform mound and semicircular earthwork, located on the Mississippi Gulf Coast. Earlier research is synthesized with more recent investigations of the mound to argue that the site’s monuments were built during the early Late Woodland period between approximately A.D. 400 to 700. Determining when Jackson Landing’s monuments were built is important because their construction provides a temporal baseline for regional and, perhaps, interregional social integration along the central Gulf Coast.

A REASSESSMENT OF THE CHRONOLOGY OF MOUND A AT TOQUA

The Toqua site (40MR6) is one of the most thoroughly excavated Late Mississippian mound sites in East Tennessee. The site has been a focal point of research on late prehistory in southern Appalachia, but there are issues surrounding its chronological placement. The radiometric dates obtained for the site in the 1970s and the archaeomagnetic dates reported in 1999 have large standard deviations. These dates are too imprecise to be useful for a temporal placement of the site that is clear enough for current discussions of the development of Mississippian culture. A newly obtained Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (AMS) date from the large platform mound (Mound A) allows a reevaluation of the occupation sequence of the Toqua site. This date provides an anchor for a refined chronology for Mound A. In addition to the new AMS date, this refined chronology is based on complementary lines of evidence, including architectural evidence, mortuary practices, pottery traditions, and shell gorget styles.

The prehistoric drug trade: widespread consumption of cacao in Ancestral Pueblo and Hohokam communities in the American Southwest

We propose the existence of extensive trade and interaction among the peoples of the American Southwest and Mesoamerica. We base this inference on our detection of the widespread presence of theobromine, the biomarker for cacao, in 50 of 75 vessels used by Ancestral Puebloans (previously referred to as Anasazi) elites and non-elites from the Four Corners area and Hohokam elites of the Gila and Salt river valleys in the prehistoric American Southwest. We used a non-invasive, non-destructive aqueous sampling procedure that provides conservation advantages over the current methods that require crushing and boiling sherds or removing residues from vessel surfaces. Analysis of these samples by sensitive LC-MS instrumentation capable of detecting nanogram quantities of material revealed theobromine in non-local vessel forms found in elite burials in great house and platform mound sites as well as in local vessel forms used by non-elites living in small unit-pueblos. After elimination of plants native to the Southwest as the source of theobromine, we conclude that either Theobroma cacao or Theobroma Bicolor was imported from its homeland in the Mesoamerican tropical coastal lowlands. Our results are at odds with the current consensus that there was little systematic commerce between Mesoamerican and Southwestern polities. We suggest that cacao was exchanged for high quality turquoise such as that mined in the Cerrillos, New Mexico mining district. We conclude that, far from being isolated developmentally, this trade integrally tied populations in the American Southwest to the socio-political and economic activities of Mesoamerican states.

The Construction, Use, and Abandonment of Angel Site Mound A Tracing the History of a Middle Mississippian Town Through Its Earthworks

Mound A is the largest platform mound at the Angel site (12VG1), a Middle Mississippian town along the Ohio River in southwestern Indiana, and consists of an upper and lower platform joined by an offset conical peak. Solid-earth cores, geophysical data, and 14C ages indicate that mound construction began at 900 B.P. by stacking 10–15 cm-thick turf blocks two meters high at the junction of the upper-lower platform and that by 890 B.P. the upper platform was built to nearly its full 8m height. The dates from Mound A are among the earliest recorded from the site, which implies that earthwork construction coincided with the initial occupation of the site and was among the first construction tasks undertaken. Cultural features associated with a structure partly buried under the conical offset on the upper platform of Mound A yielded 14C ages of 750–520 B.P., which show that the upper platform surface was probably used throughout occupation. As also occurred on Mound F (the only other platform mound investigated at the site), the Mound A structure was destroyed and covered with a fresh layer of fill just before site abandonment. This final filling episode to cap the mounds may have been part of a "ceremonial closing" of the site. The youngest dates from the structures buried on Mounds A and F, as well as others across the site, suggest that the Angel site was essentially abandoned by 500 B.P., which also corresponds with the abandonment of Mississippian sites throughout the region.

Evolutionary Ecology, Elite Feasting, and the Hohokam: A Case Study from a Southern Arizona Platform Mound

A number of researchers have shown that the abundance, diversity, and size of prey consumed or displayed at a feast can be used by elites to solidify and/or aggrandize their social position. Expectations for archaeological signatures of elite feasting—derived from ethnographic studies, archaeological research, and ecological theory—are used to assess the archaeofaunal record from selected contexts of the Marana platform mound site, located in southern Arizona. The magnitude of work conducted in the region provides a unique opportunity to address the importance of feasting as a mechanism of power consolidation among Hohokam elites. Here, we examine a hypothesized locus of elite feasting among the Classic period Hohokam (ca. A.D. 1250). A relatively high concentration of animal bone derived from a burned room adjacent to the Marana platform mound was first thought to represent debris from elite feasting. Analysis reveals a proportionate taxonomic profile that is similar to the remainder of the community and an overwhelming abundance of small game relative to large prey. Neither situation is consistent with elite feasting expectations. These results argue for a form of feasting among non-elites that likely served to promote intragroup solidarity or political support within the community.

