Political Philosophy Research Articles

Thinking politically about social work in child protection and welfare: A radical Reappropriation of the works of Hannah Arendt

This article presents a theoretical exposition of Arendtian political philosophy for child protection and welfare social work. The aim is to better understand and inform social work in the field of child protection and welfare, whilst accounting for the political context of practice. Sustaining the exposition is the view that power-laden child protection systems are ultimately socio-political through their authority to intervene in private family life. This is partly owing to the instrumental power inherent in child protection systems to exert dominance and control over service users and social groups leading to raced, gendered and classed outcomes in child welfare. To unpack the political nature of social work in child protection and welfare, a tripartite conceptual frame of private, public and social domains is derived from Arendt’s philosophical work. This is critically applied to put forward seven propositions for how social work can develop in child protection and welfare, with respect to practice in a socio-political context. Practical implications for future social work include implementing evidence-informed advocacy efforts and conducting empirical research toward preserving balance in social work attention to public and private life.

Review of Bidyut Chakrabarty and Rajendra K. Pandey, Modern Indian Political Thought: Text and Context

Review of Bidyut Chakrabarty and Rajendra K. Pandey, Modern Indian Political Thought: Text and Context

Becoming Hoa: Indigenous Political Thought and the Question of Settler Aloha 'Āina in Hawai'i

Abstract: How is Indigenous-settler solidarity to protect interconnected social ecologies urgent yet altogether precarious? The essay stews on this question in the context of Hawai'i and, through immanent critique of theories about settler aloha 'āina, demonstrates that becoming hoa provides a necessary alternative practice and dialectic process of binding relations together to aloha 'āina. First, I elaborate on Kanaka Maoli conceptualizations of aloha 'āina to foreground the investigation in Indigenous political thought and therein launch an immanent critique of settler aloha 'āina. Second, I examine the question of settler aloha 'āina to explore what it means, and its political and ethical implications concerning solidarity. I contend that the "settler" of settler aloha 'āina undermines Indigenous political thought by obscuring aloha 'āina. Third, I argue that becoming hoa is an alternative mode of solidarity to being settler aloha 'āina. Beyond contributing to critical interdisciplinary scholarship on Hawai'i, the analysis is useful for researching other contexts wherein non-Indigenous theorists, discourses, and movements deploy "settler" as a qualified additive to Indigenous worldviews and practices toward cultivating solidarity with Indigenous peoples on their territories. Settler liberal humanism's attachment to Indigenous worldviews and practices should be reconsidered even as it clings tightly to the language of solidarity.

«Советское» Сергея Никольского

The paper is a reflection on the first part of duology (two inextricably linked parts of one work) entitled “Soviet” by the Russian social philosopher Sergei Nikolsky. In the second part of duology, Nikolsky offers a philosophical analysis of Soviet literature, or rather a philosophical and literary analysis of the idea of the “Soviet”. The first part is devoted to the historiosophy of the “Soviet”. Therefore, the author of the review, to illuminate the author’s intention, focuses on the first volume and mainly writes about the preconditions of the “Soviet” that Sergei Nikolsky discovers in Russian history. The uniqueness of the “So­viet” consists primarily in the unexpected vitality of the idea, the originality of the social practice corresponding to it and the specific creative totality. “So­viet” is not only Leninism and Stalinism, but a socio-political adaptation of Marxism to a special historically determined context, the “Russian soil”. This is also a political and philosophical project to reform personal social conscious­ness, to create a new person and to build a new world. The source of the “So­viet” were the leaders and the state apparatus, but it appeared first in the heads of Marxist-oriented intellectuals, and then produced by the people as a whole and existed thanks to them and deeply-rooted tradition. Sergei Nikolsky admits that the “Soviet” had both the humanistic and liberating potential of the philoso­phy of Karl Marx. Thus, the “Soviet” is the idea of the comprehensive develop­ment of man, the construction of a future brotherhood, as well as the heroism shown by the people during the Great War. The author of the paper also writes on the special tonality of the “Soviet”, finding it successful

Education Motto of President Ho Chi Minh - Theoretical Basis of the Orientation of Constructing Philosophy of College Education in Vietnam Nowadays

