Place Of Articulation Research Articles

Consonant Repertoire of a Prelinguistically Deaf Child with Late-Mapping Cochlear Implants

Objective: The present case study aims to report on the consonant repertoire during the pre-linguistic and first linguistic stage of a Greek-Cypriot speaking child bilaterally implanted with multichannel Cochlear Implants (CIs). Background: Children with Hearing Loss (HL) produce canonical babble later, and consonantal inventories of HL children are smaller. However, the consonant repertoire of CI Greek-speaking children has not been examined thus far and research on types of consonantal errors during phonological acquisition is scant. Clinical Case: A pre-linguistically deaf child (CY, 7;0 years old) received the first CI at 7 months of age, but the external part of the device was fitted at 2;7 years. An investigation of the child’s speech at 7;0 years was conducted through auditory analysis. The child’s canonical utterances were transcribed in IPA and his consonants were classified into subcategories, depending on articulation place, articulation manner and resonance. Regarding place, alveolar consonants were the main category produced. As regards manner, closed consonants was the first category to appear, while in terms of voicing, voiceless consonants were recorded more often than voiced ones. The analysis also showed that consonants /t/, /s/ and /p/ were dominant in the child’s speech and revealed several phonological processes. Conclusion: The present case holds special interest as the child’s phonological system is still between the pre-linguistic/first linguistic stages due to the delayed CI mapping. The results agree in part with several studies in the literature, while specific phonological error patterns observed, remain to be verified in other CI Greek-speaking children.

Non-native acoustic modeling for mispronunciation verification based on language adversarial representation learning

Non-native mispronunciation verification is designed to provide feedback to guide language learners to correct their pronunciation errors in their further learning and it plays an important role in the computer-aided pronunciation training (CAPT) system. Most existing approaches focus on establishing the acoustic model directly using non-native corpus thus they are suffering the data sparsity problem due to time-consuming non-native speech data collection and annotation tasks. In this work, to address this problem, we propose a pre-trained approach to utilize the speech data of two native languages (the learner’s native and target languages) for non-native mispronunciation verification. We set up an unsupervised model to extract knowledge from a large scale of unlabeled raw speech of the target language by making predictions about future observations in the speech signal, then the model is trained with language adversarial training using the learner’s native language to align the feature distribution of two languages by confusing a language discriminator. In addition, sinc filter is incorporated at the first convolutional layer to capture the formant-like feature. Formant is relevant to the place and manner of articulation. Therefore, it is useful not only for pronunciation error detection but also for providing instructive feedback. Then the pre-trained model serves as the feature extractor in the downstream mispronunciation verification task. Through the experiments on the Japanese part of the BLCU inter-Chinese speech corpus, the experimental results demonstrate that for the non-native phone recognition and mispronunciation verification tasks (1) the knowledge learned from two native languages speech with the proposed unsupervised approach is useful for these two tasks (2) our proposed language adversarial representation learning is effective to improve the performance (3) formant-like feature can be incorporated by introducing sinc filter to further improve the performance of mispronunciation verification.

Temporal differences between high vowels and glides are more robust than spatial differences

It is often taken for granted that the glides [j] and [w] differ from their high-vowel counterparts [i] and [u] by having a greater degree of constriction and shorter duration. Yet there is little phonetic research to support these assumptions. Furthermore, although phonological patterns indicate that vowels and glides can be distinct phonemic categories, the extent to which their phonetic properties are categorically distinguished by speakers is unknown. We conducted an experiment to investigate articulatory and acoustic differences between productions of English vowels and glides at palatal and labio-velar places of articulation, in which participants imitated ambiguous intervocalic stimuli which varied in duration and intensity. The results showed that all speakers manipulated temporal aspects of their imitations of both palatal and labio-velar targets, while only some speakers manipulated constriction degree, and only for the labio-velars. This finding suggests that temporal organization may be more important than constriction degree for the glide-vowel distinction. Furthermore, temporal variables were often non-linearly related to stimulus duration, supporting the hypothesis that there exists a categorical difference in the temporal organization of articulatory gestures for vowels vs glides.

