Trajectories Of Physical Aggression Research Articles

The Development of Aggression During Adolescence: Sex Differences in Trajectories of Physical and Social Aggression Among Youth in Rural Areas

The Development of Aggression During Adolescence: Sex Differences in Trajectories of Physical and Social Aggression Among Youth in Rural Areas

Multiple trajectories of physical aggression among adolescent boys and girls

Latent growth mixture modeling was used to identify discrete patterns of physical aggression from Grades 7 to 11 among a sample of 1,877 youth. Four trajectory classes adequately explained the development of physical aggression in both boys and girls: Low/No Aggression; Persistent High Aggression; Desisting Aggression, characterized by decreasing risk throughout adolescence; and Adolescent Aggression, characterized by low early risk that increases until Grade 9, levels out, and then declines in late adolescence. Girls were less likely than boys were to be in any trajectory besides the Low/No Aggression trajectory. Parental supervision, deviant peer association, academic orientation, impulsivity, and emotional distress at Grade 7 were all strongly associated with trajectory class membership. These associations did not differ by gender. These findings strongly suggest that the processes involved in the development of physical aggression in adolescence operate similarly in boys and girls.

The Role of Maternal Education and Nonmaternal Care Services in the Prevention of Children's Physical Aggression Problems

Physical violence is an important health problem, and low maternal education is a significant risk for the development of chronic physical aggression (PA). We hypothesized that nonmaternal care (NMC) services could prevent the development of childhood PA problems, depending on the age at which the services are initiated. Method Children who followed a trajectory of atypically frequent PA between 17 and 60 months of age among a population sample of 1691 Canadian families were identified. Maternal education and NMC were considered in predicting group membership while controlling for confounding family characteristics. Children of mothers with low education levels (ie, no high school diploma) were less likely to receive NMC. Those who did receive such care had significantly lower risk of a high PA trajectory. Results from logistic regressions indicated that NMC reduced the risk of high PA, especially when initiated before age 9 months (odds ratio, 0.20; 95% confidence interval, 0.05-0.90). Children of mothers who graduated from high school were less at risk of PA problems, and NMC had no additional protective effect. Nonmaternal care services to children of mothers with low levels of education could substantially reduce their risk of chronic PA, especially if provided soon after birth. Because children most likely to benefit from NMC services are less likely to receive them, special measures encouraging the use of NMC services among high-risk families are needed.

Targeted and Situational Prevention of Physical Violence: In Response to Eisner’s and Homel’s Comments

I first want to thank Manuel Eisner and Ross Homel for having taken the time to read my paper and write a comment. I value very much their reflections for many reasons, including the following: (a) their training in mathematics (Homel) and sociology (Eisner) comforts my scientific anxieties and my lack of training in sociology; (b) their work on adult criminality should reassure traditional criminologists; (c) their dedication to prevention should make them credible to policy makers. It is heartening to read that they agree so much with my crusade to convince criminologists that they should seriously consider human development before adolescence, and especially before school entry. The fact that their main criticism converges so much also makes my response easier. Both Eisner and Homel stress the fact that, although early intervention is important for preventing the development of chronic violence, later interventions can also have important impact. The term chronic here is important. By chronic violence, I mean an individual who uses physical aggression much more frequently than his or her age group over many years. The recent data from numerous longitudinal studies is showing more and more clearly that adolescents and adults who chronically use physical aggression had that problem in early childhood and elementary school. There may be the odd cases who suffered some form of brain damage or who find themselves in very exceptional circumstances for long periods of time. Besides these odd cases, if there are no late-onset chronically violent individuals, then it stands to reason that effective early intervention would prevent the large majority of these cases. Why would we wait? And why would we expect that later interventions will be more cost effective than later ones? I completely agree that it is never too late to help. Our Montreal prevention experiment with aggressive–hyperactive elementary school boys from poor neighbourhoods showed that we could have a long-term impact on trajectories of physical aggression even if the intervention started at 7 years of age (Lacourse et al. 2002; Tremblay et al. 1995; Vitaro et al. 2001). But why wait until elementary school when we can give the support during the preschool years? It would save the child, his or her family, peers and neighbours so much misery. There is also good evidence that the cost would be much less and the benefits much Eur J Crim Policy Res (2007) 13:179–181 DOI 10.1007/s10610-007-9049-0

Associations of maternal prenatal smoking with early childhood physical aggression, hyperactivity-impulsivity, and their co-occurrence.