From the philosophy of life and human morality, Ho Chi Minh's epistemology was raised to a high general level of dialectical thinking on the basic issues of the Vietnamese revolution. The outstanding characteristic of him is to perceive thoroughly and thoughtfully the nature and movement trends of things, phenomena and life processes in relationships, and then, correctly and appropriately solve the development requirements of real life. He grasped the laws of history, creatively applied them and developed them to a new level. The legacies that he left behind have created a system of comprehensive, diverse and rich philosophies, such as: The philosophy of human life, educational philosophy, political philosophy, philosophy of great solidarity,... creating a Ho Chi Minh philosophy with the title of a sage, a philosopher, or a schoolman, brilliant thinker, practicing dialectician. Therefore, his educational philosophy and educational motto have profound theoretical and practical value in the direction of modern Vietnamese educational philosophy.

Political Philosophy and Moral Thinking as Phenomena and/or Personages: An Essential Short Guide of a Pragmatist Reader

Despite their similarity in style, language, and performance, symmetry, repetition, and the game of arbitrariness are represented by parallel intentional paths. After years of amorphous searching through the compilation of ruins and rubble, we could, with this study, carry out the situational need for the signifier and the signified by establishing a short theoretical framework that helps illuminate the striking appearance of pragmatic phenomena. For underlying concrete acts of interpretation, to understand the meaning to the required extent, alternatively constructed enactment must manage moral thinking and political practice to rationalise the symbolism on the map at the core of the theoretical construction. Since reports, as Mehan and Wood (1975) scholarly warrant, are decoded on behalf of the facts, not of social beings, certain pragmatics of a linguistic complex, according to Saussure (1959), show that word order alone expresses the thought.

Money Life in These Conditions

The content of the article aims to clarify the life of money in today's conditions, thereby showing that money is not only a measure of value but also a commodity in the exchange of buying and selling; all activities of human life are determined by money. To clarify the purpose of the article, the author uses the methodology of human philosophy and social philosophy, and at the same time, uses qualitative methods, analysis, comparison, and synthesis to clarify the life of money. The result is a systematization of the life of money, at the same time pointing out the driving force of money in the process of economic and social development. Still, it also threatens the sustainable development of human society. With all the above content, I can conclude that: one, money is a product of human beings; it becomes a means of buying and selling goods; two, money is a common commodity, which makes money a monopoly product of the state; Third, the competition in issuing money becomes the competition between nations in all aspects of social life, from economics, politics, culture, to science, weapons, and war.

Ideological Mind-Shaping or Brain-Shaping: Fusing Empirical Biopolitics and Political Philosophy of Mind

There are two primary philosophical approaches to examining the relationship between human bodies and political bodies. The first, reflected in traditional political theory on the body politic, is concerned with the question of how individuals aggregate into functioning or malfunctioning collectives—how singular citizen bodies come to constitute wider political entities. The second approach, maturing later in 20th century social and political philosophy, considers the opposite relation: instead of evaluating how the body politic emerges from the bottom-up, it focuses on how bodies become politicized from the top-down. This, more sociological, perspective explores how human bodies are disciplined and learn to self-discipline into particular physical forms and functions. Dominant ideologies can infiltrate the bodies of adherents, and the task of the social critic or political philosopher is to delineate how, why, where, and when political structures shape the minds and bodies of citizens, as well as whether the effects are coercive, destructive, or liberatory. I will argue that a political philosophy of mind cannot flourish without attention to the cognitive science of ideologies. Until recently there has been little serious dialogue between biology and political philosophy, partly due to disciplinary balkanization and mostly because of the infancy of empirical biopolitics, the science of how cognitive and neurobiological processes are molded by political ideologies. I will suggest that attending to the emerging science of ideological cognition can allow us to build a stronger, more compelling, and provocative thesis on the mind-shaping consequences of immersion in ideologies than is possible with conceptual tools alone