Adult perception of stop consonant voicing in American-English-learning toddlers: Voice onset time and secondary cues.

Most studies of speech perception employ highly controlled stimuli. It is not always clear how such results extend to the processing of natural speech. In a series of experiments, we progressively explored the role of voice onset time (VOT) and potential secondary cues in adult labeling of stressed syllable-initial /b d p t/ produced by typically developing two-year-old learners of American English. Taken together, the results show the following: (a) Adult listeners show phoneme boundaries in labeling functions comparable to what have been established for adult speech. (b) Adult listeners can be sensitive to distributional properties of the stimulus set, even in a study that employs highly varied naturalistic productions from multiple speakers. (c) Secondary cues are available in the speech of two-year-olds, and these may influence listener judgments. Cues may differ across places of articulation and the VOT continuum. These results can lend insight into how clinicians judge child speech during assessment and also have implications for our understanding of the role of primary and secondary acoustic cues in adult perception of child speech.

Nasalance Scores for Normal Speakers of American English Obtained by the Nasometer II Using the MacKay-Kummer SNAP-R Test.

To establish nasalance score norms for adolescent and young adult native speakers of American English and also determine age-group and gender differences using the Simplified Nasometric Assessment Procedures (SNAP) Test-R and Nasometer II. Prospective study using a randomly selected sample of participants. Greater Cincinnati area and Miami University of Ohio. Participants had a history of normal speech and language development and no history of speech therapy. Participants in the adolescent group were recruited from schools in West Clermont and Hamilton County, whereas the young adults were recruited from Miami University of Ohio. The participants of both groups were residents of Cincinnati, Ohio or Oxford, Ohio and spoke midland American English dialect. Mean nasalance scores for the SNAP Test-R. Normative nasalance scores were obtained for the Syllable Repetition/Prolonged Sounds, Picture-Cued, and Paragraph subtests. Results showed statistically significant nasalance score differences between adolescents and young adults in the Syllable Repetition, Picture-Cued, and Paragraph subtests, and between males and females in the Syllable Repetition and the Sound-Prolonged subtests. A significant univariate effect was found for the syllables and sentences containing nasal consonants and high vowels compared to syllables and sentences containing oral consonants and low vowels. Across all the SNAP Test-R subtests, the females' nasalance scores were higher than the males. A significant univariate effect was also found across nasal syllables, and high vowels such that the females' nasalance scores were higher than the males. Tables of normative data are provided that may be useful for clinical purposes. Norms obtained demonstrated nasalance score differences according to age and gender, particularly in the Syllable Repetition/Prolonged Sound subtest. These differences were discussed in light of potential reasons for their existence and implications for understanding velopharyngeal function. In addition, nasalance scores are affected by the vowel type and place of articulation of the consonant. These facts should be considered when nasometry is used clinically and for research purposes.

SIMPLIFICATION IN PHONOLOGICAL ACQUISITION (A CASE STUDY OF ATALA)

<p>This study aims to determine a child’s language acquisition at the phonological level and to describe its simplification of sounds. This research is a case study applying a qualitative descriptive approach. The subject observed is Atala, a boy aged 28 months. The data are obtained by recording and direct observation approximately one month. The data are transcribed and then identified by comparing the child's pronunciation with adult mode in order to see the simplification of the sounds in the child's speech. Based on the Ingram’s theory, 34 data presented shows the simplifications of sounds occur in the form of substitution consisting of stopping (6), fronting (9), and gliding (5); assimilation containing consonant harmony (3) and vowel harmony (2); while syllable structure consisting of last consonant reduction (2) and initial onset reduction (7). It is found that the simplifications of sounds commonly happen on the substitution covering fronting and stopping then syllable structure covering initial onset reduction. It is due to an indication that the child is imperfect to actively move the articulators in appropriate place or manner of articulation especially in producing some fairly complex sounds. There are some sounds cannot be produced in this case, such as sounds [r], [s], and [g], the subject obviously simplifies these sounds when he has to pronounce them in any positions of a word. Meanwhile he has been able to produce singly vowels and consonant [a], [i], [u], [e], [o], [p], [b], [t], [d], [m], [n], [ɲ], [ŋ], [w], [y], [j], [c], [l], [h], [?], but sometimes simplifies them in certain position of the word.</p>