This study investigated associations between maternal prenatal smoking and physical aggression (PA), hyperactivity-impulsivity (HI) and co-occurring PA and HI between ages 17 and 42 months in a population sample of children born in Québec (Canada) in 1997/1998 (N=1745). Trajectory model estimation showed three distinct developmental patterns for PA and four for HI. Multinomial regression analyses showed that prenatal smoking significantly predicted children’s likelihood to follow different PA trajectories beyond the effects of other perinatal factors, parental psychopathology, family functioning and parenting, and socio-economic factors. However, prenatal smoking was not a significant predictor of HI in a model with the same control variables. Further multinomial regression analyses showed that, together with gender, presence of siblings and maternal hostile reactive parenting, prenatal smoking independently predicted co-occurring high PA and high HI compared to low levels of both behaviors, to high PA alone, and to high HI alone. These results show that maternal prenatal smoking predicts multiple behavior regulation problems in early childhood.

The joint development of physical and indirect aggression: Predictors of continuity and change during childhood

A person-oriented approach was adopted to examine joint developmental trajectories of physical and indirect aggression. Participants were 1183 children aged 2 years at the initial assessment and followed over 6 years. Most children followed either low or declining trajectories of physical aggression (PA), but 14.6% followed high stable trajectories. Approximately two-thirds of participants followed low indirect aggression (IA) trajectories (67.9%), and one-third (32.1%) followed high rising trajectories. The results combining both PA and IA group memberships indicate that most children (62.1%) exhibit desisting levels of PA and low levels of IA. A significant proportion followed a trajectory of moderately desisting PA and rising IA (14.2%), and 13.5% followed high level trajectories of both forms of aggression. Virtually no children were high on one type and low on the other. Multinomial regressions analyses were used to predict joint trajectory group membership from selected child and family variables measured at 2 years. Young motherhood and low income predicted membership in the high PA-high IA trajectory, but only hostile parenting remained significant after family processes variables were entered in the model. Being a boy, young motherhood, and hostile parenting were generally associated with higher levels of PA. Girls were more likely than boys to follow a trajectory of desisting PA and rising IA. The results suggest that some children, mostly girls, reduce their use of PA and tend to increase their use of IA, and that highly physically aggressive children also tend to be highly indirectly aggressive. Early family risk characteristics and hostile parenting interfere with the socialization of aggression.

Trajectories of Prosocial Behavior and Physical Aggression in Middle Childhood: Links to Adolescent School Dropout and Physical Violence

Trajectories of prosocial behavior and physical aggression between 6 and 12 years of age were identified for a sample (N=1,025) of males. The trajectories were then used to predict school dropout and physical violence at age 17. Using a group‐based semi‐parametric method, two trajectories of prosociality (low and moderate declining) and three trajectories of physical aggression (low, moderate, and high declining) were obtained. Only a small minority (3.4%) of the boys were characterized by both high aggression and moderate prosociality. Physical aggression predicted both school dropout and physical violence, but contrary to expectations, prosocial behavior did not have additive or protective effects.

Eysenck’s personality dimensions as predictors of male adolescent trajectories of physical aggression, theft and vandalism

The current study examined group-based trajectories of physical aggression, theft and vandalism and Eysenck’s personality dimensions in 868 adolescent boys. Results indicated, for boys following the high trajectories in physical aggression, theft and vandalism, the most important personality dimensions were the psychotic characteristics (i.e., Empathy and Impulsivity). Extravert characteristics (i.e., Energy and Venturesomeness) also discriminated, although to a lesser extent, between the persistent trajectory and low-declining trajectory for each behavior. In addition, the presence of Venturesomeness was associated with the persistent trajectories of vandalism and theft. These results provide considerable support for Eysenck’s hypothesis concerning personality combinations of (1) psychotic traits (Impulsivity and Empathy), and (2) Impulsivity and extravert traits as predictors of antisocial behavior.