SOUTH APPALACHIAN MISSISSIPPIAN AND PROTOHISTORIC MORTUARY PRACTICES IN SOUTHWESTERN NORTH CAROLINA

Mississippian societies of southwestern North Carolina are generally thought to have been less centralized and less hierarchical than their counterparts elsewhere in the Southeast. This paper compares and contrasts mortuary patterns at the Warren Wilson, Garden Creek, and Coweeta Creek sites to reconstruct patterns of social and spatial differentiation within late prehistoric and protohistoric communities in southwestern North Carolina. These sites include, respectively, a late prehistoric stockaded village, a platform mound and village, and a protohistoric Cherokee town with a public structure and several domestic dwellings. Distributions of burial goods and the placement of burials indicate that some social distinctions were reflected in the treatment of the dead by Mississippian and protohistoric groups in southwestern North Carolina, and that those distinctions were embedded in the architecture and built environment of these sites.

ARCHITECTURAL SYMBOLISM AND CHEROKEE TOWNHOUSES

Public structures known as townhouses were hubs of public life within Cherokee communities in the southern Appalachians before and after European contact. Townhouses themselves were architectural manifestations of Cherokee towns. The architectural symbolism of townhouses was related to the symbolism of late precontact Mississippian platform mounds, mythical connections between earthen mounds and Cherokee townhouses, and color symbolism that was widespread in the Southeast during the eighteenth century. These points are evident from documentary sources, oral tradition, and the sequence of protohistoric Cherokee townhouses at the Coweeta Creek site in southwestern North Carolina.

6 Residential Burial, Gender Roles, and Political Development in Late Prehistoric and Early Cherokee Cultures of the Southern Appalachians

ABSTRACTNative people in the southern Appalachians began placing graves in and around residences in the 13th century C.E. Burials previously were placed in specialized burial mounds that likely belonged to individual kin groups. For several centuries, the practice of residential burial was contemporaneous with burial in or near public buildings that sometimes were built on platform mounds. During this time, residential versus ‘public’ burial became related to spatial symbolism of gender and leadership roles. These changes suggest a developmental trajectory that distinguishes southern Appalachian societies from their contemporaries elsewhere in the southeastern U.S.

King: the social archaeology of a Late Mississippian town in northwestern Georgia

At the time of Spanish contact in A.D. 1540, the Mississippian inhabitants of the great valley in north-western Georgia and adjacent portions of Alabama and Tennessee were organized into a number of chiefdoms distributed along the Coosa and Tennessee rivers and their major tributaries. The administrative centers of these polities were large settlements with one or more platform mounds and a plaza. Each had a large resident population, but most polity members lived in a half dozen or so towns located within a day's walk of the center. This book is about one such town, located on the Coosa River in Georgia and known to archaeologists as the King site.Excavations of two-thirds of the 5.1-acre King site reveal a detailed picture of the town's domestic and public architecture and overall settlement plan. Intensive analysis of architectural features, especially of domestic structures, enables a better understanding of the variation in structure size, compass orientation, construction stages, and symbolic cosmological associations; the identification of multi-family households; and the position of individual structures within the town's occupation sequence or life history. Comparison of domestic architecture and burials reveals considerable variation between households in house size, shell bead wealth, and prominence of adult members.One household is pre-eminent in all these characteristics and may represent the household of the town chief or his matrilineal extended family. Analysis of public architectural features has revealed the existence of a large meeting house with likely historical connections to 18th-century Creek town houses; a probable cosmological basis for the town's physical layout; and an impressive stockade-and-ditch defensive perimeter.The King site represents a nearly ideal opportunity to identify the kinds of status positions that were held by individual inhabitants; analyze individual households and investigate the roles they played in King site society; reconstruct the community that existed at King, including size, life history, symbolic associations, and integrative mechanisms; and place King in the larger regional political system. With excavations dating back to 1973, and supported in part by the National Endowment for the Humanities and the National Geographic Society, this is social archaeology at its best.

Differential diagnosis of cartilaginous dysplasia and probable Osgood-Schlatter's disease in a Mississippian individual from East Tennessee