Voice Onset Time (VOT) Consonants Realization of Indian-Muslim English Speakers in Malaysia

Voice Onset Time (VOT) is commonly found in most spoken languages. It is a speech feature to indicate differences in voicing and meaning. In particular, the duration of Voice Onset Time values is directly determined by place of articulation, with labial VOT values being shorter than velar and alveolar and, sometimes, alveolar being shorter than velar. In the present study, the researchers examined the VOT values of English speakers in Malaysia, particularly Indian-Muslim English speakers in the northwest region of Malaysia. From the analysis conducted by employing PRAAT software in examining differences in VOT values of voiced and voiceless plosives, the results revealed that there were significant differences in VOT values of bilabial plosives of /p/ and /b/ as well as alveolar plosives of /t/ and /d/ in Indian-Muslim English speakers’ community. However, there is no significant difference in the VOT values of both voiced and voiceless velar plosives of /k/ and /g/, indicating the influence of the speakers’ mother tongue in their English language use. In the case of prominence of aspiration in the present study, the results show that the Indian-Muslim English speakers in Malaysia have high VOT values in voiceless alveolar plosive /t/ (M = 0.0705, SD = 0.0509) and voiced alveolar plosive /d/ (M = 0.015, SD = 0.00). The findings highlight that there are differences in term of VOT values in bilabial plosives and alveolar plosives of English speakers between Indian-Muslim community and Malay community. 
 
 
 
 

Production of the utterance-final moraic nasal in Japanese: A real-time MRI study

ABSTRACTJapanese moraic nasal /N/ is a nasal segment having the status of an independent mora. In utterance-medial position, it is realized as a nasal segment sharing the same place of articulation as the immediately following segment, but in utterance-final position, it is believed to be realized as a uvular nasal. This final-/N/-as-uvular view, which is wide-spread in the literature on Japanese phonetics and phonology, was examined objectively by use of a real-time MRI movie of the articulatory movement of eleven Tokyo Japanese speakers. It turned out that the utterance-final /N/ is realized in a wide range of locations on the palate from the hard palate to the uvula. GLMM modeling showed that the closure locations of the utterance-final /N/ can be predicted accurately from the identity of the preceding vowel. In addition, leave-one-out cross validation showed that the model can be generalized to new data. We conclude that the realization of utterance-final /N/ is not fixed to uvular; its place of articulation is determined largely by the property of the preceding vowel.

Correlating subword articulation with lip shapes for embedding aware audio-visual speech enhancement

In this paper, we propose a visual embedding approach to improve embedding aware speech enhancement (EASE) by synchronizing visual lip frames at the phone and place of articulation levels. We first extract visual embedding from lip frames using a pre-trained phone or articulation place recognizer for visual-only EASE (VEASE). Next, we extract audio-visual embedding from noisy speech and lip frames in an information intersection manner, utilizing a complementarity of audio and visual features for multi-modal EASE (MEASE). Experiments on the TCD-TIMIT corpus corrupted by simulated additive noises show that our proposed subword based VEASE approach is more effective than conventional embedding at the word level. Moreover, visual embedding at the articulation place level, leveraging upon a high correlation between place of articulation and lip shapes, demonstrates an even better performance than that at the phone level. Finally the experiments establish that the proposed MEASE framework, incorporating both audio and visual embeddings, yields significantly better speech quality and intelligibility than those obtained with the best visual-only and audio-only EASE systems.