Trajectories of aggression from toddlerhood to age 9 predict academic and social functioning through age 12

Using longitudinal data from the NICHD Study of Early Child Care and Youth Development, we examined behavior problems and social and academic outcomes from ages 9 through 12 in children classified into five trajectories of physical aggression, on the basis of maternal ratings obtained from 24 months through 9 years (N = 1195). Outcome data were obtained from teacher reports, observations of children's behavior, and children's self-reports. Children on the high-stable aggression trajectory (3% of sample) showed the most severe adjustment problems, including poorer social skills, higher levels of externalizing problems, and more self-reported peer problems; those on the moderate-stable aggression trajectory (15%) showed poor regulation and inattention. Although children with moderate levels of early aggression that decreased sharply by school entry (12%) appeared well adjusted at follow-up, those who showed a low level of stable aggression (25%) evidenced some unanticipated social and behavior problems. Children in the contrast group (45%) were consistently very low in aggression from toddlerhood onward. Results highlight links between different patterns (stable or decreasing) and levels (high, moderate, low, very low) of aggression across childhood and children's later adjustment. For example, even quite low aggression that is stable appears to be a risk factor for some social problems; in contrast, moderate aggression that decreases sharply to no aggression by school entry is associated with good adjustment at age 12.

The Development of Physical Aggression from Toddlerhood to Pre-Adolescence: A Nation Wide Longitudinal Study of Canadian Children

The objectives of the study were to model the developmental trajectories of physical aggression (PA) from toddlerhood to pre-adolescence and to identify risk factors that distinguish typical (normative) from atypical developmental patterns. Ten cohorts of approximately 1,000 children (n = 10,658) drawn form a nationally representative (Canadian) sample were followed over 6 years. Using a group based trajectory approach, we identified three groups of children with distinct developmental trajectories between 2 and 11 years of age. One third of the children (31.1%) followed a low desisting trajectory, reflected in infrequent use of PA in toddlerhood and virtually no PA by pre-adolescence. The majority of children (52.2%) followed a moderate desisting trajectory, reflected in occasional use of PA in toddlerhood and infrequent use by pre-adolescence. One sixth of the children (16.6%) followed a high stable trajectory of PA. Multivariate logistic regression indicated that children in the high PA trajectory group were more likely to be boys (OR: 1.67; CI: 1.5-1.87), from low income families (OR: 1.4; CI; 1.27-1.67), from families where the mother had not completed high school (OR: 1.20; CI: 1.05-1.38) and who reported using hostile/ineffective parenting strategies (OR: 1.16; CI: 1.14-1.18). In sum, the results indicate that the typical developmental pattern of PA was one of occasional and declining use over time. However, about one sixth of children, mostly boys from disadvantaged families, exhibited an atypical developmental pattern reflected in more frequent and stable use of PA. The results suggest that most children learned relatively well to inhibit PA by the end of childhood and that a minority failed to do so. Family risks traditionally found to be associated with antisocial behaviors during adolescence appear to interfere with the socialization of PA during early and middle childhood.

III. PERSON‐CENTERED TRAJECTORIES OF PHYSICAL AGGRESSION

Monographs of the Society for Research in Child DevelopmentVolume 69, Issue 4 p. 42-49 III. PERSON-CENTERED TRAJECTORIES OF PHYSICAL AGGRESSION First published: 06 December 2004 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5834.2004.00314.xCitations: 11AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume69, Issue4December 2004Pages 42-49 RelatedInformation

Cognitive-neuropsychological function in chronic physical aggression and hyperactivity.

Histories of violence and of hyperactivity are both characterized by poor cognitive-neuropsychological function. However, researchers do not know whether these histories combine in additive or interactive ways. The authors tested 303 male young adults from a community sample whose trajectories of teacher-rated physical aggression and motoric hyperactivity from kindergarten to age 15 were well defined. No significant interaction was found. In a 1st model, both histories of problem behavior were independently associated with cognitive-neuropsychological function in most domains. In a second model controlling for IQ, General Memory, and test motivation, none of the three Working Memory tests (relevant to executive function) remained associated with physical aggression or hyperactivity. These results support an additive model but no specificity to executive function [corrected].

Physical aggression during early childhood: trajectories and predictors.

