370 SEER, 85, 2, 2007 PittsburghPhD dissertation,'A CulturalAnalysisof the Russo-SovietAnekdot' (pp. 3-4). Those interestedin the role of the literaryanecdote should also be aware of David Macphail's recent and as yet unpublished PhD thesis on 'The Anecdote in Modern Russian Fiction', availablein (but not, apparently, borrowable from) Cambridge University Library: , then, via 'UniversityLibraryManuscriptsand Theses', to PhD.29292. Department of Slavonic Studies MARTIN DEWHIRST Universiy of Glasgow Lynch, Allen C. How Russia Is Not Ruled:Reflections on RussianPolitical Development. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge and New York, 2005. xii + 276 pp. Tables. Notes. Select bibliography. Index. fi5.99 (paperback). A decade and a half has passed since the collapse of the Soviet socio-political order, long enough for seriousreflectionon its significanceand the prospects of the new Russia. Lynch's reading is a sombre one, though not entirely devoid of hope. He manages to touch in this not over-long book on a widle range of relevantdata and concludes, inter alia,that the country's'implosion'is not inevitable, but cannot be excluded. Russia's vastness and the poverty of her agriculture are shown as lying at the root of her woes, by generating a patrimonial absolutism defined as 'the distinctive integration of power as sovereignty and power as control of wealth (be it in land, minerals,or people)', and hence (quotingCharlesTilley) 'leavinglittle space for the accumulationand concentrationof capital outside the state' (p. I9). Lynch elaboratesRussia's contrastwith Western Europe in this and a range of subsidiaryrespects, most importantly in the need for a state 'powerfulenough to mobilize Russia's resources on an extensive basis, however inefficiently,at the expense of the living standardsof the population as a whole' (p. 39). The consolidation of Stalinist order intensifiedand perfected a new form of patrimonial absolutism,while the effects of the Soviet order's collapse in the wake of Gorbachev's reforms still shape the trajectory of post-Soviet development. These effects, alas, were to prove disastrous.In terms of the internationalcompetitivenessof its economic base Russia ranked last out of the world'sforty-ninemajor economies in I996, last out of fifty-ninein I999, and sixty-fourthout of eighty in 2002. In terms of social criteriathe situation was no better, e.g. male life expectancy is now no greaterthan it was in the I8gos. This bald summary of the book's core argument does scant justice to the richness of Lynch's analysisand his imaginativeuse of internationaland temporal comparisons. To take two examples, a contrast is drawn between Soviet war-time civilianmobilizationand the far less rigorousmobilizationin Nazi Germany (p. 58), while he notes that 'communist economies tended to be more backwardcompared to their Western counterpartsat the end of the REVIEWS 37I communist experience than at the beginning' (p. 49). Lynch calculates the number of violent deaths sufferedby Russians,from the Firstand the Second WorldWars, the Civil War, concentrationcamp hardships,famine and so on, at some thirtymillions (pp. 66-68). The bulk of his analysis,however, is devoted to the post-Communistyears. Gorbachev's reformswere to confront managers with the choice of treating their plant's assets as if they owned them, or yielding them to others willing to do so. Meanwhile, the leaders of the non-Russian republics faced an analogous choice, precipitatingthe collapse of the USSR. Lynch traces the variouspaths to personal enrichmentpursuedby the future 'oligarchs',while citing figures on the 'devastation' of the Russian economy as a whole, and condemns the attempt, encouraged by American and other Western supportersto institute massive and complex socioeconomic reforms without an adequate legal, administrative, fiscal or political foundation to sustain them' (p. 94). Breakneckprivatization proceeded, some 8o,ooo of them in 1992-93. Among the consequences were the vast undergroundeconomy and the syphoning off of profitsby criminal groups and corruptofficials.In 2002 small and medium businesses still numbered under a million (compared to about a half of the work force in Britain and the USA). Meanwhile the number of state employees kept rising. Social effects were no less alarming, e.g. less than a third of Russians under eighteen were judged healthy by medical authoritiesand a sixth were diagnosed with chronic illnesses(p. 99). Furtheralarmingdevelopmentsinclude the mass emigrationof scientistsas funding at home collapsed (p. II9...
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