Development of voice onset time in Arabic

The research investigated development of voice onset time (VOT) contrasts in children who spoke Jordanian Arabic. The factors investigated were: (1) the age at which VOT contrast is acquired; and (2) the role of place of articulation and emphasis on VOT development. One hundred and twenty children (60 males, 60 females; age range 2;0–7;11) produced word-initial plosives. Linear Mixed Model (LMM), Bonferroni post hoc and t test analyses were conducted on the data. Results revealed that age, place of articulation, and emphasis had significant effects on VOT. In addition, Arabic appeared to follow the general trend of VOT development reported for other voicing languages.

Bright vowels are favoured on weak beats in popular music lyrics

A previous study showed that ‘bright’ vowels (i.e. front vowels, which have higher second formants) are favoured for on-beat words in hip-hop music. Here we partially replicated these findings in a more diverse sample of pop songs from the Rolling Stone Corpus. Stressed monosyllables were classified by their vowel’s place of articulation and their metric position. Bright vowels were 9–13% more likely on weak (but not strong) beats and metric positions immediately surrounding than other metric positions. Favouring bright vowels on and surrounding weak beats may mitigate masking by the snare drum, which typically plays on weak beats.

Neural indicators of articulator-specific sensorimotor influences on infant speech perception

While there is increasing acceptance that even young infants detect correspondences between heard and seen speech, the common view is that oral-motor movements related to speech production cannot influence speech perception until infants begin to babble or speak. We investigated the extent of multimodal speech influences on auditory speech perception in prebabbling infants who have limited speech-like oral-motor repertoires. We used event-related potentials (ERPs) to examine how sensorimotor influences to the infant's own articulatory movements impact auditory speech perception in 3-mo-old infants. In experiment 1, there were ERP discriminative responses to phonetic category changes across two phonetic contrasts (bilabial-dental /ba/-/ɗa/; dental-retroflex /ɗa/-/ɖa/) in a mismatch paradigm, indicating that infants auditorily discriminated both contrasts. In experiment 2, inhibiting infants' own tongue-tip movements had a disruptive influence on the early ERP discriminative response to the /ɗa/-/ɖa/ contrast only. The same articulatory inhibition had contrasting effects on the perception of the /ba/-/ɗa/ contrast, which requires different articulators (the lips vs. the tongue) during production, and the /ɗa/-/ɖa/ contrast, whereby both phones require tongue-tip movement as a place of articulation. This articulatory distinction between the two contrasts plausibly accounts for the distinct influence of tongue-tip suppression on the neural responses to phonetic category change perception in definitively prebabbling, 3-mo-old, infants. The results showing a specificity in the relation between oral-motor inhibition and phonetic speech discrimination suggest a surprisingly early mapping between auditory and motor speech representation already in prebabbling infants.

Phonological Variations Are Compensated at the Lexical Level: Evidence From Auditory Neural Activity.