Physical aggression in children is a major public health problem. Not only is childhood physical aggression a precursor of the physical and mental health problems that will be visited on victims, but also aggressive children themselves are at higher risk of alcohol and drug abuse, accidents, violent crimes, depression, suicide attempts, spouse abuse, and neglectful and abusive parenting. Furthermore, violence commonly results in serious injuries to the perpetrators themselves. Although it is unusual for young children to harm seriously the targets of their physical aggression, studies of physical aggression during infancy indicate that by 17 months of age, the large majority of children are physically aggressive toward siblings, peers, and adults. This study aimed, first, to identify the trajectories of physical aggression during early childhood and, second, to identify antecedents of high levels of physical aggression early in life. Such antecedents could help to understand better the developmental origins of violence later in life and to identify targets for preventive interventions. A random population sample of 572 families with a 5-month-old newborn was recruited. Assessments of physical aggression frequency were obtained from mothers at 17, 30, and 42 months after birth. Using a semiparametric, mixture model, distinct clusters of physical aggression trajectories were identified. Multivariate logit regression analysis was then used to identify which family and child characteristics, before 5 months of age, predict individuals on a high-level physical aggression trajectory from 17 to 42 months after birth. Three trajectories of physical aggression were identified. The first was composed of children who displayed little or no physical aggression. These individuals were estimated to account for approximately 28% of the sample. The largest group, estimated at approximately 58% of the sample, followed a rising trajectory of modest aggression. Finally, a group, estimated to comprise approximately 14% of the sample, followed a rising trajectory of high physical aggression. Best predictors before or at birth of the high physical aggression trajectory group, controlling for the levels of the other risk factors, were having young siblings (odds ratio [OR]: 4.00; confidence interval [CI]: 2.2-7.4), mothers with high levels of antisocial behavior before the end of high school (OR: 3.1; CI: 1.1-8.6), mothers who started having children early (OR: 3.1; CI: 1.4-6.8), families with low income (OR: 2.6; CI: 1.3-5.2), and mothers who smoked during pregnancy (OR: 2.2; CI: 1.1-4.1). Best predictors at 5 months of age were mothers' coercive parenting behavior (OR: 2.3; CI: 1.1-4.7) and family dysfunction (OR: 2.2; CI: 1.2-4.1). The OR for a high-aggression trajectory was 10.9 for children whose mother reported both high levels of antisocial behavior and early childbearing. Most children have initiated the use of physical aggression during infancy, and most will learn to use alternatives in the following years before they enter primary school. Humans seem to learn to regulate the use of physical aggression during the preschool years. Those who do not, seem to be at highest risk of serious violent behavior during adolescence and adulthood. Results from the present study indicate that children who are at highest risk of not learning to regulate physical aggression in early childhood have mothers with a history of antisocial behavior during their school years, mothers who start childbearing early and who smoke during pregnancy, and parents who have low income and have serious problems living together. All of these variables are relatively easy to measure during pregnancy. Preventive interventions should target families with high-risk profiles on these variables. Experiments with such programs have shown long-term impacts on child abuse and child antisocial behavior. However, these impacts were not observed in families with physical violence. The problem may be that the prevention programs that were provided did not specifically target the parents' control over their physical aggression and their skills in teaching their infant not to be physically aggressive. Most intervention programs to prevent youth physical aggression have targeted school-age children. If children normally learn not to be physically aggressive during the preschool years, then one would expect that interventions that target infants who are at high risk of chronic physical aggression would have more of an impact than interventions 5 to 10 years later, when physical aggression has become a way of life.

Étude de l'agressivité physique chez le jeune enfant : comparaison d'une population française et d'une population canadienne

Studies of aggression often confound physical aggression with verbal aggression, indirect aggression, opposition, competition and other externalizing behaviours. Yet little is known about the onset and development of physical aggression before school entry. Recently, Tremblay et al. [27] have interested in this field study. In a transcultural perspective, we have tried to replicate, using the same method, the results they obtained. It appears that the data we have collected concord with Tremblay’s data: the maternal reports on 11 physically aggressive behaviours indicated that the rate of cumulative onset of physically aggressive behaviours increased substantially from 12 to 17 months after birth. By 17 months of age, onset of physical aggression is reported for close 90% of the children. Moreover, the sex of the child and the presence of a sibling appeared to influence age of onset. Both studies suggest that the notion of increased probability of onset of physical aggression as children approach adolescence needs to be reconsidered. Most children have had their onset of physical aggression by the end of their second year after birth, and most have learn to inhibit physical aggression by school entry. Thus, there may be two main developmental trajectories of physical aggression: childhood limited and life-course persistent. This may be an indication that there is a sensitive period for learning to inhibit physically aggressive behaviour.

