Liberal Philosophy Research Articles

Introducing Apartheid Studies (AS): A new forensicinductive philosophy for abolishing harm

This article introduces the new field of study known as Apartheid Studies (AS), locating it as a forensic inductive philosophy of liberation from the global south. I map how AS began and where it is going, and introduce some of its key theoretical and methodological constructs. This way we establish that apartheid was neither limited to South Africa nor abolished in 1994. Instead, apartheid is a superposed, fungible, metamorphosing global problem that exists to this day wherever human beings are oppressed and unjustly treated by being invoiced differential Rates of Oppression (ROp). Due to this, apartheid is reproduced not as something harmful but, rather, as a mere interface and as just any other service (apartheid as a service – AaaS). The article proposes that a systematic, forensic-inductive understanding of the ROp is an effective antidote against apartheid harm wherever it is found.

Philosophical virtues

It has been suggested that philosophers should adopt a methodology largely inspired by mathematics and that the “mathematical” virtues of rigor, clarity, and precision are also fundamental philosophical virtues. In reply, this paper argues that some excellent philosophy lacks these virtues and that too much emphasis on the mathematical virtues excludes potentially valuable forms of philosophical discourse and makes the profession less diverse than it should be. Unduly restrictive conceptions of philosophical argumentation should be avoided. On a contributory conception, philosophy should try to make a positive contribution to human emancipation where possible. The paper argues that it is possible and desirable for epistemology to contribute in this way and that the mathematical virtues are less significant in this context than the emancipatory virtues of what one might call “liberation philosophy.” These include irony, reflectiveness, imagination, contrarianism, and worldliness.

THE UNDERSIDE OF TECHNOLOGY: LIFECYCLES OF LIBERACIÓN IN THE DIGITAL AGE

In The Underside of Modernity: Apel, Ricoeur, Rorty, Taylor, and the Philosophy of Liberation (1996), Enrique Dussel prescribes a philosophical pushback to what Eduardo Mendieta calls the ‘discourses of Modernity.’ Emanating from the global south, as both proximate and philosophical situations, Dussel elegantly unravels a metaphysical prescription of Modernity as the blueprint of empire articulated via political, religious, and cultural hegemonic universality. The goal is to reimagine the ethics of liberation outside of Modernity’s stranglehold on philosophy. Dussel’s thesis is simple: resistance to dominant hegemonic frames which center Western Modernity as that which must be repelled passively accepts those frames as a starting point. In other words, framing resistance as negation (i.e., postmodernism) upholds a binary of dominance/resistance wherein the myth of Modernity remains dialectically centered. What Dussel advocates for is a lens enabling us “...to stand outside the reality within which we live in order to critically understand it” (Burton & Osario, 2011, p. 26). To this end, he proposes a ‘transmodern’ position that privileges practices of the ‘Other’—on outskirts of the Modern colonial scheme—as focal points of liberation philosophy. In his ‘analectic’ method, Dussel decenters the Modern as a starting point of investigation and/or resistance, privileging the material realities of the ‘Other’ as locus of cultural knowledge. In the vein of decolonial inquiry, the ‘Other’ is of the anterior of hegemonic frames, a subject on/of the outskirts that, when face-to-face with dominant hegemony, presents a new way of understanding systems, universalities (which Dussel believes exist, just not as prescribed by Modernity), and the very prescription of the Modern subject. In defining liberation as praxis, the analectic method accounts for the complex realities of the colonized as targets of, and transgressors to, systems of colonization, depending upon material context. Our panel draws inspiration from the analectical approach and includes papers that elucidate the material realities of Otherness on the underside of technology. In an age of technological globalization tethered to neoliberal market principles, we argue that approaching questions of technological expansionism via traditional ‘discourses of technology’ that perpetuate the dominance/resistance binary is insufficient if the aim of decolonizing the internet, the systems which support it, and the artefacts which connect us to it is to be achieved. By focusing instead on individual acts of resistance to totalizing technological systems, we investigate the complexities of living within the landscape of technological hegemony from the lens of the user. From migrants of the global south who both rely upon, and transgress, mobile technologies and the critical infrastructure which supports it, to everyday consumers of technology that often universalize and therefore industrialize lived experiences, the metaphor of existing within and simultaneously reacting to systems of colonization persists. Specifically, we clarify the lifecycle of technological expansionism, from the act of occupation to individual acts of resistance in specific panel presentations that discuss: - Imagined infrastructures of the ‘smart’ (neo-colonial) city. - The push and pull of maintaining Latinx identity within homogeneous digital platforms. - The emotional and physical labor of Asian American women in countering Western narratives which totalize “Asian” identity as monolithic. - The South American migrant experience as dependent upon and reactionary to critical infrastructure. - Corporeal memorialization as resistance to industrialized memory. Each panel topic identifies technological systems, platforms, and/or infrastructures as modern-day instantiations of colonialism as a basis of investigation. For example, multiple papers clarify technological systems and infrastructures as conduits of cultural imperialism, evident in global urban transformation projects and the industrialization of memory, while others query the role of platform affordances in perpetuating inequity and encouraging monolithic identity. As pushback to this totalization, multiple papers highlight the liminal experience of ‘Otherness,’ caught between the tensions of material reality and the opacity of dominant technological systems that often shape, steer, and ultimately universalize human experience. Centering the lens of the individual, we investigate the necessary utility of global technologies (the ‘realities within which we live’) while articulating how actual experience with, and consumption of, these technologies by those on the periphery (those who ‘stand outside’ that reality) can inform a critical understanding of their socio-technical impact. These research topics identify the importance and relevance of decolonial philosophy as a primary framework for understanding the path to liberation from the enveloping forces of global technological systems. In encouraging an analectic, transmodern approach to questions of technological hegemony, we decenter the discourses of Modernity, and by extension the circular dominance/resistance feedback loop which informs much traditional critical scholarship. This panel offers a glimpse from the outskirts, from the periphery of the colonial horizon, situating praxis as foundational to clarifying our socio-technical ontologies.