Dealing with phonological variations is important for speech processing. This article addresses whether phonological variations introduced by assimilatory processes are compensated for at the pre-lexical or lexical level, and whether the nature of variation and the phonological context influence this process. To this end, Swedish nasal regressive place assimilation was investigated using the mismatch negativity (MMN) component. In nasal regressive assimilation, the coronal nasal assimilates to the place of articulation of a following segment, most clearly with a velar or labial place of articulation, as in utan mej “without me” > [ʉːtam mɛjː]. In a passive auditory oddball paradigm, 15 Swedish speakers were presented with Swedish phrases with attested and unattested phonological variations and contexts for nasal assimilation. Attested variations – a coronal-to-labial change as in utan “without” > [ʉːtam] – were contrasted with unattested variations – a labial-to-coronal change as in utom “except” > ∗[ʉːtɔn] – in appropriate and inappropriate contexts created by mej “me” [mɛjː] and dej “you” [dɛjː]. Given that the MMN amplitude depends on the degree of variation between two stimuli, the MMN responses were expected to indicate to what extent the distance between variants was tolerated by the perceptual system. Since the MMN response reflects not only low-level acoustic processing but also higher-level linguistic processes, the results were predicted to indicate whether listeners process assimilation at the pre-lexical and lexical levels. The results indicated no significant interactions across variations, suggesting that variations in phonological forms do not incur any cost in lexical retrieval; hence such variation is compensated for at the lexical level. However, since the MMN response reached significance only for a labial-to-coronal change in a labial context and for a coronal-to-labial change in a coronal context, the compensation might have been influenced by the nature of variation and the phonological context. It is therefore concluded that while assimilation is compensated for at the lexical level, there is also some influence from pre-lexical processing. The present results reveal not only signal-based perception of phonological units, but also higher-level lexical processing, and are thus able to reconcile the bottom-up and top-down models of speech processing.

Trans-vocalic coronal consonant coarticulation in Central Arrernte: An electro-palatographic study

This study examines trans-vocalic CVC coarticulation of the coronal (dental, alveolar, retroflex and (alveo-)palatal) stop, nasal and lateral consonants of Arrernte, an Aboriginal language of Central Australia, using electro-palatographic (EPG) recordings of continuous speech. Coronal consonants are known to be more coarticulatorily resistant than peripheral consonants such as bilabials and velars, and this study teases out the coarticulatory differences between these four coronal places of articulation. Results confirm findings from previous studies that laminal consonants (dental and alveo-palatal) are broadly more coarticulatorily aggressive than apical consonants (alveolars and retroflexes), with the alveolars the least resistant to coarticulation. Dental consonants exert fronting effects on both preceding and following consonants, a result consistent with previous acoustic results for these sounds. Similarly, alveo-palatal consonants show both anticipatory and carryover effects, though their exact coarticulatory effect depends on the affected consonant place and manner. The retroflex consonants exert strong fronting effects on the following consonant, and it is suggested that this is due to the anterior release of retroflexes following ballistic forward movement during closure. There is also some evidence of a retraction effect of retroflexes on preceding consonants. Despite this evidence of coarticulatory aggression, retroflexes are particularly affected by preceding and following palatals: in these cases, the retroflex articulation becomes more forward, and dorsal contact for the retroflex is increased. In sum, by examining speech in an understudied language, we learn that there are still greater complexities in the co-ordination of consonants produced using the tongue tip and blade.

They Talk Muṯumuṯu: Variable Elision of Tense Suffixes in Contemporary Pitjantjatjara

Vowel elision is common in Pitjantjatjara and Yankunytjatjara connected speech. It also appears to be a locus of language change, with young people extending elision to new contexts; resulting in a distinctive style of speech which speakers refer to as muṯumuṯu (‘short’ speech). This study examines the productions of utterance-final past tense suffixes /-nu, -ɳu, -ŋu/ by four older and four younger Pitjantjatjara speakers in spontaneous speech. This is a context where elision tends not to be sociolinguistically or perceptually salient. We find extensive variance within and between speakers in the realization of both the vowel and nasal segments. We also find evidence of a change in progress, with a mixed effects model showing that among the older speakers, elision is associated with both the place of articulation of the nasal segment and the metrical structure of the verbal stem, while among the younger speakers, elision is associated with place of articulation but metrical structure plays little role. This is in line with a reanalysis of the conditions for elision by younger speakers based on the variability present in the speech of older people. Such a reanalysis would also account for many of the sociolinguistically marked extended contexts of elision.

