Peruvian Congress Research Articles

Parody against hate speech

Abstract Political crises often lead to the violent use of digital platforms. This text aims to analyze a particular response to that vitriolic discourse on Twitter: political parody. During the institutional crisis and political battle between the government of former Peruvian President Martín Vizcarra and the Peruvian Congress between 2017 and 2019, some political actors stood out, but not for good reasons. Karina Beteta, a right-wing Peruvian parliamentarian, used Twitter to interact with people, defend her decisions and attack anyone who did not share her viewpoints. She distinguished herself by tweeting confusing and, according to some, mocking texts. These tweets received an original counter-discourse with the creation of @smartbeteta, a parody account of politics. This paper analyzes the parodic performance by focusing on the pragmatic strategies embedded in @smartbeteta’s tweets and the role adopted by this account in the communication flows.

The Impossibility of Party Unity in Peru: Party Affiliation, Subnational Electoral Competition and Party Discipline (2011–2019)

Party division in Peru is a constant event and has become an expected feature of Peruvian parliamentary politics. For instance, in 2016, the elected Congress was composed of six parliamentary groups, and at the moment of its dissolution, that number doubled. This article explores the factors that produce such rapid division in the Peruvian Congress during two parliamentary periods (2011–2016, 2016–2019). It argues, through quantitative analysis, that there is a direct and negative relationship between the fragmentation of parliamentary groups and party discipline due to party affiliation and the dynamics of subnational party competition.

Could a trade agreement strengthen the enforcement of domestic environmental laws? Envisioning the impacts of the US–Peru environmental submissions mechanism

AbstractCould a trade agreement strengthen the enforcement of domestic environmental laws? This article explores this question in the context of the US–Peru Trade Promotion Agreement (TPA). The article examines, in particular, the potential role of the Secretariat for Submissions on Environmental Enforcement Matters (SEEM) of the TPA. The SEEM is an advisory mechanism to the parties to the TPA which allows citizens to bring direct submissions. This article considers the extent to which the SEEM can facilitate the enforcement of domestic Peruvian environmental law thus helping secure Peruvians' constitutional right to a healthy environment. Existing domestic mechanisms of administrative, civil or criminal law are already available to Peruvian citizens. These can apply to varied situations and provide a range of remedies, but often, they are also costly and lengthy. The SEEM began operating in 2018, and its first six submissions already hint at its potential to become a useful complement to domestic legal avenues. The SEEM could become increasingly used in the future due to Peru's prevalent institutional problems and its interest in maintaining good commercial relations with the United States. The mechanism also has the potential to provide a way to address the autonomous actions of the Peruvian Congress or its subnational governments that sometimes act in defiance of the environmental laws and regulations enforced by the executive branch of the national government. Importantly, however, citizens need to be aware of the limitations of the SEEM as a non‐adjudicatory mechanism and the fact that it is not a policymaking forum. Future research on the SEEM could provide a better understanding of how the process of increasingly mainstreaming the environment in international trade law is beginning to have concrete effects.

The Limits of Neoliberal Policy Feedback: Private Pension Fund Reforms in Peru (2014–2021)

A growing literature in comparative Latin American Politics highlights how policy feedback effects help explain the resilience of neoliberal reforms in the region. These works emphasize private actors/interest groups to explain neoliberal policy continuity. Nonetheless, given their focus on continuity, these works do little to explore other instances in which neoliberal feedback cannot preclude change. This paper presents an instance in which powerful private actors favored by neoliberal reforms were incapable of resisting change. An Act of the Peruvian Congress adopted in 2016 opened the door for individual pensioners to withdraw up to 95.5 percent of all their accumulated savings at the point of retirement. Ensuing reforms approved by Congress during the COVID-19 emergency (2020–2021) further weakened private administrators of these pension funds (AFPs). The case shows how the conflicting interests between private service providers and future pensioners make the service providers vulnerable; a divide also found in other neoliberal reforms.

