Philosopher Kings Research Articles

Josephinian reforms and enlightenment aspirations

Eighteenth-century historians no longer refer to the sovereign rulers of the epoch of ‘Enlightened Absolutism’ as Philosopher Kings and Revolutionary Emperors. But the relationship between the objectives and reforms undertaken by these rulers and the aspirations of those who felt attracted to the perspectives and principles of Enlightenment requires close investigation. This article considers the complex and constantly changing relationship between the objectives and reforms of Joseph II, and the advice offered by his Chancellor and Councillor of State Kaunitz, who was a resolute and consistent advocate of Enlightenment principles. Kaunitz’s influence was paramount at certain times and in certain areas of policy, but at other times and in other areas of policy he was ignored or dramatically set aside.

MINDSPACE: State knowledges and the new philosopher kings

AreaVolume 43, Issue 3 p. 370-371 MINDSPACE: State knowledges and the new philosopher kings Jessica Pykett, Jessica Pykett Aberystwyth UniversitySearch for more papers by this author Jessica Pykett, Jessica Pykett Aberystwyth UniversitySearch for more papers by this author First published: 29 March 2011 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4762.2011.01002.xCitations: 2Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume43, Issue3September 2011Pages 370-371 RelatedInformation

Impact factor and its role in academic promotion: A statement adopted by the International Respiratory Journal Editors Roundtable

the impact factor is a metric developed and published by Thomson Reuters Journal Citation Reports ( JCR ) ([http://thomsonreuters.com/products\_services/science/academic/impact\_factor/][1]; July 22, 2009) that quantifies how often articles in a given journal are cited during a given time period; it

The king of Madison Avenue: David Ogilvy and the making of modern advertising

Author's Note: Me and David Introduction: The King of Madison Avenue An Eccentric Celtic Mixture 'I Failed Every Exam' The Making of a Salesman Who was Mather? Lucre in America The Farmer and the Spy Big Idea The Philosopher Kings The True Church The King in his Castle Megamergers and Megalomaniacs A Disease called Entertainment The Burr of Singularity Afterword: (More) Unpublished David Ogilvy Source Notes Bibliography Acknowledgments Index

The Desire for Recognition in Plato's Symposium

The Desire for Recognition in Plato's Symposium Alessandra Fussi In Plato's Symposium, Eros unifies the multiplicity of human goals by drawing the entire soul towards the desire for the good. Since, however, we cannot find anything explicit about the composite nature of the soul in this dialogue, the unifying power of Eros does not seem to extend from the soul's goals to its internal parts. This is all the more puzzling given that the Symposium is generally thought to be very close to the Republic chronologically. One may wonder, bearing the distinctions of the Republic in mind, whether someone whose character is mostly shaped by thumos will pursue happiness by identifying goals, and ways to attain them, that are intrinsically different from those identified by someone whose character traits are marked by reason or by appetite. In other words, if we assume that the soul is not monolithic, we can expect that the unifying force of Eros will allow for different overarching goals as well as for different modalities in which such goals will be pursued. If we look at Diotima's speech closely enough, we find some indications that she might have in mind a distinction between three kinds of "goods" towards which three different kinds of character types can be moved by Eros. For example, after distinguishing between generic love and specific love, she offers at 205d three examples of activities spurred by generic love with their respective goals: money, gymnastics, philosophy. It is certainly not difficult to detect in this tripartition a prefiguration of the three classes in Plato's Republic: the money-making class, the guardian class mainly trained in gymnastics, and the class of the philosophers. The distinction between character types in the Symposium is further highlighted when Diotima explains that there are three fundamental modes of striving [End Page 237] for immortality. Those bound to the body will beget children; those fertile in their souls—moved by the desire to be honored—will generate beautiful speeches or beautiful deeds; but only those initiated into the Greater Mysteries will be able to generate true virtue and thus become truly immortal by contemplating eternal Beauty (212b1). As G. R. F. Ferrari points out, in the realm of the Lesser Mysteries love of honor (philotimia) is the highest aspiration, while "in the Greater Mysteries it will be philosophy that leads us to the ultimate goal (210d6). The transition from Lesser to Greater bears comparison, then, with the crucial shift of focus in the Republic from institutions grounded in the honor code (Books II–IV) to those derived from rule by philosopher kings (Books V–VII)."1 Though the soul's tripartition is not discussed in the Symposium, the dialogue provides the ground for a phenomenological account of the difference between the thumoeidetic and the rational manifestations of Eros. In the Republic itself, it is not easy to discern how the characteristics ascribed to thumos fit together in a coherent whole.2Thumos in the Republic is something in-between a raw drive (the sheer aggressiveness of the lion, 588d) and a cluster of complex emotional responses, such as anger when one is convinced of having being wronged or belittled (440c, 441bc), a longing for competitive success (φιλονικία, 548c, 550b) and strong desires for glory and honor (φιλοτιμία, 475a, 548c, 549a). If properly educated, thumos gives rise to the virtue of courage, (429c–30b, 442b–c). Thumos is ultimately a motivational source rooted in the agent's self-image and emotionally linked to the esteem one earns from others. As the case of Leontion indicates, a thumoeidetic personality will be very sensitive to shame and inclined to embrace conventionally held beliefs and values.3 In this sense, someone driven by thumos will also be sensitive to injustice and ready to flare up in indignation at wrongs done. However, in contrast with [End Page 238] λογιστικόν, thumos does not strive towards universality. Judgment based on thumoeidetic motivations is thus often partial, relying on first appearances rather than on a well-examined state of affairs (at 440c, thumos is said to be enraged by the opinion of a wrong done and to start fighting for what appears to be just...