Morphophonological gradience in Korean n-insertion

This study addresses the questions of what factors may have a gradient effect in application of a morphophonological process, how they interact, and which of the gradient effects speakers are aware of, by investigating the variation patterns of Korean n-insertion. An analysis is performed on the results of two surveys on speakers of two dialects of Korean, Seoul and Kyungsang, one using existing words and the other using novel Korean words. From the results of the survey on n-insertion in existing Korean words, I have found several gradient tendencies involving a variety of factors including phonological and morphological ones and their interactions. Such factors include morphological category, etymology and length of component morphemes, sonorancy and place of articulation of the consonant preceding the insertion site, height of the initial vowel of the morpheme following the insertion site and dialects of speakers. None of these factors are absolute conditions for the occurrence of n-insertion, contrary to the previous studies on Korean n-insertion, and they have gradient effect, contributing to the overall probability of n-insertion. Consequently, Korean n-insertion provides a clear case where previous categorical proposals do not match with gradient reality, lending support to quantitative theories of morphophonology.

Individual Variability in Recalibrating to Spectrally Shifted Speech: Implications for Cochlear Implants.

Cochlear implant (CI) recipients are at a severe disadvantage compared with normal-hearing listeners in distinguishing consonants that differ by place of articulation because the key relevant spectral differences are degraded by the implant. One component of that degradation is the upward shifting of spectral energy that occurs with a shallow insertion depth of a CI. The present study aimed to systematically measure the effects of spectral shifting on word recognition and phoneme categorization by specifically controlling the amount of shifting and using stimuli whose identification specifically depends on perceiving frequency cues. We hypothesized that listeners would be biased toward perceiving phonemes that contain higher-frequency components because of the upward frequency shift and that intelligibility would decrease as spectral shifting increased. Normal-hearing listeners (n = 15) heard sine wave-vocoded speech with simulated upward frequency shifts of 0, 2, 4, and 6 mm of cochlear space to simulate shallow CI insertion depth. Stimuli included monosyllabic words and /b/-/d/ and /∫/-/s/ continua that varied systematically by formant frequency transitions or frication noise spectral peaks, respectively. Recalibration to spectral shifting was operationally defined as shifting perceptual acoustic-phonetic mapping commensurate with the spectral shift. In other words, adjusting frequency expectations for both phonemes upward so that there is still a perceptual distinction, rather than hearing all upward-shifted phonemes as the higher-frequency member of the pair. For moderate amounts of spectral shifting, group data suggested a general "halfway" recalibration to spectral shifting, but individual data suggested a notably different conclusion: half of the listeners were able to recalibrate fully, while the other halves of the listeners were utterly unable to categorize shifted speech with any reliability. There were no participants who demonstrated a pattern intermediate to these two extremes. Intelligibility of words decreased with greater amounts of spectral shifting, also showing loose clusters of better- and poorer-performing listeners. Phonetic analysis of word errors revealed certain cues were more susceptible to being compromised due to a frequency shift (place and manner of articulation), while voicing was robust to spectral shifting. Shifting the frequency spectrum of speech has systematic effects that are in line with known properties of speech acoustics, but the ensuing difficulties cannot be predicted based on tonotopic mismatch alone. Difficulties are subject to substantial individual differences in the capacity to adjust acoustic-phonetic mapping. These results help to explain why speech recognition in CI listeners cannot be fully predicted by peripheral factors like electrode placement and spectral resolution; even among listeners with functionally equivalent auditory input, there is an additional factor of simply being able or unable to flexibly adjust acoustic-phonetic mapping. This individual variability could motivate precise treatment approaches guided by an individual's relative reliance on wideband frequency representation (even if it is mismatched) or limited frequency coverage whose tonotopy is preserved.

Rethinking the Mechanisms Underlying the McGurk Illusion.

