Phonemic Decisions Research Articles

When does reading dirty words impede picture processing? Taboo interference with verbal and manual responses.

Picture naming takes longer in the presence of socially inappropriate (taboo) distractor words compared with neutral distractor words. Previous studies have attributed this taboo interference effect to increased attentional capture by taboo words or verbal self-monitoring-that is, control processes scrutinizing verbal responses before articulation. In this study, we investigated the cause and locus of the taboo interference effect by contrasting three tasks that used the same target pictures, but systematically differed with respect to the processing stages involved: picture naming (requiring conceptual processing, lexical processing, and articulation), phoneme decision (requiring conceptual and lexical processing), and natural size decision (requiring conceptual processing only). We observed taboo interference in picture naming and phoneme decision. In size decision, taboo interference was not reliably observed under the same task conditions in which the effect arose in picture naming and phoneme decision, but it emerged when the difficulty of the size decision task was increased by visually degrading the target pictures. Overall, these results suggest that taboo interference cannot be exclusively attributed to verbal self-monitoring operating over articulatory responses. Instead, taboo interference appears to arise already prior to articulatory preparation, during lexical processing and-at least with sufficiently high task difficulty-during prelexical processing stages.

Focal versus distributed temporal cortex activity for speech sound category assignment

Percepts and words can be decoded from distributed neural activity measures. However, the existence of widespread representations might conflict with the more classical notions of hierarchical processing and efficient coding, which are especially relevant in speech processing. Using fMRI and magnetoencephalography during syllable identification, we show that sensory and decisional activity colocalize to a restricted part of the posterior superior temporal gyrus (pSTG). Next, using intracortical recordings, we demonstrate that early and focal neural activity in this region distinguishes correct from incorrect decisions and can be machine-decoded to classify syllables. Crucially, significant machine decoding was possible from neuronal activity sampled across different regions of the temporal and frontal lobes, despite weak or absent sensory or decision-related responses. These findings show that speech-sound categorization relies on an efficient readout of focal pSTG neural activity, while more distributed activity patterns, although classifiable by machine learning, instead reflect collateral processes of sensory perception and decision.

Semantic and Phonological Encoding in Adults Who Stutter: Silent Responses to Pictorial Stimuli.

Research on language planning in adult stuttering is relatively sparse and offers diverging arguments about a potential causative relationship between semantic and phonological encoding and fluency breakdowns. This study further investigated semantic and phonological encoding efficiency in adults who stutter (AWS) by means of silent category and phoneme identification, respectively. Fifteen AWS and 15 age- and sex-matched adults who do not stutter (ANS) participated. The groups were compared on the basis of the accuracy and speed of superordinate category (animal vs. object) and initial phoneme (vowel vs. consonant) decisions, which were indicated manually during silent viewing of pictorial stimuli. Movement execution latency was accounted for, and no other cognitive, linguistic, or motor demands were posed on participants' responses. Therefore, category identification accuracy and speed were considered indirect measures of semantic encoding efficiency and phoneme identification accuracy and speed of phonological encoding efficiency. For category decisions, AWS were slower but not less accurate than ANS, with objects eliciting more errors and slower responses than animals in both groups. For phoneme decisions, the groups did not differ in accuracy, with consonant errors outnumbering vowel errors in both groups, and AWS were slower than ANS in consonant but not vowel identification, with consonant response time lagging behind vowel response time in AWS only. AWS were less efficient than ANS in semantic encoding, and they might harbor a consonant-specific phonological encoding weakness. Future independent studies are warranted to discover if these positive findings are replicable and a marker for persistent stuttering.

Eye movement evidence for an immediate Ganong effect.