The Philosophical Foundation of Western Higher Education: A Critical Review of Theory and Practice

Philosophy of education especially higher education is central to making a discipline or subject rational regarding its study as well as its implication in human society. In this regard, the research is an attempt to examine the philosophical foundation of higher education as stated in the major western-liberal philosophies e.g. Idealism, Realism, Thomism, and Pragmatism. It also figured out the strengths and weaknesses of the philosophical basis of the western education system. The study argues that every philosophical endeavor represents the rational ground, which is universal in nature. Besides, the philosophy by and large espouses a value-laden system, which is based on ethics and morality. Although western liberal philosophies on higher education are Universalist, they are value-free or value-neutral as opposed to rationality. In fact, value-free educational philosophy devalues life as a whole and fails to accomplish the desired goals of a graduate.

The right to a fair exit

This paper introduces a novel account of freedom of dissociation, construed as the “right to a fair exit.” It defines freedom of dissociation as the right to end an association without excessive and undue costs. This novel account contrasts with the classic right of exit that some liberal philosophers have theorized as the bedrock of associational freedom. The original right of exit is first and foremost concerned with the protection against excessive exit costs, while the right to a fair exit broadens its scope to include undue costs as well. State policy should aim at monitoring and resourcing exit not only to ensure that leavers have adequate exit options, but also that the costs of exit are fairly divided between parties. This account illuminates a range of cases, such as divorce, dissolution of employment contracts, and contested exits from religious associations.