Life course turning points: the effect of grade retention on physical aggression.

Our objective is to advance the life course analytical framework by demonstrating a model for testing two of its tenets. The first is whether the individual's developmental history conditions the response to a turning point event. The second is whether the influence of a major life event upon an individual's developmental course depends upon the timing of the event. We test both propositions in an analysis of the effect of grade retention on a child's trajectory of physical aggression. Our analysis is based on data from a longitudinal study of 1,037 boysfrom schools in the lowest socioeconomic areas in Montreal, Canada. We find clear evidence that a developmental history of physical aggression conditions the child's response to grade retention. The evidence on whether the timing of retention affects this response is less clear.

A longitudinal–experimental approach to testing theories of antisocial behavior development

A longitudinal study with a nested preventive intervention was used to test five hypotheses generated from developmental theories of antisocial behavior. The longitudinal study followed 909 boys from their kindergarten year up to 17 years of age. The randomized multimodal preventive intervention targeted a subsample of boys who were rated disruptive by their kindergarten teacher. Semiparametric analyses of developmental trajectories for self-reported physical aggression, vandalism, and theft identified more types of trajectories than expected from recent theoretical models. Also, these trajectories did not confirm theoretical models, which suggest a general increase of antisocial behavior during adolescence. The majority of boys were on either a low-level antisocial behavior trajectory or a declining trajectory. Less than 6% appeared to follow a trajectory of chronic antisocial behavior. Comparisons between disruptive and nondisruptive kindergarten boys confirmed the hypothesis that disruptive preschool children are at higher risk of following trajectories of frequent antisocial behavior. Comparisons between treated and untreated disruptive boys confirmed that an intensive preventive intervention between 7 and 9 years of age, which included parent training and social skills training, could change the long-term developmental trajectories of physical aggression, vandalism, and theft for disruptive kindergarten boys in low socioeconomic areas. The results suggest that trajectories of violent behavior can be deflected by interventions that do not specifically target the physiological deficits that are often hypothesized to be a causal factor. The value of longitudinal-experimental studies from early childhood onward is discussed.

Developmental Trajectories of Physical Aggression from School Entry to Late Adolescence

The developmental perspective applied to psychopathology has led to the concept of early-and late-onset disorders. This study explores the application of the early- and late-onset concepts of antisocial behavior to physical aggression. Are there two categories of chronically physically violent adolescents: those who are physically aggressive throughout childhood and those who start being physically aggressive during adolescence? The estimation of developmental trajectories for repeated measures of two different response variables—physical aggression in childhood as measured by teacher reports and physical aggression in adolescence as measured by self-reported violent delinquency—is achieved with a semi-parametric, group-based method. This new method is applied to a large sample of males from Montreal who have been assessed repeatedly since kindergarten. Several salient findings emerge from the analysis. First, we find considerable change in the levels of childhood and adolescent physical aggression. Thus, there is little evidence of stability of behavior in an absolute sense. A second key finding concerns the connection of childhood aggression to adolescent aggression. Boys with higher childhood physical aggression trajectories are far more likely to transition to a higher-level adolescent aggression trajectory than boys from lower childhood physical aggression trajectories. However, for all childhood physical aggression trajectory levels the modal transition is to a relatively low-level adolescent aggression trajectory. Third, we find little evidence of “late onset” of high-level physical aggression. Specifically, the joint trajectory analysis finds no evidence of transition from a low physical aggression trajectory in childhood to a high trajectory in adolescence.