The McGurk illusion occurs when listeners hear an illusory percept (i.e., “da”), resulting from mismatched pairings of audiovisual (AV) speech stimuli (i.e., auditory/ba/paired with visual/ga/). Hearing a third percept—distinct from both the auditory and visual input—has been used as evidence of AV fusion. We examined whether the McGurk illusion is instead driven by visual dominance, whereby the third percept, e.g., “da,” represents a default percept for visemes with an ambiguous place of articulation (POA), like/ga/. Participants watched videos of a talker uttering various consonant vowels (CVs) with (AV) and without (V-only) audios of/ba/. Individuals transcribed the CV they saw (V-only) or heard (AV). In the V-only condition, individuals predominantly saw “da”/“ta” when viewing CVs with indiscernible POAs. Likewise, in the AV condition, upon perceiving an illusion, they predominantly heard “da”/“ta” for CVs with indiscernible POAs. The illusion was stronger in individuals who exhibited weak/ba/auditory encoding (examined using a control auditory-only task). In Experiment2, we attempted to replicate these findings using stimuli recorded from a different talker. The V-only results were not replicated, but again individuals predominately heard “da”/“ta”/“tha” as an illusory percept for various AV combinations, and the illusion was stronger in individuals who exhibited weak/ba/auditory encoding. These results demonstrate that when visual CVs with indiscernible POAs are paired with a weakly encoded auditory/ba/, listeners default to hearing “da”/“ta”/“tha”—thus, tempering the AV fusion account, and favoring a default mechanism triggered when both AV stimuli are ambiguous.

Aeroacoustic differences between the Japanese fricatives [ɕ] and [ç

To elucidate the linguistic similarity between the alveolo-palatal sibilant [ɕ] and palatal non-sibilant [ç] in Japanese, the aeroacoustic differences between the two consonants were explored via experimentation with participants and analysis using simplified vocal tract models. The real-time magnetic resonance imaging (rtMRI) observations of articulatory movements demonstrated that some speakers use a nearly identical place of articulation for /si/ [ɕi] and /hi/ [çi]. Simplified vocal tract models were then constructed based on the data captured by static MRI, and the model-generated synthetic sounds were compared with speaker data producing [ɕ] and [ç]. Speaker data demonstrated that the amplitude of the broadband noise of [ç] was weaker than that of [ɕ]; the characteristic peak amplitude at approximately 4 kHz was greater in [ç] than in [ɕ], although the mid-sagittal vocal tract profiles were nearly identical for three of ten subjects in the rtMRI observation. These acoustic differences were reproduced by the proposed models, with differences in the width of the coronal plane constriction and the flow rate. The results suggest the need to include constriction width and flow rate as parameters for articulatory phonetic descriptions of speech sounds.

Robust Lexically Mediated Compensation for Coarticulation: Christmash Time Is Here Again.

A long‐standing question in cognitive science is how high‐level knowledge is integrated with sensory input. For example, listeners can leverage lexical knowledge to interpret an ambiguous speech sound, but do such effects reflect direct top‐down influences on perception or merely postperceptual biases? A critical test case in the domain of spoken word recognition is lexically mediated compensation for coarticulation (LCfC). Previous LCfC studies have shown that a lexically restored context phoneme (e.g., /s/ in Christma#) can alter the perceived place of articulation of a subsequent target phoneme (e.g., the initial phoneme of a stimulus from a tapes‐capes continuum), consistent with the influence of an unambiguous context phoneme in the same position. Because this phoneme‐to‐phoneme compensation for coarticulation is considered sublexical, scientists agree that evidence for LCfC would constitute strong support for top–down interaction. However, results from previous LCfC studies have been inconsistent, and positive effects have often been small. Here, we conducted extensive piloting of stimuli prior to testing for LCfC. Specifically, we ensured that context items elicited robust phoneme restoration (e.g., that the final phoneme of Christma# was reliably identified as /s/) and that unambiguous context‐final segments (e.g., a clear /s/ at the end of Christmas) drove reliable compensation for coarticulation for a subsequent target phoneme. We observed robust LCfC in a well‐powered, preregistered experiment with these pretested items (N = 40) as well as in a direct replication study (N = 40). These results provide strong evidence in favor of computational models of spoken word recognition that include top–down feedback.