The Maze of Contemporary Contract Theory and a Way Out

Abstract Contemporary contract theories fail to escape their bondage to 19th century liberal philosophers. Some are based on utility or preference satisfaction, but they disregard justice. Others try to extract conclusions for general concepts such as liberty or autonomy, but they cannot do so without first smuggling their conclusions in the definitions of these concepts. These problems can be resolved by looking in a different direction: to the Aristotelian idea of contract as voluntary commutive justice on which contract theory was grounded before the 19th century. In the Aristotelian tradition, a contract of exchange was defined in terms of its purpose: to enable each party to obtain what he valued more in return for what he valued less without enriching the other party at his own expense. It united a concern for concept of a contract, the purposes of the parties, and the justice of their transaction rather than splitting them apart.

Contested Liberalisms: Martineau, Dickens and the Victorian Press, by Iain Crawford

Reviewed by: Contested Liberalisms: Martineau, Dickens and the Victorian Press by Iain Crawford Jessie Reeder (bio) Contested Liberalisms: Martineau, Dickens and the Victorian Press, by Iain Crawford; pp. xii + 332. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2019, $110.00, $29.95 paper, $110.00 ebook. Comparing two Victorian authors’ experiences in the United States might not seem a particularly expansive prospect. And yet, in Iain Crawford’s Contested Liberalisms: Martineau, Dickens and the Victorian Press, we see just how wide the view can get. Crawford identifies Harriet Martineau’s and Charles Dickens’s early visits to the United States as formative to their views of the periodical press, their own careers, and, ultimately, their incompatible philosophies of liberalism that led to their infamous and public falling-out. While the two authors share much in their parallel trajectories as self-fashioning authors and liberals, they turn out to diverge on subjects as wide-ranging and consequential as the role of women in the public sphere (something Martineau advocated and Dickens disliked) and the nature of progressive history (Martineau adhering to a stadial arc while Dickens saw more indeterminacy than pattern). Crawford follows these fissures through an impressive array of subjects, including abolition, working-class and Irish unrest, urban versus rural prospects, and the role of the celebrity author. Working adroitly in three fields—transatlantic studies, periodical studies, and liberalism—Crawford’s two-author study offers a vision of the early Victorian press as “shaped by a transatlantic community of letters broadly united in [End Page 691] support for the advance of progressive values but crucially divided over core elements of the ideology of liberalism itself” (2). Chapters 1 and 2 track Martineau’s political philosophy as it developed in the early 1830s in England and then during her lengthy stay in the United States. Influenced by Friedrich Schiller and Adam Smith, Martineau believed the key to social progress was the creation of sympathy through robust public discourse, which in turn required a free press and universal access to education, particularly for women. In her American writings, then, Crawford argues, Martineau depicts the United States—and especially the western frontier—as “a potential if still partially realised exemplar of liberal progress” in which slavery, constrained womanhood, and a restricted press all threaten the otherwise promising advance of liberal subjectivity (50). By turning to Dickens in chapters 3 and 4, Crawford offers a striking comparison of the two authors’ American experiences. Reading American Notes (1842), Crawford shows that where Martineau privileged the frontier, Dickens favored New York City; where Martineau saw the promise of progress in America, Dickens saw degeneration from a British ideal; and where Martineau despised the restrictions of American republican motherhood, Dickens condoned domesticity and limited subjectivity for women. Both writers, however, “examined the American press as a predictor of what the future might hold in store for British journalism” (119). And so, on his return to Britain, Dickens penned Martin Chuzzlewit (1844), which Crawford reads as a response to widespread criticism of American Notes—and as a doubling-down on its critiques of American society. Martin Chuzzlewit depicts an atopic America, drowning in a tide of unregulated mass media, disconnected from both history and future, and corrupted by women’s independence. These first four chapters contain some of Crawford’s most compelling close reading, particularly as he tracks Martineau’s and Dickens’s divergent senses of the temporality of American landscapes. And he makes a persuasive case that the transatlantic voyage was formative for both authors’ political views and professional futures. Crawford is somewhat more critical of Dickens’s version of liberalism than of Martineau’s in these early chapters. And although he concedes that both authors “endors[ed] the underlying theory [of progress] that pushed Native Americans beyond the pale of civilised society,” one wishes for a more critical orientation toward Martineau’s erasure of violence against Indigenous and enslaved people (118). Martineau is apparently concerned with miscegenation only as it affects white families and not Black victims of sexual violence, and she locates Andrew Jackson’s threat to liberalism in his censorship of the press rather than in his genocidal policies of Indigenous displacement. These are features of her...