Quantification of the use of eponyms in two Latin American congresses of anatomy.

Eponyms have been part of medical language for many centuries, have put down powerful cultural roots, and continue to be used mainly in the language of medical specialties. The problem with eponymy is that it does not provide any relevant information about what is being studied, which hinders learning and generates communication problems. Ten oral presentations were randomly evaluated, as were all poster presentations made at the II Peruvian Congress on Morphological Sciences and the XV Ibero-Latin American Symposium on Anatomical, Histological, and Embryological Terminology, held in March of 2018 in Lima, Peru. This was done in order to quantify eponym use. Of the 10 oral presentations randomly selected, the eponym use was identified in six (60%). Of the 33 poster presentations made, six (18.18%) used eponyms. In conclusion, eponyms continue to be used indiscriminately in the language of the morphological sciences.

GMOs and Economic Development in Peru: A Myth or an Opportunity?

Peru has a 10-year ban on genetically modified (GM) crops and food that was approved by the Peruvian congress in 2011. Is it scientifically justified or is it a cause and effect fallacy that will make Peru fall behind in taking advantage of this technology and its potential benefits to everyone else in the economy? In order to answer this question, a literature review was carried out to examine the three most commonly used arguments against genetically modified organisms (GMOs) by farmers and all those related to the agriculture industry, reaching the conclusion that they are not one hundred percent plausible. Further research showed the multiple, potential economic benefits that GM seeds could bring about to Peru, which are related to increased labor productivity, the development of human capital, and the expansion of renewable energy sources and its implications for trade and employment – the environmental and health benefits of GMO varieties are also discussed. This paper elaborates on such matters by applying different macro and microeconomic concepts, i.e., market structures and competition, the theory of the firm, and scarcity, among others; and provides insights about the different socio-economic realities present in Peru and possible ways to improve them.

Political reform in the organization of the Congress of the Republic: is it necessary to restitute the bicameral system in the Peruvian congress?

En el desarrollo del presente articulo, se analiza la posicion institucional del Congreso de la Republica en el sistema constitucional peruano. Para ello, se explica en que consiste el principio de democracia representativa y sus caracteristicas principales en los sistemas de representacion “unicameral” y “bicameral” del Congreso de la Republica. Posteriormente, se analizan los proyectos de ley que proponen restituir el sistema bicameral en el Congreso actual y se exponen los posibles efectos juridicos y politicos que podria causar su retorno en la politica peruana actual.

La exclusión de los grandes riesgos de los beneficios de la ley de Contrato de seguro en el Perú: El principio de realidad

<p>El autor analiza el concepto de ‘grandes riesgos’, de origen europeo que ha sido y pretende ser mal utilizado en Latinoamérica. Defiende la alternativa legislativa por la que se optó en la ley de contrato de seguro de Perú, donde se estableció una especie de control difuso en vez del establecimiento de montos que delimiten la barrera. Critica el Proyecto de ley presentado en el Congreso peruano que pretende imitar el camino chileno.</p><p><a href="/index.php/iberoseguros/announcement">Ver video sobre exposición en el Congreso de la República de Perú sobre este tema</a></p>

Time-dependent community structure in legislation cosponsorship networks in the Congress of the Republic of Peru

We study community structure in time-dependent legislation cosponsorship networks in the Peruvian Congress, and we compare them briefly to legislation cosponsorship networks in the US Senate. To study these legislatures, we employ a multilayer representation of temporal networks in which legislators in each layer are connected to each other with a weight that is based on how many bills they cosponsor. We then use multilayer modularity maximization to detect communities in these networks. From our computations, we are able to capture power shifts in the Peruvian Congress during 2006--2011. For example, we observe the emergence of 'opportunists', who switch from one community to another, as well as cohesive legislative communities whose initial component legislators never change communities. Interestingly, many of the opportunists belong to the group that won the majority in Congress.