Listeners tend to categorize an ambiguous speech sound so that it forms a word with its context (Ganong, 1980). This effect could reflect feedback from the lexicon to phonemic activation (McClelland & Elman, 1986), or the operation of a task-specific phonemic decision system (Norris, McQueen, & Cutler, 2000). Because the former account involves feedback between lexical and phonemic levels, it predicts that the lexicon's influence on phonemic decisions should be delayed and should gradually increase in strength. Previous response time experiments have not delivered a clear verdict as to whether this is the case, however. In 2 experiments, listeners' eye movements were tracked as they categorized phonemes using visually displayed response options. Lexically relevant information in the signal, the timing of which was confirmed by separate gating experiments, immediately increased eye movements toward the lexically supported response. This effect on eye movements then diminished over the course of the trial rather than continuing to increase. These results challenge the lexical feedback account. The present work also introduces a novel method for analyzing data from 'visual-world' type tasks, designed to assess when an experimental manipulation influences the probability of an eye movement toward the target. (PsycINFO Database Record

Locus of phonological deficits in adults with dyslexia

Dyslexia is a developmental disorder that has traditionally been viewed as the consequence of impaired phonology. However, recent evidence suggests that the phonological deficits observed in dyslexia may reflect phonetic impairment earlier in the processing stream. The goal of the current work is to test this hypothesis. We use a phoneme-monitoring task to evaluate the relative use of two sources of information for making phonemic decisions (e.g., deciding if “dog” begins with /b/ or /d/). One source comes from a prelexical analysis of the speech signal (phonetic information) and the other source comes from a postlexical analysis (phonological information). Research has shown that healthy listeners flexibly shift between these sources based on experience with the acoustic signal. Specifically, phonemic decisions for native speech reflect phonetic information whereas phonemic decisions for foreign-accented speech reflect the use of phonological information. The interpretation is that phonetic processing is difficult for the foreign-accented speech, leading to a greater reliance on a postlexical analysis. If adults with dyslexia have impairment in phonetic processing, then we predict that phonemic decisions will reflect the use of phonological information for both types of speech, suggesting that the native speech signal is being processed as if it were accented.

The Selective Role of Premotor Cortex in Speech Perception: A Contribution to Phoneme Judgements but not Speech Comprehension

Several accounts of speech perception propose that the areas involved in producing language are also involved in perceiving it. In line with this view, neuroimaging studies show activation of premotor cortex (PMC) during phoneme judgment tasks; however, there is debate about whether speech perception necessarily involves motor processes, across all task contexts, or whether the contribution of PMC is restricted to tasks requiring explicit phoneme awareness. Some aspects of speech processing, such as mapping sounds onto meaning, may proceed without the involvement of motor speech areas if PMC specifically contributes to the manipulation and categorical perception of phonemes. We applied TMS to three sites-PMC, posterior superior temporal gyrus, and occipital pole-and for the first time within the TMS literature, directly contrasted two speech perception tasks that required explicit phoneme decisions and mapping of speech sounds onto semantic categories, respectively. TMS to PMC disrupted explicit phonological judgments but not access to meaning for the same speech stimuli. TMS to two further sites confirmed that this pattern was site specific and did not reflect a generic difference in the susceptibility of our experimental tasks to TMS: stimulation of pSTG, a site involved in auditory processing, disrupted performance in both language tasks, whereas stimulation of occipital pole had no effect on performance in either task. These findings demonstrate that, although PMC is important for explicit phonological judgments, crucially, PMC is not necessary for mapping speech onto meanings.

Use of syntax in perceptual compensation for phonological reduction.

Listeners resolve ambiguity in speech by consulting context. Extensive research on this issue has largely relied on continua of sounds constructed to vary incrementally between two phonemic endpoints. In this study we presented listeners instead with phonetic ambiguity of a kind with which they have natural experience: varying degrees of word-final /t/-reduction. In two experiments, Dutch listeners decided whether or not the verb in a sentence such as Maar zij ren(t) soms 'But she sometimes run(s)' ended in /t/. In Dutch, presence versus absence of final /t/ distinguishes third- from first-person singular present-tense verbs. Acoustic evidence for /t/ varied from clear to absent, and immediately preceding phonetic context was consistent with more versus less likely deletion of /t/. In both experiments, listeners reported more /t/s in sentences in which /t/ would be syntactically correct. In Experiment 1, the disambiguating syntactic information preceded the target verb, as above, while in Experiment 2, it followed the verb. The syntactic bias was greater for fast than for slow responses in Experiment 1, but no such difference appeared in Experiment 2. We conclude that syntactic information does not directly influence pre-lexical processing, but is called upon in making phoneme decisions.