Outside and Outside: Plastic Passages—of Philosophy and Literature

Abstract: In Subjects That Matter , Namita Goswami attends to philosophy’s institutional and disciplinary failures to reconcile its identitarian claims to universality and reason with the feminist and postcolonial modes of thinking it traditionally keeps at bay. This essay places Goswami’s critique within a context of “the thought from outside,” which, beginning with Foucault’s reading of Blanchot, continuing through the geopolitics of Dussel’s philosophy of liberation, and prominent in Catherine Malabou’s conceptualization of plasticity, demonstrates how political critiques of philosophical hegemony contain an implicit theorization of “literature.” If “literature” gives voice to the thought from outside, does it in turn “decolonize” philosophy? If so, what itinerary of thought ought to follow the relationship between this literary decolonization of philosophy and its imbrication within the fold of philosophical thought? How to conceptualize the plastic relation between inside and outside, between center and periphery, without subordinating the latter to the hegemony of the former? This essay argues for a coherence between Goswami’s and Malabou’s materialist understandings of difference and a conceptualization of literature as an “outside” to philosophy that operates “excentrically” “inside” philosophy.

Приватность и частная собственность

The article deals with the relationship between the right to private space and property. The distinction between private and public is based on the form of ownership: what belongs to one person or a limited circle of persons is private, and what can be used by all members of society is public. In Western culture, the origins of ideas about public and private originate in antiquity. Subsequently, respect for the right to private space and property was formed under the influence of such social processes of modern times as industrialization, urbanization and individualization of consciousness. In liberal philosophy, the right to privacy and property is associated with such concepts as freedom, dignity and respect for the individual. Depriving the individual of these rights leads to the destruction of the self.

José F. Aranda Jr., The Places of Modernity in Early Mexican American Literature, 1848–1948