Angioma del útero

De nuestras búsquedas en la bibliografía nacional no hemos podido encontrar ningún caso, a pesar de que creemos que deben existir y que no han sido documentados. Por esto justificamos la presentación en nuestro país paro iniciar la casuística. Hemos querido traer al 29 Congreso Peruano este interesante caso que nos enseña que todas las piezas operatorias, lo mismo que los legrados y las piezas expulsadas espontáneamente, deben tener la sanción del histopatólogo. Esto parece banal, pero no siempre se cumple y por ello es conveniente insistir.

Quistes dermoides del ovario

Al presentar este trabajo a consideración del Segundo Congreso Peruano de Ginecología y Obstetricia, he creído necesario hacer una revisión de los conocimiento que, sobre el quiste dermoide, se tienen en lo actualidad a la luz de los modernos estudias sobre lo embriología del ovario. La estadística que presento ha sido recogido en los archivos del Pabellón 5, Sala 1a. del Hospital Arzobispo Loayza, durante el decenio 1951-1960.

Tuberculosis y embarazo

Hemos presentado a este II Congreso Peruano de Obstetricia y Ginecología, un estudio sobre la evolución de la Tuberculosis Pulmonar en relación con el Embarazo, en un grupo de 294 enfermas, que pudimos seguir personalmente. Se consideró la influencia que puede tener en su evolución el grado de actividad lesional, la calidad y la extensión de ella, factores todos que demostraron tener un rol de importancia en el resultado general. Todas nuestras enfermas fueron sometidas a los esquemas terapéuticos de los modernos antibióticos, y en algunas de ellas se recurrió además, 01 neumotórax, frenoparálisis y toracoplastía. También se estudió la influencia que podría tener el número de gestaciones. El parto en nuestras enfermas se resolvió según las condiciones obstétricas del momento. Durante el puerperio sólo tomamos en consideración los procesos infecciosos. De 105 niños, estudiamos su peso y mortalidad perinatal.

La colposcopía y la colpocitología: Auxiliares en el diagnóstico obstetrico y ginecológico

Como trabajo de presentación hemos querido plantear en cánones generales, el uso de dos métodos diagnósticos: la Colposcopía y lo Colpocitología, que en la fecha ocupan un lugar de privilegio indiscutible en la especialidad que cultivamos. Estamos seguros que dichos métodos son bastante conocidos por todos vosotros, pero es posible que ciertos aspectos, fruto de nuestra experiencia y presentados sistemáticamente, puedan servirles aclarando conceptos y refrescando ideas; con lo que nuestra intención se habrá cumplido. La Colposcopía.- No es sino la visualización estereoscópica del cuello uterino, bajo aumento y con iluminación directa. Fue Hinselman en 1925 el que originalmente describió la técnica y desde entonces ha sido utilizada cada vez con mayor frecuencia. Nuestro aprendizaje y experiencia con el Colposcopio, lo hemos obtenido en Filadelfia. Con el Dr. Warren Lang (discípulo de Hinselman) con quien efectuamos un trabajo en relación a las Vaginitis. La Colpocitología.- Es el estudio de las células exfoliadas, obtenidas por aspiración o descamación. Fijadas con un colorante determinado y dándose particular atención a la morfología nuclear y citoplasmática. En dos trabajos previos presentados uno en el Primer Congreso Peruano de Obstetricia y Ginecología y el segundo como incorporación a la Sociedad Peruana de Fertilidad Matrimonial hemos expuesto nuestra experiencia en cuanto al papel que juega este método en el diagnóstico de los estados benignos en el terreno Obstétrico y Ginecológico.