The Dilemmas of Dissidence in East-Central Europe: Citizen Intellectuals and Philosopher Kings. By Barbara J. Falk. Budapest: Central European University Press, 2003. xxxiv, 478 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $59.95, hard bound. $27.95, paper.

The Dilemmas of Dissidence in East-Central Europe: Citizen Intellectuals and Philosopher Kings. By Barbara J. Falk. Budapest: Central European University Press, 2003. xxxiv, 478 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $59.95, hard bound. $27.95, paper.

“Smart machines” as philosopher kings

“Smart machines” as philosopher kings

The dilemmas of dissidence in East-Central Europe: citizen intellectuals and philosopher kings

Discusses one of the major currents leading to the fall of communism. Falk examines the intellectual dissident movements in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary from the late 1960s through to 1989. The author passionately argues that the intellectuals and dissident writers of the region not only contributed mightily to the events themselves, but also collectively bequeathed to the world an oeuvre that constitutes one of the most original, important and useful contributions to political theory today. Besides political theory, Falk provides exciting narrative account of the development of thoughts and actions of those brave intellectuals in the dreary Warsaw, Prague and Budapest of yesteryear.

Plato's philosopher kings and knowledge management

Knowledge and Process ManagementVolume 9, Issue 4 p. 203-204 Editorial Plato's philosopher kings and knowledge management Anthony Wensley, Corresponding Author Anthony Wensley Rotman School of Business, 105 St George Street, Toronto, Ontario M55 3E6, CanadaRotman School of Business, 105 St George Street, Toronto, Ontario M55 3E6, Canada.Search for more papers by this author Anthony Wensley, Corresponding Author Anthony Wensley Rotman School of Business, 105 St George Street, Toronto, Ontario M55 3E6, CanadaRotman School of Business, 105 St George Street, Toronto, Ontario M55 3E6, Canada.Search for more papers by this author First published: 05 November 2002 https://doi.org/10.1002/kpm.156Citations: 1AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article.Citing Literature Volume9, Issue4October/December 2002Pages 203-204 RelatedInformation

Personal loyalty to superiors in criminal justice agencies*

Public workers in general, and criminal justice workers in particular, have a problem understanding the concept of loyalty at the workplace—to what, to whom, and at what price. Despite the fact that rules and regulations almost never mention loyalty to superiors, this unexamined practice has been sacrosanct regardless of how unworthy, inefficient, or immoral these superiors may be. Furthermore, the obligation of loyalty to persons rather than principles can encourage corruption, promote mediocrity, and demoralize the workers. Ironically, if both workers and superiors were loyal to departmental values, they would, by natural association, be loyal to one another. In criminal justice agencies the selection of loyalty objects can be as intriguing as the fear of being accused of disloyalty is real. This article discusses the arguments for and against personal loyalty to superiors, the risks to public service inherent in such relationships, and the organizational dangers involved in such pacts. As an alternative to personal loyalty to superiors, this article proposes a professional model based on organizational identification and individual accountability in which dutiful supervision is strengthened while superiors are appreciated as philosopher kings, role models, and mentors.