Reviewed by: The Places of Modernity in Early Mexican American Literature, 1848–1948 by José F. Aranda Jr John Alba Cutler (bio) José F. Aranda Jr., The Places of Modernity in Early Mexican American Literature, 1848–1948. University of Nebraska Press, 2021. Pp. 272. While Latinx and Chicanx literary studies have made little impression on modernist scholarship, José F. Aranda Jr.’s new book, The Places of Modernity in Early Mexican American Literature, 1848–1948, shows what a vital contribution Mexican American literature can make to our collective understanding of modernity. Aranda argues that early Mexican American writing illuminates what Walter Mignolo calls “colonial difference,” which Aranda defines as “the space where those who are the targets of colonialism create strategies to [diagnose] and resist their own subjugation” (2). Because “these versions of colonial difference are de-linked from the nation-state,” they make visible what Aranda terms “modernities of subtraction,” or “a peculiar mode of modernity whose darker side, coloniality, operates at a greater distance from the rationalizations and promises of Enlightenment ideology” (2). Modernities of subtraction, Aranda contends, offer a distinct and challenging paradigm for understanding early Mexican American literature; at the same time, they emblematize the challenge that Mexican American literature poses to American studies. Without fully reckoning with the colonial difference of Mexican American literature, Aranda argues, we cannot hope to understand the nature of American modernity. Aranda’s book unfolds over five chapters, each of which examines a set of texts from a different site or “place” of Mexican American modernity. The first two chapters examine the legacy of the Vallejo family and the transition to US modernity in California; the third chapter looks at New Mexico via the autobiography of the Apache warrior Geronimo alongside Miguel Antonio Otero Jr.’s tendentious biography The Real Billy the Kid (1998); the fourth chapter reconsiders Jovita González’s writings about Tejano folklore; and the fifth chapter analyzes the barrio [End Page 136] through a newly recovered novel by Mexican writer Jorge Ainslie, first serialized in La Prensa in 1934–35. Place is crucial to Aranda’s analysis because it allows us to see the uneven and differential modernities depicted in Mexican American writing. Each of these places has its particular history of Spanish colonization, and Mexican American writing shows the imbrication of US colonization over that prior colonial moment. Taking up the framework of the philosophy of liberation from thinkers such as Mignolo, Aníbal Quijano, Enrique Dussel, and others, Aranda equates this imbricated coloniality with the very condition of modernity. For Mexican Americans, it is subtractive because US modernity has meant deterritorialization, disenfranchisement, proletarianization, and cultural marginalization. Aranda’s approach allows him to wrestle with a persistent difficulty in Chicanx and Mexican American literary history, namely, how to interpret the work of early Mexican Americans who professed political attitudes that seem retrograde or reactionary by the standards of later generations. In these cases, Aranda argues that it is important not to allow the nation-state to overdetermine our reading. In the case of Francisca Vallejo, for example—whose early twentieth-century poetry and radio broadcasts Aranda analyzes in chapter 2—pastoral nostalgia does not represent accommodation to the racial and cultural norms of US modernity, even though it dovetails with many of those norms, including the presumed superiority of whiteness and the importance of European civilization in cultivating the land. Aranda maintains that we should understand Vallejo’s nostalgia instead as evidence of what Carey McWilliams famously termed “fantasy Spanish heritage,” but not in the service of accommodating US racial norms. Instead, Vallejo’s nostalgia attempts to resist the encroachment of US modernity by asserting a prior moment of Spanish modernity/coloniality. The value of these early texts emerges from both the critiques they make of US modernity and the contradictory terms their critiques employ. They should not be dismissed for failing to anticipate the radical politics of the Chicano Movement, nor should they be uncritically celebrated as proto-political precursors to the Movement. Rather, they exemplify, among other things, the conflicts and contradictions in the passage from one settler-colonial regime to another. As this discussion implies, one of the book’s notable features...

Thomas Nagel’s Theory of Justice

Theories of justice have become the central theme of liberal philosophy over the past century. Among these, one devoted to the problem of global justice, which has come to be particularly relevant at the turn of the century, deserves particular attention. Among liberal theories of global justice numerous competing conceptions have emerged; they could be presented as three broad lines of argumentation: ‘moral cosmopolitanism’, ‘political cosmopolitanism’ and ‘statism’. Thomas Nagel’s Hobbesian conception of global justice has become one of the most influential ‘statist’ theories. Having used the key points of Hobbes’ theory, Nagel significantly modified his original ideas. This allowed him, first, to invoke the principles of egalitarian justice at the level of the state and, second, to argue that international relations are not the territory of a moral vacuum. These modifications led to a two-level theory of ethics in which justice can exist only in separate sovereign states while the requirements of minimal humanitarian morality apply at the supranational level. As a result, Nagel’s theory of justice at the level of the state proved to be highly logical and persuasive, as well as able to withstand criticism from its opponents; whereas the requirements of minimal humanitarian morality seemed inconsistent and unrelated to justice in separate sovereign states. This has led to an ambivalent attitude towards Nagel’s theory. This article focuses on Nagel’s theory of global justice and the debate surrounding his statist arguments. This article also offers further criticism of the problems and prospects of Nagel’s theory of global justice.

TELAAH KURIKULUM 2013 MENURUT FILSAFAT PROGRESIVISME

The purpose of this study is to analyze the philosophical foundations of the 2013 curriculum in relation to 21st century skills.The research method used is a literature study that examines the 2013 Curriculum from a review of the philosophy of progressivism. The data collected is in the form of books, articles and relevant research on the 2013 Curriculum and the flow of progressive philosophy. The method of analysis is carried out by means of the description method and the critical method. Through the description method, the data obtained is studied in depth supported by previous research that has relevance to the theme. The collected data is then analyzed and interpreted. Furthermore, the results of the analysis are drawn conclusions as an answer to the problem.The results of the analysis show that the philosophy of progressivism education underlies the 2013 curriculum which is characterized by student-centered learning which encourages students to actively explore to develop their attitudes, knowledge and skills.