Forceps, valor actual

Debo agradecer al Comité Ejecutivo del Primer Congreso Peruano de Obstetricia y Ginecología por el honor que me han dispensado al confiarme el estudio del Tema Oficial de Obstetricia titulado: Forceps: Valor Actual; trabajo del más grande interés en la práctica obstétrica y que procuraremos desarrollar siguiendo un plan simple, clásico, recordando que la aplicación del forceps debe ser un acto muy razonado y no una serie de movimientos mecánicos aprendidos en una especie de manual militar. Se debe pues antes de aplicar el forceps en la práctica, conocer exactamente los servicios que él puede o no prestar; entrar en la discusión razonada de su rol y saber el objeto de las modificaciones que han sido aportadas a un instrumento que ha llegado hoy día a un grado avanzado de perfección.

El Congreso peruano: políticas públicas e influencia informal sobre la burocracia

Las reglas establecidas en la Constitución peruana dotan al Ejecutivo de herramientas que le permiten participar activamente en tareas legislativas. Al mismo tiempo, el Congreso es valorado como uno de los menos preparados -técnica y profesionalmente- de América Latina, con una incidencia mínima en la elaboración de políticas. Este trabajo plantea, sin embargo, que dicho análisis no toma en cuenta que la legislatura peruana participa en el proceso de políticas utilizando canales informales de influencia sobre la burocracia. Estos mecanismos se identifican a través de 31 entrevistas a profundidad a informantes claves: legisladores, funcionarios del Ejecutivo, funcionarios públicos de carrera y expertos en administración pública.AbstractThe Peruvian Constitution grants presidents the power to participate in the policy making process. At the same time, the Peruvian Congress is considered to lack the technical and professional ability to fully participate in such a process. However, such analysis neglects the influence that the Congress can exert through informal politics. Based on 31 interviews with legislators, political authorities, officials and experts in public administration this paper shows that the Peruvian legislature participates in the policy making process albeit through informal channels of influence over the bureaucracy.

Abstracts presented to the XXVI Pediatrics Peruvian Congress - Iquitos, 2010

Temas Libres: Presentados en el XXVI Congreso Peruano de Pediatría - Iquitos 2010.

Scientific Platform abstracts

IX Congress of the Society of Environmental Toxicology and Chemistry (SETAC LA) and the II Peruvian Congress of Ecotoxicology and Environmental Chemistry (SETAC PERU)– International Meeting “Ecotoxicology and Social Responsibility

Scientific Brief Communications

IX Congress of the Society of Environmental Toxicology and Chemistry (SETAC LA) and the II Peruvian Congress of Ecotoxicology and Environmental Chemistry (SETAC PERU)– International Meeting “Ecotoxicology and

2005 Honorary Fellows

At the annual meeting in Ûberlandia, Brazil, in July 2005, the Association for Tropical Biology and Conservation (ATBC) selected two Honorary Fellows. This award recognizes two individuals who have made extraordinary contributions in research and service to tropical biology and conservation in Brazil and Peru, as well as around the world. They serve as an inspiration to all tropical biologists. Paulo Nogueira-Neto, a zoologist and specialist in animal behavior, ecology, and stingless bees, has been responsible for more conservation in Brazil than any other individual. He continues to teach and conduct research. He was the first federal environmental official—Special Secretary for the Environment (SEMA)—in the country's history. SEMA subsequently became part of the Ministry of the Environment and the Amazon. While Special Secretary, he laid the groundwork for the vast majority of Brazil's environmental law and also created a series of protected areas under SEMA (in addition to the national parks which were under a different federal entity) totaling 3.2 million ha. Paulo has been and continues to be active in nongovernmental conservation organizations (e.g., WWF-Brasil; SOS Mata Atlantica, etc.), as well as serving on the environmental councils for Brazil (CONAMA), Sao Paulo State (CONSEMA), and the city of Sao Paulo (CADES). He has twice served as Vice President of the UNESCO Man and Biosphere (MAB) program. He also served on the Brundtland Commission on Environment and Development, where he was the principal spokesperson for biological diversity. John Terborgh adds the Honorary Fellow Award of the ATBC to a long list of previous awards. John received his Ph.D. from Harvard University in 1963. He has been a faculty member of the University of Maryland, Princeton University, and Duke University, where he is now “James B. Duke Professor of Environmental Science.” John has published several hundred scientific papers and books. He was a central figure as the new science of conservation biology took shape in the 1970s. His own work has repeatedly demonstrated the crucial role large vertebrates play in structuring tropical forests. John may be best known to the membership of ATBC for the service he continues to provide in maintaining the Cocha Cashu Biological Station in the Manu National Park, Peru. The station has generated over 500 scientific publications since John's arrival in 1973 and is one of a handful of tropical field stations with an intact vertebrate fauna. Among his many awards and honors, John is a member of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States (1989) and received the Distinguished Achievement Award of the Society of Conservation Biology (1989), a Pew Scholarship in Conservation and the Environment (1992), and a MacArthur Fellowship (1992). The Peruvian Congress recognized John for his service to the country in 2003. John continues to be prolific—with 12 papers published in 2004 and 2005. We can all look forward to interacting with John at many future ATBC meetings. Paulo Nogueira-Neto John Terborgh