Developmental Trajectories of Physical Aggression from School Entry to Late Adolescence

The developmental perspective applied to psychopathology has led to the concept of early- and late-onset disorders. This study explores the application of the early- and late-onset concepts of antisocial behavior to physical aggression. Are there two categories of chronically physically violent adolescents: those who are physically aggressive throughout childhood and those who start being physically aggressive during adolescence? The estimation of developmental trajectories for repeated measures of two different response variables physical aggression in childhood as measured by teacher reports and physical aggression in adolescence as measured by self-reported violent delinquency is achieved with a semi-parametric, group-based method. This new method is applied to a large sample of males from Montreal who have been assessed repeatedly since kindergarten. Several salient findings emerge from the analysis. First, we find considerable change in the levels of childhood and adolescent physical aggression. Thus, there is little evidence of stability of behavior in an absolute sense. A second key finding concerns the connection of childhood aggression to adolescent aggression. Boys with higher childhood physical aggression trajectories are far more likely to transition to a higher-level adolescent aggression trajectory than boys from lower childhood physical aggression trajectories. However, for all childhood physical aggression trajectory levels the modal transition is to a relatively low-level adolescent aggression trajectory. Third, we find little evidence of "late onset" of high-level physical aggression. Specifically, the joint trajectory analysis finds no evidence of transition from a low physical aggression trajectory in childhood to a high trajectory in adolescence.

Parental and early childhood predictors of persistent physical aggression in boys from kindergarten to high school.

In a prior study, we identified 4 groups following distinct developmental courses, or trajectories, of physical aggression in 1037 boys from 6 to 15 years of age in a high-risk population sample from Montréal, Québec. Two were trajectories of high aggression, a persistently high group and a high but declining group. The other 2 trajectories were a low group and a moderate declining group. This study identified early predictors of physical aggression trajectories from ages 6 to 15 years. In this study, logistic regression analysis was used to identify parental and child characteristics that distinguished trajectory group membership. For boys displaying high hyperactivity and high opposition in kindergarten, the odds of membership in the 2 high aggression groups were increased by factors of 3.0 (95% confidence interval [CI], 2.0-4.3) and 2.7 (95% CI, 1.9-3.8), respectively, compared with boys without these risks. Counterpart odds ratios for the risk factors of mothers' teen-onset of parenthood and low educational attainment were 1.6 (95% CI, 1.1-2.2) and 1.8 (95% CI, 1.3-2.4), respectively. Only the maternal characteristics distinguished between the trajectory of persistently physical high aggression and the trajectory starting high but subsequently declining. For the 2 maternal risk factors combined, the odds ratio of persisting in high level physical aggression was 9.4 (95% CI, 2.9-30.4). Kindergarten boys displaying high levels of opposition and hyperactivity are at high risk of persistent physical aggression. However, among kindergarten boys who display high levels of physical aggression, only mothers' low educational level and teenage onset of childbearing distinguish those who persist in high levels of physical aggression.

The search for the age of ‘onset’ of physical aggression: Rousseau and Bandura revisited

AbstractBackgroundStudies of aggression often confound physical aggression with verbal aggression, indirect aggression, relational aggression, opposition, competition and other externalizing behaviours. Developmental models of aggression have suggested that onset of physical aggression occurs after the onset of hyperactive, stubborn and oppositional behaviour. Yet little is known about the onset and development of physical aggression before school entry.MethodThe age of onset and frequency of physical aggression was studied in a population sample of 17‐month‐old children.ResultsThe 511 maternal reports on 11 physically aggressive behaviours indicated that the rate of cumulative onset of physically aggressive behaviours increased substantially from 12 to 17 months after birth. By 17 months of age, onset of physical aggression was reported for close to 80% of the children. However, the sex of the child and the presence of a sibling appeared to influence age of onset.ConclusionsThese results, and those of other studies of preschool children, suggest that the notion of increased probability of ‘onset’ of physical aggression as children approach adolescence needs to be reconsidered. Most children have had their ‘onset’ of physical aggression by the end of their second year after birth, and most have learned to inhibit physical aggression by school entry. Thus, there may be two main developmental trajectories of physical aggression: childhood limited, and life‐course persistent. This may be an indication that there is a sensitive period for learning to inhibit physically aggressive behaviour. To understand and prevent cases of chronic physical aggression, which appear most at risk of violent criminal behaviour, we need to study the factors which help children learn to inhibit physical aggression during the preschool years. Copyright © 1999 Whurr Publishers Ltd.