El ateísmo considerado como delito extremo en las Leyes de Platón

This article focuses on Plato’s conception of atheism in the tenth book of the Laws. The Laws themselves are seen as Plato’s last great effort to propose a written code, a project that involves major theorizing. In contrast, the treatment of atheism as a capital crime appears merely as the working out of questions of detail (which feature prevention, a subtle typological analysis of atheists, and the means of eventual repression). Punishment of atheism is a strategic principle, closely associated with a new conception of punishment that includes the possibility of long-term imprisonment for offenders that commit serious crimes. The set of the relevant legislative dispositions against religious offenders is thus put in context (of which the broad outlines are the civil and penal codes), payingspecial attention to ‘unspeakable crimes’. The paper puts in perspective the significance of Plato’s last written work (particularly its pioneering character in the history of formal codification of law) and stresses how he restates his thoughts on what political life and its rules should be, thus substantially (and valuably) revising the utopia of the Republic. The main point of contrast between these works can be said to consist in a shift from the philosopher-king to the embodiment of values in the laws, the promotion of a complex system of internalization of rules and values in all citizens and by all citizens, the establishment of numerous means to achieve the conditions and social atmosphere in which the laws can actually come to live inside each and every one. This represents a considerable change if we compare it to the absolute trust put upon philosopher kings in the earlier work. It is, then, against this general background that Plato’s notion of atheism as “the worst of crimes” should be understood. The strong bond between religion and public morality is the basis supporting the set of social policies, measures of detection and strategies of repression of atheism that Plato proposes (described and briefly discussed by Rossetti). So, considering all that Plato carefully prescribes in the tenth book of the Laws, if atheism and impiety appear as the worst sort of crimes, punishable in a few extreme cases by death, this suggests, on the one hand, that the level of cruelty known in classical times was quite low by modern standards, and secondly, that Plato shows a rather admirable moderation for his time. Making atheism punishable by death and so perhaps the only really unspeakable crime is then only an “extreme prophylactic measure”, not “vengeance of the state”.

Educating for “Therapeutic” Child Care: Some Issues, Considerations and a Conceptual Framework for a Proposed “Curriculum”

ABSTRACT While it may be possible to write a curriculum to teach the substantive content of computer science or cardiac nursing, it most likely is not possible to develop a curriculum to educate philosopher kings or child care workers, even if books could be written on the subject. Whatever the ultimate answer about the feasibility of “teaching” child care, this brief article will not even make such an attempt. However, it will (1) summarize and present a theory of “therapeutic”1 child care; (2) describe the Sage Hill Behavior Rating System (SHBRS); (3) discuss some of the issues unique in educating child care workers; and (4) attempt to link the theory of “therapeutic” child care to the ten psychological and behavioral dimensions described and measured by the SHBRS. It would be presumptuous to consider this modest first step as anything more than an effort to provide some considerations, suggestions or at least guidelines as structured by the SHBRS for working with troubled and thus troubling children and youth. At best, in its linking of the notions of “therapeutic” child care and the SHBRS, it will provide a conceptual frame work to structure the eventual development of such a “curriculum.” Hopefully this paper, incomplete as it must be, will provide a fruitful and systematic way of viewing the numerous and vexing issues and dilemmas inherent in our efforts to raise and treat those children entrusted to our care.

Freedom's Law: The Moral Reading of the American Constitution.Ronald Dworkin

A familiar criticism of America’s legal culture is that judges, especially Justices of the US Supreme Court, presume to rule as philosopher kings. Ronald Dworkin was perhaps the country’s most unabashed intellectual advocate of the idea that this is just what judges ought to do. “Freedom’s Law: The Moral Reading of the American Constitution” is a collection, published in 1996, of essays by Dworkin, most of them devoted to Dworkin’s herculean ideal for the role of judges and for constitutional adjudication. This article is a review of “Freedom’s Law”, published in “Ethics” the International Journal of Social, Political, and Legal Philosophy. Dworkin attributed a high level of abstraction to such provisions of the Constitution as “equal protection” and “due process”. These phrases lay down general principle, said Dworkin, and judges ought to give them the best interpretation that moral thought can muster. Dworkin gave short shrift to the possibility that valid moral reasoning might lead to legal or political conclusions different to his own. If the Constitution really means “justice”, and the role of the courts is to tell the country what justice requires, it obviously means less scope for the people and their representatives to decide things for themselves. One good reason for interpreting the Constitution as laying down more modest and specific legal norms is therefore the idea of self-government. Otherwise, under Dworkin’s vision, the people are debarred from voting about almost anything important. But there is another good reason for more judicial modesty, and that is value pluralism. If freedom, equality, and other goals often conflict, then public policy inevitably requires rough compromises: and making compromises is the stuff of democratic politics, not of moral theory.