Amplitude Rise Time Does Not Cue the /bɑ/–/wɑ/ Contrast for Adults or Children

Previous research has demonstrated that children weight the acoustic cues to many phonemic decisions differently than do adults and gradually shift those strategies as they gain language experience. However, that research has focused on spectral and duration cues rather than on amplitude cues. In the current study, the authors examined amplitude rise time (ART; an amplitude cue) and formant rise time (FRT; a spectral cue) in the /b/-/w/ manner contrast for adults and children, and related those speech decisions to outcomes of nonspeech discrimination tasks. Twenty adults and 30 children (ages 4-5 years) labeled natural and synthetic speech stimuli manipulated to vary ARTs and FRTs, and discriminated nonspeech analogs that varied only by ART in an AX paradigm. Three primary results were obtained. First, listeners in both age groups based speech labeling judgments on FRT, not on ART. Second, the fundamental frequency of the natural speech samples did not influence labeling judgments. Third, discrimination performance for the nonspeech stimuli did not predict how listeners would perform with the speech stimuli. Even though both adults and children are sensitive to ART, it was not weighted in phonemic judgments by these typical listeners.

An orthographic effect in phoneme processing, and its limitations.

In three phoneme goodness rating experiments, listeners heard phonetic tokens varying along a continuum centered on /s/, occurring finally in isolated word or non-word tokens. An effect of spelling appeared in Experiment 1: native English-speakers’ goodness ratings for the best /s/ tokens were significantly higher in words spelled with S (e.g., bless) than in words spelled with C (e.g., voice). Since the tokens were in fact identical in each word, this effect indicates less than optimal evaluation performance. No spelling effect appeared when non-native speakers rated the same materials in Experiment 2, indicating that the observed difference could not be due to acoustic characteristics of the S- versus C-words. In Experiment 3, native English-speakers’ ratings for /s/ did not differ in non-words rhyming with words consistently spelled with S (e.g., pless) or with words consistently spelled with C (e.g., floice); i.e., no effects of lexical rhyme analogs appeared. It is concluded that the findings are better explained in terms of phonemic decisions drawing upon lexical information where convenient than by obligatory influence of lexical knowledge upon pre-lexical processing.

Lexical Influences on the Perceptual Categorization of French Stops

Lexical effects on speech perception are not very reliable and they have been shown to depend on various factors among which word length. In the current models of phonemic decision, lexical effects are conceived as arising from top-down processing, with or without feedback, depending on the model. Lexical effects tend to be stronger in longer words, which can be ascribed to an increase in the amount of lexical evidence. The present study was aimed at collecting further evidence on this point. The existence of lexical effects was confirmed in a series of two experiments on voicing identification in French initial stops. The effects were present for stops in monosyllables and polysyllables whereas they were almost absent in bisyllables. We tentatively explain the U-shaped relationship between lexical evidence and phonemic identification by two different mechanisms which would be both weakly effective with moderate amounts of lexical evidence (in bisyllables). With fairly large amounts of lexical evidence (in polysyllables) the lexical effect would be due to the fairly complex top-down processes postulated in the literature. With low amounts of lexical evidence (in monosyllables), a much simpler mechanism based on a re-analysis of the acoustic input would be at work.