The Black Consciousness Movement in Azania (South Africa): A triple heritage

Starting with the 2015 Rhodes Must Fall campaign, there has been renewed interest in the philosophy of black consciousness through popular expressions – on social media and mainstream media articles – and by scholars. This article seeks to revisit the origins of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) in Azania (South Africa). Through an examination of primary sources, that is, documents written by the activist writers of the movement and secondary sources by scholars who reflect on the movement and other expressions of black resistance against colonialism and the oppression of black people globally, this article relies mainly on literature review of documents that are in the public domain. The overall findings of the review show that the BCM drew inspiration from and was shaped by the ‘black radical tradition’ influences from North America (specifically the United States), the Caribbean and South American region, and from the African continent, including locally in South Africa. While shaped by these influences the BCM adapted them and responded to the peculiarities of the condition of black people in South Africa and thus formulated a unique brand of black consciousness. The conclusion reached herein is that movements and the ideas that they espouse, are often confluences of views and practices drawn from different sources.Transdisciplinary Contribution: This article contributes to the understanding of the evolution of political movements from a variety of disciplines – political studies, history, sociology of ideas, history of consciousness and political philosophy.

Looking beyond women’s feminist thought in history

ABSTRACT Historians of political thought have done important and insightful work on women’s history of political thought. This scholarship has proliferated since the mid to late twentieth century and has focused largely on the feminist aspects of their thought. Although this was at first a necessary and crucial correction of prior neglect, I argue that by now this has turned into an overcorrection. By turning to the early reception and rediscovery of two eighteenth-century English female political thinkers, Mary Astell (1666–1731) and Catharine Macaulay (1731–1791), I show that this feminist focus can stand in the way of inclusion by obscuring other important aspects of women’s political thought. I also contend that the feminist focus implies an unfair double standard where women – as opposed to canonical men – are thought of as worthy of inclusion only if they espoused or anticipated ideas that would seem agreeable from a present perspective. This leads to the paradoxical conclusion that, if we want to do justice to the feminist aim of comprehensive inclusion of past female thinkers, we must learn to look beyond women’s feminist thought in history and to embrace their afeminist and even anti-feminist thought.

Бенжамен Констан как философ религиозного чувства

The paper deals with Benjamin Constant’s philosophy of religious sentiment. Constant is known primarily as political philosopher defender of Liberalism; at the same time, during his life Constant was interested in religion. The paper follows development of Constant’s views till his Athenaeum Lectures of 1818 and mature opus magnum “On Religion” (5 vols., 1824–1831). Constant’s philosophy of religious sentiment in many traits differs of the similar projects that were elaborated in the German-speaking space. Constant visited Germany for a long time, accordingly, he was acquainted with German-speaking philosophy and theology (Semler, Kant, Schleiermacher and many others); however, it did not shape Constant’s worldview. Rather, Constant used German ideas to answer on his own questions. Hence, Constant’s views are original in some traits. Firstly, unlike German colleagues he does not concentrate on epistemology of religious sentiment, but on the political and ideological aspects of religious feeling. Secondly, Constant opposes the sentiment itself to its forms changing in history as well as illustrates the latter by materials of ethnology and anthropology. Thirdly, this opposition represents the key scheme of phenomenology of religion, that is why Constant influenced not German but Dutch researchers, more precisely C. P. Tiele and G. van der Leeuw. Fourthly, Constant unlike German thinkers due to his explicite liberal views strongly criticizes church institutions. In general, despite of considerable distance between Constant’s and his German collеagues philosophers’ views, Constant is one of the closest to the German philosophy French thinkers. Constant's philosophy of religion is known primarily because of his political fame.

Unity in Diversity of Religions in Bumi Flobamora, Indonesia: From Traditional to Modern Pluralism

The religiously diverse society of NTT (Bumi Flobamora) has received national title as the most tolerant province in Indonesia. However, reality shows that there are religious conflicts, such as the rejection of the establishment of Islamic places of worship and the emergence of various forms of violence with religious nuances. This study attempts to provide a new contemporary social philosophy explanation for the development of religious social conditions. With the help of philosophical methods, the results show that the ideology of pluralism has long lived in Bumi Flobamora. However, this model of "traditional pluralism,” which is based on local wisdom and supported by the government's policy of harmony, is currently no longer in line with demands for universal human rights, because "traditional pluralism" shows the unequal treatment of people of different religions. Therefore, contemporary social philosophy develops a "modern pluralism,” which is built on the principle of equality. To strengthen this new model of pluralism, efforts are needed to overcome the weaknesses of communitarianism. The main weakness of communitarianism is that it opens up a space for religious appreciation that only emphasizes the togetherness and unity of a spiritual community and views those outside the community as other people who may or should even be excluded. The study concludes that the unity of religions in Bumi Flobamora will only survive if traditional pluralism is replaced with modern pluralism, which is in line with the Political Ethics of the Indonesian nation, Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, and the basic philosophy of Pancasila.

The Politics of the Excluded: The Political Thought of Wong Chin Foo

This article examines the concepts of citizenship and exclusion in the writings of the nineteenth-century Chinese American figure Wong Chin Foo (1847–1898) and situates his works within the context of Chinese Exclusion in the United States. Against a backdrop of intensifying racial violence and legal and social exclusion, Wong repudiated racial stereotypes that were used to justify Chinese exclusion. He argued that the Chinese were culturally and morally distinctive but assimilable to American society. Central to his argumentative strategy was his critical reappropriation of the idea of the Chinese as unassimilable “heathens.” However, his conception of citizenship as conditional on “character and fitness” exposed the exclusionary nature of American citizenship and reinscribed its boundaries along racial and class lines. In treating Wong as a political thinker in his own right, this essay makes three contributions. First, it offers a historical elucidation of what Gordon Chang has called “the politics of the excluded.” Wong’s works show how central categories of politics and political thinking—like citizenship—are reconfigured by the very people those categories were designed to exclude. Second, this essay offers an alternative interpretive framework for reading texts within Asian American political thought and intellectual history. Finally, this essay forms a theoretical intervention by showing how Wong discloses the peculiarities of Asian American positionality in debates about racial citizenship in America.

A Philosophical Analysis of the Legitimacy of Political Power in Tanzania from a Lockean Perspective

This article conducts a philosophical analysis of the legitimacy of political power in Tanzania using John Locke’s political theory as a framework. It evolved from researcher’s observation and empirical studies that concerned political legitimacy in Tanzania. The lack of philosophical approach opened away for philosophical investigations and the necessity of involving philosophical views like that of the John Locke, in addressing of the shaking political legitimacy in Tanzania. The factors such as; allegations of corruption, restricted freedom of expression and limited access to justice, stimulated the author into philosophical inquiring, in accordance to John Locke’s political philosophy on the theory of legitimacy of political power. The Article examines how Locke’s principles of consent, protection of individual rights, and limited government apply within Tanzania’s socio-political context. The study highlights significant challenges to political legitimacy, including allegations of electoral manipulation, constraints on political freedoms, and governance issues such as corruption and lack of transparency. Recommendations are proposed to enhance democratic governance and accountability in Tanzania, emphasizing the critical need to strengthen electoral integrity, protect fundamental rights such as freedom of expression and assembly, and bolster institutional frameworks for transparency and judicial independence. By applying Locke’s principles, this analysis aims to contribute insights into the dynamics of political authority in Tanzania and suggest pathways for fostering a more inclusive, accountable, and legitimate governance framework aligned with the aspirations of its citizens.

A Third Way?

Abstract This article seeks to engage with the particular historical moment when, despite the cold war dichotomy of communism and capitalism, the short-lived (Southern) Republic of Vietnam under its first president, the Catholic, Ngô Đình Diệm (1901–1963) attempted to tread a third way. Diệm sought to introduce a Vietnamised form of French Catholic Emmanuel Mounier’s (1905–1950) political philosophy, Personalism, into the ideological framework of the new Republic, building upon an earlier exchange between Vietnamese and French Catholics. Ultimately this was unsuccessful and Personalism was unable to unify South Vietnam’s diverse society in opposition to the communist North, culminating in the ousting and assassination of Diệm in 1963. This moment offers a glimpse of a different path, suggesting that global capitalist liberal order might not be the only future. This article brings together various sources on Personalism and Vietnam to depict this historical moment.

From Suffering to Sovereignty: The Dimensions of Euthanasia and Right to Die with Dignity

Provided the complex socio-legal fabric of India, the discourse on Euthanasia and the Right to die with dignity provokes profound ethical, legal, and societal questions. Therefore, a need to meticulously examine the varied dimensions of Euthanasia arises. Beginning with the basic understanding of the concept, a comprehensive analysis shall be made in regard to various philosophies associated of renowned political thinkers and philosophers. Additionally, comparative insights from foreign legal frameworks shall be drawn. The research includes judgments passed by the Indian judiciary regarding the legalization of Euthanasia with a clear debate in its context. The High Court Judgement of Gian Kaur v. The State of Punjab (1996) and Supreme Court judgments of Aruna Shanbaug v. Union of India (2011) and Common Cause v. Union of India (2018) proved to be the turning points in Indian legal history and shaped the stance of Indian judiciary on the legislation of Euthanasia. The breakdown of Law Commission reports (2006 & 2008) also finds their mention. Can the freedom to choose a dignified death—the ultimate act of human autonomy—be recognized by the law in a culture that is highly pro-life? If so, there’s a need to structure and strengthen regulations to adopt this choice.

Theories, Facts, and Meanings in Political Philosophy

The consequences of correctly implementing a normative political theory arguably bear on its acceptability. A theory whose correct implementation permits slavery is highly implausible. We defend a claim about incorrect implementation. We argue that normative political theories that will predictably be put to bad use deserve harsher assessments than theories that will predictably be put to better use. Theories that key political actors will predictably invoke to justify bad policy recommendations are bad theories, even if those recommendations are not logical consequences of the theories (even in conjunction with well-established factual propositions). However, standard discussions of political theories ignore such “misapplications” when it comes to assessing the principles and values proclaimed by those theories. We reject this view because the action guidance that a normative political theory effectively provides is mediated by political actors’ prior beliefs. At the limit, these actors may regard public policies as specifying principles that the theory proclaims, as something different from regarding such policies as causally effective in achieving the ends or enforcing the rights proclaimed by those principles. As a result, political actors see themselves as exempted from the need to undertake careful causal analysis. Morally defensible action guidance requires, then, that those principles be qualified by empirically-grounded policy constraints. Normative political theories qualified in those ways constitute theoretical improvements, that is, improvements on the action guidance that the theories provide on their own.

Confucianism Embodied: An �Interdisciplinary� Approach to Comparative Political Philosophy

Confucianism Embodied: An �Interdisciplinary� Approach to Comparative Political Philosophy

Envisioning ecopolitical futures: Reading climate fiction as political theory

Scholarship on how speculative knowledges can contribute to envisioning sustainable futures is thriving. There is less attention to the specific ways in which political theory as speculative knowledge is relevant to these scholarly discussions. This article fosters this link by suggesting reading climate fiction as political theory. The article follows a four-step analysis. First, it clarifies the importance of pluralising and decolonising the knowledges through which climate change is engaged politically. Second, it introduces the concept of ecopolitical imaginary to capture collective visions for sustainable futures, showing the relevance of the theorising endeavour. Third, it elucidates the idea that placing political theory and climate fiction in dialogue can help envisage alternative ecopolitical imaginaries for future world ordering. Finally, it reads Robinson’s Ministry for the Future as an experiment in political thinking: an ecopolitical imaginary that helps to think through the challenges involved in countering the colonial logic of global climate governance and the Eurocentric universalism underpinning it. The overarching argument is that reading climate fiction as political theory offers insight into envisioning just sustainable futures.

Commodities of Work Positions become Monopoly Behavior

The article aims to systematize buying and selling labor power under the condition of money as a measure, showing that job positions are just commodities bought, resold, and traded like any other commodity, making monopoly behavior popular. The article's content is approached from human and social philosophy to achieve the above purpose while simultaneously combining qualitative methods and synthetic analysis. The result is to clarify that all human attributes have the survival value of species; they become different commodities in production and business, measured by standards and money. Throughout the article, the natural world is diverse, with many species, and each species has unique survival characteristics. While animals live mainly in nature, humans create and live on the products of labor. The division of labor has created a complex society with many different occupations and social positions. Money, a tool of exchange, gradually becomes a measure of the value of everything, from labor and products to people. When money becomes the goal of life, people can lose higher spiritual values. This raises questions about the nature of happiness and the meaning of life in a society where money plays a significant role.