Falsafah Liberalisme di Malaysia: Satu Sorotan Awal Liberalism Philosophy in Malaysia: A Preliminary Highlights

This article focuses on the evolution and development of liberalism especially in Malaysia since being brought by western colonizers till form social movements in Malaysia preliminary. The philosophy of liberalism in Malaysia is not a newly thought issue, but one that has existed among Malaysian Muslim community for a long time. Throughout the history, the liberalism ideology has evolved among the people of Malaysia since it was first brought in, it is known as liberal Islamic movements. In the modern times, Liberalism's advocates have increasingly and rapidly embraced the ideology of liberalism, especially through the liberal Islamic movement and in the name of human rights. Although liberalism has been part of the society in the areas of life such as economy, politics, culture, law and administration in Malaysia, the development and dissemination of the liberalism ideology can lead to a threat in ‘aqidah (faith) especially among Muslims today in Malaysia.

Falsafah Liberalisme di Malaysia: Satu Sorotan Awal Liberalism Philosophy in Malaysia: A Preliminary Highlights

This article focuses on the evolution and development of liberalism especially in Malaysia since being brought by western colonizers till form social movements in Malaysia preliminary. The philosophy of liberalism in Malaysia is not a newly thought issue, but one that has existed among Malaysian Muslim community for a long time. Throughout the history, the liberalism ideology has evolved among the people of Malaysia since it was first brought in, it is known as liberal Islamic movements. In the modern times, Liberalism's advocates have increasingly and rapidly embraced the ideology of liberalism, especially through the liberal Islamic movement and in the name of human rights. Although liberalism has been part of the society in the areas of life such as economy, politics, culture, law and administration in Malaysia, the development and dissemination of the liberalism ideology can lead to a threat in ‘aqidah (faith) especially among Muslims today in Malaysia.

Pendidikan Merdeka Belajar dalam Perspektif Filsafat Progresivisme

The purpose of this study was to determine the concept of independent learning education in the perspective of progressivism philosophy. The approach used is a qualitative approach with the method of literature or literature review (literature review/literature research). The material used as a study is books and journals that are relevant to the perspective of philosophy and the Freedom to Learn policy. The analysis process in this study includes: data reduction, verification and drawing conclusions. The results of the study show that the current education system was conceptualized by the Minister of Education and Culture referring to the concept of progressive philosophy of thought put forward by John Dewey, where the philosophical value requires: 1) the existence of independence and flexibility of educators and educational institutions in exploring maximally abilities, intelligence and the potential of students in a flexible, natural, fun and democratic way, 2) improving student character as a manifestation of social aspects in progressivism 3) there is a change in educational practice to a more advanced, quality and modern direction quickly and provide real benefits for participants educate. Conclusion. Optimizing the concept of Freedom to Learn is expected to be able to improve the quality of resources and the competitiveness of students in a globalized world.
 
 Keywords: Free Learning, Progressivism, Education.

Hayder Aliyev's role in the reconstruction of peace and stability in the Caucasus

National leader, architect and founder of the independent state of Azerbaijan, world-famous politician and statesman Heydar Aliyev’s universal love and endless respect for his memory have not been bestowed on any head of state in any period of our millennial history. Heydar Aliyev is the brightest figure of the 20th century Azerbaijani politics and the architect of the 21st century independence course. His contributions to practical diplomacy will be studied for many years to come. And every time a new delicacy will be found. This process is endless. Heydar Aliyev demonstrated this to the world at a high level with his policy. In this connection, it is necessary to highlight the wisdom, restraint, determination and activity shown by the great leader in building the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline. Even in those bloody years, the National leader always emphasized that the Baku-Ceyhan project will change the geopolitical dynamics of Eurasia as a whole. This project will make a special contribution to the development, cooperation and raising of mutually beneficial relations to a new level in a wide space. It will also make quality changes in the field of security. Experience confirmed that the Great Leader was absolutely right. Now Azerbaijan is the initiator of several important international energy and transport projects. He is an active member of the implementation of the “East-West” and “North-South” corridors, an active participant in the “New Silk Road” project. The main principles of Heydar Aliyev’s philosophy of national liberation have brought our state to a new level of development and turned it into an important geopolitical player. Of course, Heydar Aliyev’s foreign policy course played a significant role in this process. Key words: Caucasus, peace, stability, Haydar Aliyev, Azerbaijan, Armenia, politics.

Talibov Tabrizi, Enlighten of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution in the Modern Era

The purpose of writing this article is an analytical study of Talibov Tabrizi's Thoughts as one of the intellectuals supporting the Iranian people who is in the middle of the background of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution and the realization of this revolution (1284 AH) in Iranian society. He is one of the influential people in the realization of the Constitutional Revolution, to whom a part of the new ideas in the constitutional period Iran are dedicated. He was one of the pioneers of constitutionalist politics and is one of the first modern thinkers in Iran in the field of thought making. He has also brought aspects of cultural and political modernity to Iranian culture. His ideas and thoughts on cultural, social, political, and economic issues are in a Rupture from traditional science and education. New scientific topics and philosophical foundations of the modern world were the main foundations of his intellectual system. Based on what he learned from modernity, he commented on political issues and came up with new ideas on cultural, social and political issues. He is one of the promoters of natural sciences and modern social and political thought and the representative of the intellectual currents of his time, one of the followers of the originality of reason and experimental philosophy. A believer in philosophical liberalism, he generally rejects the medieval way of thinking and the political system associated with it. His political views are a combination of political liberalism and social democracy, and he seeks to establish a democratic system. Emphasizes the liberty right and the rule of law. He believes in the rule of the elite, that is, the people of knowledge and thought of the agents of reform and progress. It preaches national sovereignty and the right of nations to determine their own destiny.

Features of the historical self-identification of the “Philosophy of Liberation”: the role of the intellectual personality

This article examines the views of Latin American philosophers on the process of formation of the Latin American subject of history, its characteristic features, as well as the role of the intellectual in this process. The main objective of this paper is to demonstrate the position of the prominent Argentine philosopher A. A. Roig, and to compare his position with the position of another well-known representative of the philosophy of liberation (E. Dussel). In this paper therefore, Roig's works devoted to the philosophical interpretation of the process of formation and development of Latin American national thought are analyzed. It is established that in the writings of this thinker the activity of Latin American people appears as the activity of a single collective subject of history. During the study, we conclude that both philosophers (Roig and Dussel), come to the same idea in different ways: the intellectual identity of the Latin American collective subject of history is based on the history of interaction between the people of Latin America and Europe, unique in its dramatic nature and same for the entire continent. The work uses mainly the historical and bibliographic method, as well as the method of comparative analysis.

The Importance of Dystopian Hypotheticals: Towards an Ethical Turn in Liberal Political Philosophy

This paper argues that liberal philosophy underestimates the importance of political ethics, which I define as the question of how individual citizens should comport themselves politically under largely normal conditions. Using three case studies from popular dystopian science fiction as ‘intuition pumps’, I contend that the behaviour of such individuals, both discretely and collectively speaking, has significant causal potency when it comes to contemporary politics. Upon this basis, I diagnose as pathological the faith that liberal philosophers place in the power of institutional arrangements to curtail human behaviour. I conclude that liberal philosophy should embrace an ‘ethical turn’, in pursuit of which I make some indicative recommendations as to what such a development might comprise.

Approaching History through the Future: Some Thoughts from a Feminist Pragmatist

Approaching History through the Future: Some Thoughts from a Feminist Pragmatist