Strategic Deployment of Orthographic Knowledge in Phoneme Detection

The phoneme detection task is widely used in spoken-word recognition research. Alphabetically literate participants, however, are more used to explicit representations of letters than of phonemes. The present study explored whether phoneme detection is sensitive to how target phonemes are, or may be, orthographically realized. Listeners detected the target sounds [b, m, t, f, s, k] in word-initial position in sequences of isolated English words. Response times were faster to the targets [b, m, t], which have consistent word-initial spelling, than to the targets [f, s, k], which are inconsistently spelled, but only when spelling was rendered salient by the presence in the experiment of many irregularly spelled filler words. Within the inconsistent targets [f, s, k], there was no significant difference between responses to targets in words with more usual (foam, seed, cattle) versus less usual (phone, cede, kettle) spellings. Phoneme detection is thus not necessarily sensitive to orthographic effects; knowledge of spelling stored in the lexical representations of words does not automatically become available as word candidates are activated. However, salient orthographic manipulations in experimental input can induce such sensitivity. We attribute this to listeners' experience of the value of spelling in everyday situations that encourage phonemic decisions (such as learning new names).

38. Imaging language and memory in epilepsy

fMRI has been used to map language and memory function in surgical planning. Several fMRI studies encompassing over 300 patients demonstrate excellent agreement with invasive tests of language laterality (Wada test) and location (electro cortical stimulation). Several language paradigms are commonly used: those that stress expressive language – verbal or semantic fluency, semantic or phonemic decision – identify Broca’s area. Those that stress receptive aspects of language identify Wernicke’s area.

Shortlist B: A Bayesian model of continuous speech recognition.

A Bayesian model of continuous speech recognition is presented. It is based on Shortlist (D. Norris, 1994; D. Norris, J. M. McQueen, A. Cutler, & S. Butterfield, 1997) and shares many of its key assumptions: parallel competitive evaluation of multiple lexical hypotheses, phonologically abstract prelexical and lexical representations, a feedforward architecture with no online feedback, and a lexical segmentation algorithm based on the viability of chunks of the input as possible words. Shortlist B is radically different from its predecessor in two respects. First, whereas Shortlist was a connectionist model based on interactive-activation principles, Shortlist B is based on Bayesian principles. Second, the input to Shortlist B is no longer a sequence of discrete phonemes; it is a sequence of multiple phoneme probabilities over 3 time slices per segment, derived from the performance of listeners in a large-scale gating study. Simulations are presented showing that the model can account for key findings: data on the segmentation of continuous speech, word frequency effects, the effects of mispronunciations on word recognition, and evidence on lexical involvement in phonemic decision making. The success of Shortlist B suggests that listeners make optimal Bayesian decisions during spoken-word recognition.

Gradient sensitivity to within-category variation in words and syllables.

Five experiments monitored eye movements in phoneme and lexical identification tasks to examine the effect of within-category subphonetic variation on the perception of stop consonants. Experiment 1 demonstrated gradient effects along voice-onset time (VOT) continua made from natural speech, replicating results with synthetic speech (B. McMurray, M. K. Tanenhaus, & R. N. Aslin, 2002). Experiments 2-5 used synthetic VOT continua to examine effects of response alternatives (2 vs. 4), task (lexical vs. phoneme decision), and type of token (word vs. consonant-vowel). A gradient effect of VOT in at least one half of the continuum was observed in all conditions. These results suggest that during online spoken word recognition, lexical competitors are activated in proportion to their continuous distance from a category boundary. This gradient processing may allow listeners to anticipate upcoming acoustic-phonetic information in the speech signal and dynamically compensate for acoustic variability.

Factors modulating the effect of divided attention during retrieval of words.

In this study, we examined variables modulating interference effects on episodic memory under divided attention conditions during retrieval for a list of unrelated words. In Experiment 1, we found that distracting tasks that required animacy or syllable decisions to visually presented words, without a memory load, produced large interference on free recall performance. In Experiment 2, a distracting task requiring phonemic decisions about nonsense words produced a far larger interference effect than one that required semantic decisions about pictures. In Experiment 3, we replicated the effect of the nonsense-word distracting task on memory and showed that an equally resource-demanding picture-based task produced significant interference with memory retrieval, although the effect was smaller in magnitude. Taken together, the results suggest that free recall is disrupted by competition for phonological or word-form representations during retrieval and, to a lesser extent, by competition for semantic representations.

Perceiving non-native speech.

In a series of experiments using monosyllabic words produced by a native and a non-native speaker of English, native English speakers monitored the word-initial consonants of the words to decide which of two consonants was present on each trial. In some of the experiments, a secondary task of a linguistic nature, deciding whether the target-bearing word was a noun or verb, was also required. When the words were presented in silence, the native and non-native stimuli were processed in a like manner. Specifically, when the secondary task was not required, phonemic decisions tended to be made on the basis of prelexical information, whereas when the secondary task was required, they tended to be made on the basis of postlexical information (see Eimas, Marcovitz Hornstein, & Payton, 1990). However, when the listening conditions were degraded by presenting the words at a lower level and in noise, the two types of stimuli yielded different patterns. Native speech was processed as before, whereas for non-native speech phonemic decisions now tended to be made on the basis of postlexical information both when a secondary task was required and when it was not. The contrasting results for native and non-native speech are discussed in terms of models of phoneme processing.

Modeling Spoken Word Recognition Performance by Pediatric Cochlear Implant Users using Feature Identification

Computational simulations were carried out to evaluate the appropriateness of several psycholinguistic theories of spoken word recognition for children who use cochlear implants. These models also investigate the interrelations of commonly used measures of closed-set and open-set tests of speech perception. A software simulation of phoneme recognition performance was developed that uses feature identification scores as input. Two simulations of lexical access were developed. In one, early phoneme decisions are used in a lexical search to find the best matching candidate. In the second, phoneme decisions are made only when lexical access occurs. Simulated phoneme and word identification performance was then applied to behavioral data from the Phonetically Balanced Kindergarten test and Lexical Neighborhood Test of open-set word recognition. Simulations of performance were evaluated for children with prelingual sensorineural hearing loss who use cochlear implants with the MPEAK or SPEAK coding strategies. Open-set word recognition performance can be successfully predicted using feature identification scores. In addition, we observed no qualitative differences in performance between children using MPEAK and SPEAK, suggesting that both groups of children process spoken words similarly despite differences in input. Word recognition ability was best predicted in the model in which phoneme decisions were delayed until lexical access. Closed-set feature identification and open-set word recognition focus on different, but related, levels of language processing. Additional insight for clinical intervention may be achieved by collecting both types of data. The most successful model of performance is consistent with current psycholinguistic theories of spoken word recognition. Thus it appears that the cognitive process of spoken word recognition is fundamentally the same for pediatric cochlear implant users and children and adults with normal hearing.

Merging information in speech recognition: feedback is never necessary.

Top-down feedback does not benefit speech recognition; on the contrary, it can hinder it. No experimental data imply that feedback loops are required for speech recognition. Feedback is accordingly unnecessary and spoken word recognition is modular. To defend this thesis, we analyse lexical involvement in phonemic decision making. TRACE (McClelland & Elman 1986), a model with feedback from the lexicon to prelexical processes, is unable to account for all the available data on phonemic decision making. The modular Race model (Cutler & Norris 1979) is likewise challenged by some recent results, however. We therefore present a new modular model of phonemic decision making, the Merge model. In Merge, information flows from prelexical processes to the lexicon without feedback. Because phonemic decisions are based on the merging of prelexical and lexical information, Merge correctly predicts lexical involvement in phonemic decisions in both words and nonwords. Computer simulations show how Merge is able to account for the data through a process of competition between lexical hypotheses. We discuss the issue of feedback in other areas of language processing and conclude that modular models are particularly well suited to the problems and constraints of speech recognition.

The trouble with Merge: Modeling speeded target detection

The model of phoneme monitoring proposed by Norris et al. is implausible when implemented in a localist connectionist network. Lexical representations mysteriously inform phoneme decision nodes as to the presence or absence of a target phoneme.

It's good . . . but is it ART?

We applaud Norris et al.'s critical review of the literature on lexical effects in phoneme decision making, and we sympathize with their attempt to reconcile autonomous models of word recognition with current research. However, we suggest that adaptive resonance theory (ART) may provide a coherent account of the data while preserving limited inhibitory feedback among certain lexical and sublexical representations.