This paper details the differential diagnosis of an adult female skeleton displaying features consistent with a cartilaginous dysplasia and Osgood–Schlatter's disease. This burial was excavated in 1940 from a Mississippian platform mound at the DeArmond site (40RE12) in Roane County, Tennessee as part of the Works Progress Administration (WPA) and Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) archaeological investigations. The right humerus and left femur of this individual display traits consistent with achondroplasia, such as shortened length and normal width. However, the rest of the long bones display typical morphology. The affected humerus and femur are 82 mm and 58 mm shorter than their counterparts, respectively. This makes for obvious asymmetry. A review of the various cartilaginous dysplasias was undertaken to identify those conditions concordant with the differential manifestation of the long bone asymmetry. Morphological and radiographic analyses were used to rule out possible diagnoses. The most likely candidate is enchondromatosis out of the presented conditions, as it most commonly affects the long bones, does not affect every bone in the skeleton, and is asymmetrical in its manifestation. In addition to the cartilaginous dysplasia, both anterior proximal tibial metaphyses of this individual display defects that are roughly triangular with pitted, irregular floors. Osgood–Schlatter's disease is caused by repeated trauma to the tibial tuberosity during childhood. This individual would have walked with an obvious limp, and perhaps the added biomechanical stress on both quadriceps muscles as a result caused the injuries and resultant defects to its attachment points. Evidence of these conditions in an adult indicates that the Mississippian people in this community offered some sort of social support to differently-abled individuals. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The Mexican Connection and the Far West of the U.S. Southeast

New World archaeologists have long agreed that there was prehistoric cultural interaction between the southeastern United States and Mesoamerica, but seldom are the details of such potential relationships discussed, especially recently. The farthest westward extent of Southeastern cultural influences, as shown through the distributions of fiber-tempered pottery, Archaic and Woodland mounds, later platform mounds, ceramic styles, and other material culture, seems to be east Texas. Only a few Mexican artifacts have been found at the edges of the Southeast-obsidian at Spiro and coastal Texas, asphalt-covered pottery extending northward from Mexico into southern Texas-though general ideological connections, not to mention the sharing of maize agriculture, seem obvious. In northeast Mexico, outside the Mesoamerican heartland, Huastecan people made artifacts similar to types in the Southeast. But long-distance interactions overland or via the Gulf of Mexico were apparently sporadic, despite some common cultural foundations. Strong Southeastern cultural identities plus the presence of the north Mexico/south Texas desert may have discouraged movement into the Southeast of many important Mesoamerican traditions, such as cotton growing and beer drinking.

Crucible of Andean Civilization

The focus of the development of the first complex, centralized societies on the coast of Peru between 3000 and 1800 BC was a portion of the coast known as the Norte Chico, where more than 30 large Late Archaic sites with monumental platform mounds, ceremonial plazas, and residential architecture have now been identified. Differing theories have been offered to explain the emergence of complex polities in this region. New settlement and radiocarbon data suggest an alternative theoretical model that posits a regional sphere of interaction with a dominant political nexus in the Norte Chico region and participation by maritime fishing communities up and down the coast.

Cavanaugh: A Late Prehistoric Platform Mound in Western Arkansas

Cavanaugh Mound (3SB3, also known as Etter's Mound, Jones Mound, Site Zeta, and occasionally misspelled Cavenaugh) is a largely intact Late Prehistoric platform mound on the Arkansas River just east of the Oklahoma border, about 14 km from the Spiro Mounds complex. The site is situated on a high terrace above the Arkansas River as it runs between the Ouachita Mountains to the south and the Ozarks to the north. The Poteau River enters the Arkansas River floodplain just west of Cavanaugh, creating one of the widest stretches of bottomland in the region. The area immediately around Cavanaugh Mound is now a residential neighborhood in the city of Fort Smith, and the mound itself is in a tiny lot with a church to the south, a trailer park to the east (named Indian Mounds Trailer Park), and a row of houses to the west. At about 60 m across and 9 m high, Cavanaugh Mound is one of the largest, if not the largest, prehistoric mound in the region. Very little has been published concerning this site, however, and very little formal archeological work has been done there. This article is partly intended to call attention to Cavanaugh Mound, and to compile all reports and descriptions of the mound in one publication. The first part of the article is therefore mostly descriptive. I also offer some tentative interpretations of the site and its possible relationship to the nearby Spiro and Skidgel sites. The size , shape, and stratigraphy of the mound all indicate that it was constructed and used in a manner similar to other Caddoan era platform mounds in the Arkansas River valley. The mound appears to be alone on the landscape, not connected to a group of surrounding mounds and not located within or near a contemporaneous settlement. It overlooks the Poteau/ Arkansas River bottoms to the west and was probably visible from both the Spiro and Skidgel sites in prehistoric times.

Sociopolitical Implications of Mississippian Mound Volume

Variation in the scale of Mississippian mound building is an important measure of regional settlement hierarchies. However, factors thought to determine the size of platform mounds are subject to two contradictory interpretations. Mound volume is said to result from either the duration of mound use or the size of the labor force recruited by leaders for mound construction. To evaluate these competing propositions, a sample of excavated mounds is examined and four variables are recorded for each mound: a mound volume index, the duration of mound use, the number of construction stages, and the number of mounds at the site. The relationships among these variables are summarized, and the relative merits of the two competing interpretations are assessed. It is concluded that not all of the variation in mound volume can be explained by duration of use, that additional factors must be considered, and that the social context of mound construction probably differed at large multiple-mound sites and smaller mound sites.