Coding Free Software, Coding Free States: Free Software Legislation and the Politics of Code in Peru

December 2001, a legislative proposal was introduced to the Peruvian Congress that would have mandated the use of free software on government computers. The introduction of the bill, dubbed the Law for the Use of Free Software in Government Agencies, or Proposition 1609,1 added Peru to a growing list of countries pursuing legal measures for the adoption of free software by government. Similar measures had begun in Brazil, Argentina, France, and Mexico-and within a year, they would be joined by dozens of other national-and local-level efforts in Germany, Spain, Italy, and Vietnam-all seeking to establish official alternatives to the use of closed, proprietary software by government. But it was Peru alone that uniquely managed to capture international public attention in the work surrounding its legislative efforts. Much of the publicity was spurred through the online circulation of a letter-mediated exchange between Microsoft's General Manager in Peru-who attacked the bill as a danger to the nation's security and to corporate intellectual property rights-and the congressional sponsor of the bill, Congressman Edgar Villanueva, who staunchly defended its support. The letters later became the focus of a wave of international media coverage around the South American nation and its legal proposal. Unlike any other nation considering similar legislation, Peru's proposal and its Congressional author were suddenly transformed into prominently visible players in the global movement for free software. Or as one reporter from the online news publication Linux Today prophetically narrated: In the course of everyday business and politics, once in a while something truly significant happens. At such a time, letters become road maps for change and a politician from a small mountain town in Peru can become a hero to those who believe in a cause: both amongst his countrymen, and around the rest of the world... Congressman Villanueva's reply [to Microsoft]... raised him practically to folk hero status over night (LeBlanc 2002). Envisioning Free Software Despite the unusual media attention captured by the Peruvian legislative efforts, and the rapidly expanding adoption of similar initiatives by national and local governments worldwide, the dominant reaction of free software proponents to the bill in the months following its proposal was to treat it as simply further evidence of free software's continued global spread. Minimizing the local specificity of actors and contexts surrounding the emergence of legal proposals like Peru's, the prevailing reading of such developments in the developed North was as one extraordinary achievement within free software's history of other, similarly extraordinary achievements. For many free software practitioners, it was the seemingly uncontainable momentum of their movement and the sheer technical strength of free software itself-more than any particular local actions or activities-that were to credit for its global successes. Yet a closer examination of the practices that surround the emergence of free software legislation in Peru reveals a distinctly different account. Far from presuming free software's steady advancement, the proponents of Peru's free software legislation undertook various forms of local and non-local work, advocacy, and activism to propel the visibility of their movement. Further, their practices departed from the language of technical and economic rationality that had been repeatedly invoked to explain free software's adoption. They insisted instead on a new framing of free software as necessarily engaged and invested in processes of governance and political reform. And while prominent factions of free software had previously read social linkages to formal political bodies as unnecessary or even counterproductive, Peru's free software advocates actively sought to build relations with bodies of governance, demonstrating a willingness to engage with traditional political channels. …