What to do until the philosopher kings come: bioethics and public policy in Canada.

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The Justice of Socrates' Philosopher Kings

As against current notions, which tend to identify the just with the voluntary and thereby to espouse a politically suicidal individualism, Plato's Socrates develops an account of justice that involves coercion, even against the elite, his philosophers, who must be forced from a life of contemplation to rule as kings. This essay suggests, accordingly, that despite the modern emphasis on individual rights, it is Plato who most fully exposes the perplexity of justice and political partnership, and who thus provides the soundest basis for its theoretical examination. It is further argued, against prevailing interpretations, that the manifestation of this perplexity in the Republic -the conflict between Socrates' city and philosophy -is merely provisional, not fundamental. Learning-loving philosophers actually benefit from the political responsibility forced upon them in gaining access to the greatest learning matter, the idea of the good. This result provides stronger support for the reconciliation of the individual to his own citizenship, and thus for public-spiritedness, than might otherwise be available today.

‘Freedom is Slavery’: a Slogan for Our New Philosopher Kings

But if you want to be free, you've got to be a prisoner. It's the condition of freedom—true freedom.‘True freedom!’ Anthony repeated in the parody of a clerical voice. ‘I always love that kind of argument. The contrary of a thing isn't the contrary; oh, dear me, no! It's the thing itself, but as it truly is. Ask any die-hard what conservatism is; he'll tell you it's true socialism. And the brewer's trade papers; they're full of articles about the beauty of true temperance. Ordinary temperance is just gross refusal to drink; but true temperance, true temperance is something much more refined. True temperance is a bottle of claret with each meal and three double whiskies after dinner…

Taking Liberties with Freedom: a Reply to Professor Flew

Professor Flew interprets my book Freedom and Liberation as a defence of a sort of radical authoritarianism disguised as a theory of freedom. He supposes me to be looking for a ‘Guardian élite’, a group of ‘new philosopher kings who will … create, and impose their own values upon, what Gibbs wants to honour as “a free society”’. In the title of his lecture Flew suggests that the message of the book might accurately be summed up in the Orwellian slogan ‘Freedom is Slavery’.

‘Freedom is Slavery’: a Slogan for Our New Philosopher Kings

But if you want to be free, you've got to be a prisoner. It's the condition of freedom—true freedom.‘True freedom!’ Anthony repeated in the parody of a clerical voice. ‘I always love that kind of argument. The contrary of a thing isn't the contrary; oh, dear me, no! It's the thing itself, but as it truly is. Ask any die-hard what conservatism is; he'll tell you it's true socialism. And the brewer's trade papers; they're full of articles about the beauty of true temperance. Ordinary temperance is just gross refusal to drink; but true temperance, true temperance is something much more refined. True temperance is a bottle of claret with each meal and three double whiskies after dinner…

Taking Liberties with Freedom: a Reply to Professor Flew

Professor Flew interprets my book Freedom and Liberation as a defence of a sort of radical authoritarianism disguised as a theory of freedom. He supposes me to be looking for a ‘Guardian élite’, a group of ‘new philosopher kings who will … create, and impose their own values upon, what Gibbs wants to honour as “a free society”’. In the title of his lecture Flew suggests that the message of the book might accurately be summed up in the Orwellian slogan ‘Freedom is Slavery’.

Flesh for the Bones of Principle

Nearly forty years ago, the case approach to administrative behavior was introduced into the American classroom. It is now well established there, but in other countries where the United States is extending technical assistance it has not yet been accepted. The essay below, which first appeared in the Vietnamese journal Nghien-Cuu Hanh-Chanh (Administrative Research) is an effort to clothe this new approach in respectable garb. It is perhaps not inappropriate to note that the roots of the case method stretch back twenty-five hundred years to Socrates and his successors Plato and Aristotle. Here is how Socrates might have introduced the method to his Athenian friends if he had happened to think it necessary to supplement the education of philosopher kings with a little practical work in public administration: