Personal Sympathy Research Articles

John Owen, Richard Baxter and the Formation of English Nonconformity by Tim Cooper (review)

Reviewed by: John Owen, Richard Baxter and the Formation of English Nonconformity by Tim Cooper Carl R. Trueman John Owen, Richard Baxter and the Formation of English Nonconformity. By Tim Cooper. (Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing. 2011. Pp. xii, 343. $134.95. ISBN 978-0-7546-6361-4.) The study of Puritanism has been a thriving scholarly industry for many years, but one area that has been comparatively neglected is that of the Puritans during the Restoration. There are a number of reasons for this: the Clarendon Code enforced Anglican conformity on England and thus moved the key intellectual and cultural architects of the 1650s to the margins of society; in so doing, it also ensured that Puritanism became little more than an embarrassment to later generations of English scholars and academics. [End Page 159] Recent years, however, have seen a growth in interest in Puritanism as a theological movement, and this has brought to prominence a number of key figures. Perhaps the two most important of these—John Owen and Richard Baxter—are the subjects of this fine exercise in combined intellectual biography by Tim Cooper. Both were not only important influences on theological discussion in the 1650s; in the world of the Restoration they went on to be the leaders of the English nonconformists. Representing two quite different approaches to Protestant theology, they thereby also represented two possible paths for English non-Anglican Protestantism. Various challenges face any intellectual biographer: the connection of the public and the private; and the relationship of ideas to the broader cultural, social, and economic contexts. Both subjects were men of their age who suffered both private and public pain. Cooper draws out neatly the difference in personality between the two men: Owen the intensely private but also urbane man; Baxter the autodidact who seems never to have had an unpublished thought on anything. He also touches on the irony that Owen, by far the doctrinally more narrow, was yet apparently a far more easygoing person than the theologically more concessive but personally more combative Baxter. Whereas Owen was an advocate for tolerance in the matter of church and state, woe betide anyone who did not agree with the latter on his moderate theological and ecclesiastical plans. Indeed, for all of his ecumenism, Baxter was ultimately less political than Owen and unable to realize that politics is really all about the art of the possible. His rigid moderation and his abhorrence of anything hinting at sectarianism meant that his voice was ultimately less effective than that of Owen, both in the 1650s (when he stood a realistic chance of being a significant player) and in the rather more marginal world of English nonconformity. That Owen could be welcomed at the court of Charles II, despite his close connection to Oliver Cromwell, whereas Baxter suffered terribly under the terms of the Clarendon Code, is both odd and, on further examination, an eloquent testimony to a basic difference of personality between the two men. Cooper’s book is excellent. He has done much painstaking research in reconstructing the lives of these two men and, by juxtaposing them, has offered the reader profound insights into the theological and political dynamics of the time. What he makes clear, which has perhaps been missed by previous studies, is the fact that the Restoration shape of nonconformity was profoundly influenced by the personal conflicts between Baxter and Owen that stretched back through the Cromwellian years even to the late 1640s. If this reviewer had one criticism, it would be that, at times, the author’s personal sympathies for Baxter show through rather too clearly. For example, in discussing the issue of the atonement, he is too quick to dismiss Owen for lack of exegetical sensitivity; whatever flaws Owen’s view may have had, willful ignorance of the biblical text was certainly not one of them. But this is a very minor cavil at an otherwise thoughtful, intelligent, and arguably groundbreaking monograph that helps the reader to understand the world of the Restoration from the perspective of [End Page 160] two leading intellectuals who had the misfortune to witness the dismantling of a world of which they were so much a...

The Past and Future of Humanistic Psychology

SYNOPSISIn this article I declare my personal sympathy with aspects of Humanistic Psychology and state what I consider its strengths to be. I critique what I regard as its weaknesses—its lack of realism, lack of engagement with contemporary, harsh socio-economic realities, and some of its failures to live up to its promise. Humanistic Psychology may become a barely significant set of nostalgic theories and practices or yet find ways to bring its focus on birth, education, feelings and patriarchal civilisation to a new readership and public.

Argentina: The Persistence of Peronism

Despite a rocky first term, Peronist President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner saw her popularity rebound, leading to a huge reelection victory in 2011. The election served as a reminder of the remarkable durability and ideologically flexible appeal of the Peronist "brand" in Argentine politics. It also showed the ability of what we might call the Kirchnerist center-left sub-brand of Peronism to dominate at the polls given a divided set of rivals, a national economy buoyed by a commodities boom, and a wave of personal sympathy for a recently widowed incumbent.

Religionsskiftet i sen vikingetid – Belyst ud fra Harvey Whitehouses teori om religiøse modaliteter

Religionsskiftet i sen vikingetid – Belyst ud fra Harvey Whitehouses teori om religiøse modaliteter

... auch ich kämpfe einen verrückten Kampf: Bertha von Suttner, Theodor Herzl, die Friedensbewegung und der Zionismus

In 1889, when Bertha von Suttner published her ground-breaking anti-war novel Die Waffen nieder! she called attention to a decade of war and social stress throughout larger parts of Europe. In a very similar way Theodor Herzl’s booklet Der Judenstaat published nearly ten years later set focus on the misery of the Jewish population in the Austrian-Hungarian Empire, France and Russia. By stressing this ideological equity, this paper sets out to describe the intersection between the Austria peace movement headed by Bertha von Suttner and the Zionist movement founded by Theodor Herzl. As will be argued, their ideological bond does not only reflect a personal sympathy between them, but it also emphasizes the changing character of Theodor Herzl’s versatile diplomatic efforts and the conversion of bourgeoisie conservative Bertha von Suttner and her husband to loyal Philo-Zionists. The concluding remarks summarize some important features of this alliance and highlight thus the significant impact of non Jewish aid for Theodor Herzl’s political aims.

Jonsons Volpone and Dante

Jonsorís Volpone and Dante Christopher Baker and Richard Harp No one has linked Dante's Infernoto Ben Jonson's Volpone. But there are a number ofreasons to think that the first canticle ofthe Italian poet's epic poem was influential on Jonson's most enduringly popular play. For one thing both works portray fraud as the root of all evil, as manyotherimportantworks aboutmoralitydo not.1 DanteusedAristotle to make the principal divisions of the Inferno into the sins of incontinence , malice and brutishness, the latter two classifications comprising the sins of fraud.2 Fraud, says Virgil to Dante in canto 11 when he is describing the plan of hell, "is man's peculiar vice; / God finds it more displeasing—and therefore, / the fraudulent are lower, suffering more" (è de l'uom proprio male, / più spiace a Dio; e però stan di sotto / li frodolenti, e più dolor li assale [11. 25-27]).3 Again, both Dante's and Jonson's master works are called"comedies," but both also contain harsh punishments. Jonson's play is quite distinctive here, not following in this regard his customary Roman models,and making a special effort"to put the snaffle in their mouths, that cry out, we never punish vice in our interludes." His moral labors in Volpone also required ofhim"to imitate justice, and instruct to life, as well as purity oflanguage."4 Jonson refers to Dante in the third act of Volpone when Lady Politic Would-Be, a tedious English dilettante visiting Venice with her equally shallow husband ,brags ofhaving read Petrarch,Tasso,Guarini,Ariosto,Aretino, and Dante, who, she says, "is hard, and few can understand him" (3.4.95). This couple, however, is such a pair offools that her judgment ofDante can hardly be taken for Jonson's own, and her ignorant dismissal of the poet implies exactly the opposite attitude on the part of the dramatist himself. That her remark echoes Dante's own comment to Can Grande that his epic was "polysemous" and "not simple"5 hints at more than a 55 56Comparative Drama secondary knowledge ofDante by Jonson. Jonson's satiric conception of Venice as a locus of corruption, his cast ofperverse characters, and his emphasis upon an appropriate final punishment for each of the evildoers combine to recall structural and thematic elements of Dante's work. And there is one final point: Jonson was a dramatist always sensitive to the shaping influence of native English morality plays; surely, then, he would also have been drawn to the most vigorous medieval condemnation of sin composed on the Continent, especially during those twelve years (1598-1610) when he was himself a Roman Catholic. All of these considerations would have made Dante's combination of comedy and severe morality an appealing combination to Jonson and one not easily found in most other sources available to him. Modern criticism has sometimes seen the punishment ofVolpone and Mosca as inconsistent with their sportive playfulness with folly and avarice.The pointhas also beenmade that the punishments are too harsh for the crimes.6 But Dante has manypersons in the Inferno who are admirable in manyways,such as the adulterous but winninglysympathetic Francesca, the fraudulent counselors but still upright and noble Jason and Ulysses, and the inciter to rebellion but lighthearted and gifted Bertrán de Born. All these and many others in the Inferno have been given their final hard punishment because of an overriding vice that finallydetermined their character andwhich theydesired more than their virtues. Neither Dante nor Jonson held the view that one's own personal sympathies or admiration ofintellector energyshould shape a finaljudgment of character. Jackson Campbell Boswell has recently shown knowledge of Dante to be much more extensive in England than was previously thought.7 Boswell has found 322 literaryallusionsto the Florentine in English books published between 1477 and 1640, a number ofthem by persons Jonson admired orknewwell, such as Sir Philip Sidneyand John Florio. In addition , Thomas Kyd, to whose Spanish TragedyJonson wrote additions in 1601-02, translated several verses from the Inferno in his 1588 translation ofTasso's The Householders Philosophie. Dante was often grouped by English writers with Petrarch and Boccaccio as important Italian poets and...

The Forgotten: Catholics of the Soviet Empire from Lenin through Stalin by Christopher Lawrence s> Zugger (review)

766 SEER, 8o, 4, 2002 radicalizedthem and transposedthem from an ethnic to a class register at least tillthe mid-I930s, afterwhich ethnos returnedas a criterion. Other papers in this collection examine detailed aspects of the Soviet authorities' efforts to construct nations. The authors mostly resist simpleminded explanations based on the notion that the Communists simply imposed a neo-imperial mandate through 'divide and rule' strategies.Adeeb Khalid demonstrates that in Central Asia the Jadids' view of nationhood changed radicallybetween I9I6 and I9I8, leading them to attempt a (shortlived ) alliance with the Bolsheviks.Daniel Schafer examines the alternative projectsforcreatingeitheraTatar-BashkirRepublic ortwoseparaterepublics, and why they were takenup and abandoned;I am not surethat he refutesthe 'divide and rule' thesis, but he does show that it needs to be seen in a wider context. Douglas Northrop shows how the construction of an Uzbek nation was greatly complicated by the concomitant drive to emancipate women, which affronteddeeply held convictions about gender relations. Matt Payne takes the construction of the Turksib railway as a microcosm of the very turbulent relations between Russians and Kazakhs in the I920S; the Soviet authorities favoured the Kazakhs, but nevertheless fatally undermined traditionalKazakh tribalstructures. In the I930Sthe Soviet authoritiesbegan to project the Russiansnot as the pariahs of building socialism but as the first of the Soviet peoples. Yet for a long time their policies remained curiously hesitant. Peter Blitstein demonstrates that the compulsory teaching of Russian introduced in I938 was inconsistentlyimplemented for a furthertwo decades, while David Brandenburger illuminates the dilemmas historiansfaced in the I940S in explaining anti-Russian movements in tsarist Russia, like that of Shamil. Was he a backward-lookingrebel or the leader of a national-liberationmovement?The opponents of Shamil eventually won, but the contest between the two sides was protracted,and the partyneverpronounced directlyon it. Overall, this is an extremely useful set of papers. Most of the authorshave developed theirviews at greaterlength elsewhere.Butthisis a convenient and stimulating compendium of the latest research, and the two editors lucidly provide a context forthe main points at issue. School ofSlavonic andEastEuropean Studies GEOFFREY HoSKING University College London Zugger, ChristopherLawrence. 7The Forgotten. Catholics of theSoviet Empire from Lenin through Stalin. Syracuse University Press, Syracuse, NY, 200 I. xxxiv + 556 pp. Maps. Notes. Tables. Illustrations.Appendices. Bibliography .Index. $39.95. WHEN writing the history of the Catholics of the Soviet Union, Christopher Zugger is hardly an unbiased witness. An American priest of the Byzantine Catholic Church, Zuggerhas the explicit aim of recordingand commemorating the sufferingof the Catholics the 'forgotten' of the book's title - as they struggledto survive under Lenin and his successors. 'Their history is a record of martyrdom,betrayal,victory, and the triumphsof ordinarypeople REVIEWS 767 facing extraordinary times', he asserts (p. xxii). Yet it would be wrong to dismissthisbook as a hagiographicalvolume of simple, inspiringtales. Zuggerbeginswith a round-upof the diverseethnic communitiesthatmade up the Catholic Churchin the lastyearsof the RussianEmpire,not only Poles, Germans, Lithuanians, Latvians and Belorussians,but Ukrainians, Armenians , Georgians and even Russian Byzantine-rite Catholics. Nor is the Chaldean parishin Erevanprovince of Armenia forgotten.Although concentratedintheWesternfringes ,Catholicparisheswere spreadacrossthe Empire, asfarasCentralAsia and EasternSiberiaand even extendinginto Manchuria. Zugger records that by I91 I, some ten per cent of Vladivostok'spopulation was Catholic and the city had a thrivingparish. A 'resurrectionfor the Catholic Church in Russia' (p. ioo) unfolded in the spring of I9I7 as the Provisional Government decreed religious liberty. Catholicleadersreturnedfromexile, amongthemtheUkrainianMetropolitan Andrei Sheptytsky, the promoter of the Russian Byzantine-rite Church; suppresseddioceseswere restoredand Catholic education returned. Zugger maintains that the Bolsheviks' I9I8 decree on the separation of church and state, together with the personal sympathy of some Bolsheviks who had shared their tsarist exile with Catholics, meant that 'the Catholic faithfulgenerallywere favourableto the new regime' (p. 107). However, such sympathywas short-lived,as the statetook ownershipof churchproperty(the Catholics alone lost over i I million roubles of assets) and began to restrict believers'rights. 'The losses in education were consideredby the clergyto be theworstdisasterof all'(p. I09). In some areas,priestswere shotand churches desecrated. The clergy began organized protestsagainstthe Bolsheviks to no avail. Catholic problems were compounded as the Poles, Lithuanians, Latvians,Belorussiansand Ukrainians declared national republics. 'Catholicism was seen as part of those nationalist...

Courting men: mothers, magistrates and welfare in the australian colonies

Abstract Scholarship on women and philanthropy in nineteenth-century Australia has often focused on the relationship between poor women and private philanthropic associations. This article, however, explores the way poor white women in the colony of Victoria turned to the state for support in times of extreme poverty. Despite the colonial government's preference for private charity, ‘good’ mothers, in the 1850s and 1860s, could gain both the personal sympathy of the magistrate and financial assistance in a variety of forms. But poor white mothers found that the colonial magistrate had both the capacity to help and promote them in their struggle to raise their children or to place them under a very different regime of judgement, surveillance or interference in their tasks of motherhood and daily life. This article explores the ambiguous relationship between poor women and the state under such conditions.

Courting men: mothers, magistrates and welfare in the Australian colonies

Scholarship on women and philanthropy in nineteenth-century Australia has often focused on the relationship between poor women and private philanthropic associations. This article, however, explores the way poor white women in the colony of Victoria turned to the state for support in times of extreme poverty. Despite the colonial government's preference for private charity, ‘good’ mothers, in the 1850s and 1860s, could gain both the personal sympathy of the magistrate and financial assistance in a variety of forms. But poor white mothers found that the colonial magistrate had both the capacity to help and promote them in their struggle to raise their children or to place them under a very different regime of judgement, surveillance or interference in their tasks of motherhood and daily life. This article explores the ambiguous relationship between poor women and the state under such conditions.

Civil War Boston: home front and battlefield

Civil War Boston: Home Front and Battlefield. By Thomas H. O'Connor. (Northeastern University Press, 1997) $26.95 cloth In recent years, the continuing flood of books on the Civil War has overflowed the banks of traditional military history and spread into fields previously cultivated by social historians. This expanded interest coincides with the emphasis of current scholarship on previously neglected population groups. Although the sound of guns and the rumble of armies in motion is always audible in the background, this study concerns itself with Home Front Boston, describing how battlefield events affected civilians -- changed their lives, disrupted their homes, altered their work habits, reshaped their political allegiances, transformed their ideas.... Any city could profitably be studied in this way, but Boston is a particularly compelling subject. For most Americans, then and now, Boston and Charleston, South Carolina, represented opposite poles, the extreme expression of the differences that led to the breakup of the United States. It would be hard to think of anyone better suited to conduct such an examination than Thomas H. O'Connor, emeritus professor of history at Boston College and author of numerous books on Boston's history. This background enables him to weave details of the newspaper reports on which he relies heavily into the larger tapestry of Boston life. O'Connor declares his intention to organize the study around four identifiable groups who were significant in the city's life: the business community, Irish Catholics, African-Americans, and women. To some degree, this is a welcome shift from the more customary emphasis on intellectuals and abolitionists, though those elements are certainly not ignored. O'Connor's adherence to this structure is strongest in the opening and closing chapters. Between, it sometimes seems that he has to remind himself to refocus, while the image blurs to a more conventional look at public opinion and political developments. With his long immersion in Boston history, O'Connor is able to sketch his subject with sure, effective strokes, often illustrated by a striking anecdote. It is startling, for example, to be reminded, or informed, of how Jefferson Davis was lionized during a visit to the city in late 1858. O'Connor also succeeds in depicting the relationship among his selected groups, stressing the intense animosity of the Irish toward African-Americans, which persisted after the war ended. Southern perceptions to the contrary, O'Connor finds considerable personal sympathy for the South among Boston's prewar business community; one of the book's strengths is its description of how this attitude hardened into resolute determination to preserve the Union and free the slaves. …

Het werkelijke onderwerp van Aert de Gelders 'Heilige Familie' te Berlijn

Het werkelijke onderwerp van Aert de Gelders 'Heilige Familie' te Berlijn

Mussolini, Sacco-Vanzetti, and the Anarchists: The Transatlantic Context

In The Big Money (1936), John Dos Passos reminds us that for left-wing militants the execution of Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti on August 23, 1927, defined the political discourse of the age by polarizing society into nations: I on one side of the great divide stood the popular, progressive social elements that had fought to save the two anarchists from the electric chair; on the other side were arrayed the reactionary forces that sustained the capitalist order, from American nativism to Italian Fascism. Vanzetti, who anxiously followed the rise of Benito Mussolini's Fascist movement from his prison cell, had arrived at the same conclusion, believing that the judge who condemned him and Sacco wore the American face of the conservative interests propped up by the Italian dictator. The choice, Vanzetti believed, was either fascismo, or revolution.2 Mussolini did not see Sacco and Vanzetti in these stark ideological terms. As the duce of Fascism and as dictator of Italy, reasons of state shaped his policies toward the case. Moreover, even as the leader of a radical right movement engaged in a bloody war against the left, he admired the anarchists, whom he believed were morally and politically superior to socialists and communists. As late as 1934, he continued to speak of Sacco and Vanzetti in a way that suggests personal sympathies for them and for anarchism, attitudes unrecognized by historians who emphasize his unremitting crusade against the left. The two Italian anarchists had been innocent, he protested indignantly to

Ferenczi and Groddeck. A friendship

The close friendship that developed in the 1920s between Sándor Ferenczi and Georg Groddeck was not merely a matter of personal sympathy. The younger man was a frequent visitor to Groddeck's sanatorium in Baden-Baden and the two men found that they shared a therapeutic and psychoanalytic attitude towards the patients that created a progressively widening gulf between them and Freud's paternalistic and authoritarian stance. Groddeck and Ferenczi both believed in allowing the patient to develop under therapy, promoting repression, permitting relaxation and freedom, creating a maternal space and finally attaining to mutual analysis. To the extent that the two of them encouraged each other in these convictions, Ferenczi's dialogue with Freud lost its momentum, finally dwindling into estrangement and silence.

Differentiation of personal distress and sympathy in children and adults.

Differentiation of personal distress and sympathy in children and adults.

'Polemische Sympathie': Daniel Chantepie De La Saussaye (1818-1874) En Allard Pierson (1831-1896) in Hun Onderlinge Verhouding

AbstractIn his Oudere Tijdgenooten (1883) the Dutch scholar Allard Pierson included a sympathetic sketch of his 'older contemporary' Daniel Chantepie de la Saussaye, one of the leading Dutch theologians, who had died in 1874. He depicted him as an evangelical who in his theology transcended the limitations of the evangelical revival movement (the 'Réveil'). The two men had known each other from Pierson's youth onward. Pierson himself was a son of the 'Réveil', even more so than La Saussaye, but under the influence of his Utrecht teacher C. W. Opzoomer he had become a theological modernist. In the period when they were both ministers in the Walloon church they carried on a theological controversy, in which Pierson defended the modernist, La Saussaye a more orthodox point of view. Their polemics sometimes endangered their feelings of mutual friendship, but an underlying sense of personal sympathy remained. In 1865 Pierson left the ministry of the church-partly under the influence of La Saussaye's arguments, which made him aware of the incompatibility of his ecclesiastical commitments and his radical position.

Popper and the non-Bayesian tradition: Comments on Richard Jeffrey

My first serious encounter with Popper's work occurred after several years of graduate work in philosophy which in turn had been preceeded by several years of graduate work in physics. Like many scientists who read Popper, including such notables as Herman Bondi and John Eccles, I found that many of Popper's views harmonized well with my previous scientific experience. In fact, so favorable was my impression of his work that I began a dissertation on Popper's Philosophy of Science. I soon found, however, that the arguments Popper offered for those intuitively appealing views did not measure up to my newly acquired philosophical standards. Moreover, it also became clear that Popper had misunder stood, or at least misrepresented, his opponents, especially Carnap. Indeed, the misrepresentation often seemed so great as to be perverse, even willful. I abandoned the proposed dissertation on Popper. The point of these autobiographical remarks is to show the basis of my personal sympathy with Professor Jeffrey's feelings of frustration in dealing with Popper and his followers. Moreover, I wish to indicate my approval of his attempt to make clear in public how some of these feelings were generated. Nevertheless, while I reject the details of most of Popper's views and would not employ his arguments, much less his mode of argumentation, there is a serious sense in which I think that Popper's general position must be defended against the arguments in the latter parts of Jeffrey's paper. This is because Popper represents an important tradition in epistemological thought. Indeed, this tradition constitutes the major alternative to the tradition now represented by a Bayesian verifica tionism of the sort Jeffrey advocates. In what follows, therefore, I will first indicate some major components of the two traditions, one Bayesian, one non-Bayesian. It will be clear, I think, why Jeffrey and Popper are on opposing sides. Having distinguished the two traditions, I will then at tempt to show that the general Popperian insights which Jeffrey recasts

Immigration Law: Some Refinements and New Reforms

When John F. Kennedy became President in January, 1961, he carried with him a pledge to the American people that he would earnestly work for immigration reform and his leadership in this area was a significant contribution to the Immigration Act of 1965. His personal sympathies on this issue?stated so well in his essay, A Nation of Immigrants?were strong and clear. They reflected a deep personal conviction of the President, formed in part through the counsel given him by his grandfather, the late Representative John Francis Fitzgerald of Massachusetts. Grandfather believed that fair and just immigration policies, for the people of all nations, were very important to our country, and often expressed this to his grandchildren. During his tenure in Congress he vigorously opposed legislation intended to discriminate against Jews, Italians, and other nationals, and, as evidenced by his bill for the relief of refugees from the Boer War in South Africa, was deeply concerned with the plight of the homeless throughout the world. Because of this family association, and my own personal interest in immigration policy, I was extremely grateful for the opportunity to carry out my maiden effort in the Senate, on behalf of legislation to eliminate the national-origins quota system. On October 3, 1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed into law the Immigration Act of 1965. This event marked a victory for the forces of common sense and decency, and for the cumulative efforts over many years of dedicated individuals in government and throughout America's citizenry. The reform accomplished in Public Law 89-236

Education in East Africa

Education is a subject which should engage our keenest interest, our most careful provision, our deepest thoughts. Yet one of the most depressing aspects of education in Britain at the present time is that it is not doing so.Professor Castle writes about education in East Africa. As he is concerned with education in its widest sense – clearly formulated in ancient Greece as that which makes a man – his enquiry is not only into existing educational institutions but also into the whole nature of the societies in which African children are growing up in East Africa today.He is uniquely well-qualified for his task. After spending most of his life in education in Britain – as teacher, headmaster, and Professor – he went in 1961 to Makerere in Uganda, as Visiting Professor of Education. From 1961-65 he was in East Africa travelling widely, visiting all types of schools and colleges. In 1963 he was chairman of the Uganda Education Commission, whose Report is likely to form the basis for educational planning in Uganda for the foreseeable future. Here is no fly-by-night ‘expert’, but a man whose knowledge about educational institutions in East Africa is probably unparalleled at the present time. To these highly professional qualifications one must add that extra quality of an author who has a deep personal sympathy and concern for his subject.The result, in this book, is a picture of education as it is in East Africa today, clearly presented, acutely observed.Such a wide and general subject is fraught with obvious complications.

An Exploratory Study of the Development of Social Sensitivity in Elementary School Children

IT IS PERHAPS ironic that our social scien tists have concentrated for so many years on a study of the most of human beings. As Pitirim Sorokin (9) puts it, we have been cul tivating ever increasing study of crime and criminals ; of insanity and the insane ; of sex per version and perverts ; of hypocrisy and hypocrites. . . . The criminal has been researched incompara bly more than the saint or altruist The result is that our social scientists know little about posi tive of persons, their conduct and relation ships. Given an increasingly complex impersonal world, the need to develop the positive type, i.e., the individual who feels a genuine sympathy and concern for other human beings seems ex ceedingly important. While the amount of atten tion and financial support given to the study of negative types is comparatively huge, the es tablishment in California of a Center for the Study of Righteous Human Behavior indicates an increasing interest in the altruistic personal ity, as does the continued support of Sorokin's Harvard Research Center in Creative Altruism. While there is considerable research dealing with the growth of feelings of sympathy and con cern among pre-school children (2, 4, 5, 6) and among college students (1, 3, 7), little informa tion is available concerning the growth of such feelings in elementary school children (8, 10). Research dealing with adult feelings of sympathy and concern for human beings wherever they may live (9) seems to indicate that many adult Ameri cans are relatively unconcerned about human mis ery, tragedy, etc., that occurs any considerable physical distance from them. While we may get relatively excited about a local tragedy, for example, an earthquake in Iran seems to arouse little personal sympathy among us. The purpose of this study then is to measure the extent to which children in grades two, four and six dem onstrate feelings of sympathy and concern for people in a series of physical locations progress ing from near to far. We are interested in learn I ing more about children's willingness to go out from themselves?to.be altruistic?to offer help to people in distress wherever they may be.

The Faith of Baron von Hugel

One must be either a disciple or a critic. Or, at least, when interpreting the thought of a great man the criterion of interpretation should be indicated. The trouble with M. Nédoncelle’s book is that although it is not a simple exposition—it is in its way an apology—although his personal sympathies are evident enough, his general position is left vague. He writes neither as a theologian nor a philosopher; and no appreciation of von Hügel can help us very much unless it is undertaken from both these points of view. As is stated in the Foreword, certain minor changes have been introduced in this English edition. That they were necessary is evident from the fact that in the French edition (p. 114) M. Nédoncelle stated that von Hügel’s ideas on the limitation of Christ's knowledge were not contrary to the Faith.In England it is especially necessary to be accurate about von Hügel. His influence has been considerable in religious bodies external to the Church. In some ways this has been good; the massive fact of a transcendent religion has been brought home to them. But since the Baron, although achieving an ever fuller orthodoxy, never eliminated certain heterodox elements in his statement of religion, his life seems to offer an example of what a “liberal” Catholic of the future might be; that future when Rome shall be more “enlightened.” This attitude towards him appears to be common among the Anglican body, now so unhappily in the throes of modernism. It is an attitude which the Baron would have intemperately resented! He was fiercely proud of being an ultramontane Roman Catholic. M. Nedoncefle notes that at the time of the modernist crisis “he did all he could to steady Tyrrell and to dissuade him from joining the Anglican Church.”