Personal Rivalries Research Articles

A Chinaman's Chance: The Chinese on the Rocky Mountain Mining Frontier

Writers and historians have traditionally portrayed Chinese immigrants in the nineteenth-century American West as victims. For them, the American frontier was place that offered no more than a Chinaman's chance. By examining the early history of the Boise Basin, Idaho, Liping Zhu challenges the stereotypical image of the Chinese pioneers. Looking at various positive aspects of their experience, he takes an entirely new approach to the study of this ethnic minority. Between 1863 and 1910, large number of Chinese immigrants resided in Idaho's Boise Basin, searching for gold. As in many Rocky Mountain mining camps, they comprised majority of the population. Unlike settlers in many other boom-and-bust western mining towns, the Chinese in the Boise Basin managed to stay there for more than half century. Like other pioneers, the Chinese immigrants in this unique Rocky Mountain mining region had equal access to the pursuit of happiness. Their basic material needs were guaranteed, and many individuals were able to accumulate considerable amount of wealth and climb up the economic ladder. Chinese equality was also seen in frontier justice. To settle disputes, they frequently challenged white opponents in the various courts as well as in gun battles. Thus, the Chinese played all the stereotypical frontier roles -- victors, victims, and villains. Despite occasional conflicts and personal rivalries, race relations between the Chinese and Euroamericans were relatively good; cultural accommodation, not confrontation, was the predominant theme. The Idaho Chinese actually received opportunities far beyond what has previously been assumed. Interesting and provocative, A Chinaman'sChance: The Chinese on the Rocky Mountain Mining Frontier not only offers general readers narrative account of the Rocky Mountain mining frontier, but also introduces to scholars fresh interpretation of the Asian experience in nineteenth-century America.

The Mummers Troupe, The Canada Council, And The Production Of Theatre History

A close examination of the history of the Mummers Troupe raises questions about the nature of the theatre "company" as a central but problematic signifier in the narration of Canadian theatre history. An analysis of the conflicts between the Mummers' institutional history, as recorded through its dealings with the Canada Council, and its internal history of ideological conflict and personal rivalry, suggests that the Canada Council was unable to develop a policy that could support an activist and locally engaged model of theatrical structures. Insofar as its struggle to survive within the Canada Council's terms of containment exposes deeper crises in Canadian culture, the Mummers Troupe may be the typifying expression of Canadian theatre in the 1970s.

The Revolution in provincial France: Aquitaine, 1789-1799

This book presents a provincial view of the French Revolution and assesses the experience of revolution across a broad swathe of south-western France, in an area which increasingly looked to Bordeaux as its capital city. Here the Revolution was not simply a pale reflection of events in Paris. Local conflicts and personal rivalries are vital to our understanding of the shape of events in the region, as are contrasting traditions of religious affiliation, peasant radicalism, and obedience to the state. The book examines the Revolution within a thematic framework, and discusses such aspects as the growth of a local political culture, the incidence of rural insurrection, religious responses to the Revolution, the chequered appeal of federalism, and the uneven experience of Terror and political repression.

Political considerations and personal rivalries: Peronist Argentina and the partition of Palestine

(1997). Political considerations and personal rivalries: Peronist Argentina and the partition of Palestine. Diplomacy & Statecraft: Vol. 8, No. 2, pp. 125-147.

WHISTLEBLOWING WITHOUT TEARS: THE EXPOSURE OF BRISBANE'S KING GEORGE SQUARE CAR PARK FRAUD

Abstract: This is essentially a “now it can be told” account of a massive fraud perpetrated on the Brisbane City Council in the mid‐1970s by six attendants in a council car park, who manipulated bundy clocks to falsify departure times on parking tickets surrendered by departing motorists. Because of bitter personal rivalry between two senior council officials, which was complicated by (i) strong support for one official at elected member level, (ii) the subsequently discovered domestic liaison of the latter official with one of the prime suspects, and (iii) bungling in the crown prosecutor's office leading to a judge's decision to throw out the initial conspiracy charge against the car park attendants, it seemed that they might be reinstated and resume stealing on a massive scale. A method of dealing effectively with the issue, involving “blowing the whistle” while protecting the identity of the whistleblowers, was therefore devised. As a result, the thieves were eventually charged and convicted individually. The senior official who advised against police investigation of the suspected fraud while concealing his relationship with a prime suspect was also punished. The paper concludes with a defence of the deception perpetrated by whistleblowers to protect themselves from possible retribution.

George Bush vs. Saddam Hussein: military success! political failure?

According to the author, the recent Gulf War was brought on not by the clash of national interests, but by the intense personal rivalry between George Bush and Saddam Hussein. To support his thesis, Hilsman examines the history of the Persian Gulf region, then traces the events leading to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and the U.S.'s decision to send troops to Saudi Arabia.

"Der grosse Heide Nr. 2": Heinrich Heine and the Levels of His Goethe Reception

Contents: Analysis of Heine's complex reception of Goethe: his acquaintance with Goethe's work, programmatic pronouncements on the man and his art, personal rivalry, and play with Goethean texts and models. First modern book-length study on the topic first attempt to differentiate levels of Heine's Goethe reception and thereby reconcile seeming contradictions in his thought. Aimed at a non-specialized academic audience acquainted with German literature.

Personal Rivalry in the Hitler State: A Case Study

Personal Rivalry in the Hitler State: A Case Study

Personal Rivalry in the Hitler State: A Case Study

Personal Rivalry in the Hitler State: A Case Study Get access Martyn Housden Martyn Housden Beqbroke Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar German History, Volume 8, Issue 3, July 1990, Pages 294–309, https://doi.org/10.1093/gh/8.3.294 Published: 01 July 1990

Factionalism, the French socialist party and the fifth Republic: An explanation of intra‐party divisions

Abstract. This article traces the evolution of factions (the term preferred to that of ‘fraction’) within the French Socialist party (PS) from the early twentieth century until 1981, with special reference to the post‐1971 PS as a party of opposition. It concentrates on the causes and structures of factions, as well as their location in relation to the wider political system and the degree of political space they were able to occupy within the party. It argues that factions were divided by personal rivalries (accentuated by the presidentialised Fifth Republic), ideological and party policy differences, party strategy, power rivalries within the organisation and different historical origins. Factions corresponded more or less to a series of ideal‐types. These were the organisation faction, whose power stemmed from its position within the party organisation; the parallel faction, whose separate factional structures paralled official party ones, and the external faction, which attempted to transform external popularity into internal party strength. Four factions prevailed: Mitterrand, Mauroy, CERES and Rocard. Those headed by presidentiables enjoyed the most success, whereas the others gradually declined. The presidentialism of the French regime set the PS apart from its European counterparts.

Party Organization at the Local Level: The Norfolk Sheriff'S Subscription of 1676

Organized political parties emerged in England in the latter half of the seventeenth century, and this development has drawn historians' attention for more than twenty years. Party structure and behaviour in parliament and party contests in the constituencies, especially as they existed in the reigns of William and Mary and Queen Anne, have received close scrutiny.1 Signs of party growth, of 'court' and 'opposition' in the house of commons, in fact appear quite early during the long tenure of Charles II's cavalier parliament.2 Evidence for parallel development in the localities, however, only emerges in the course of the exclusion crisis of i679-i68i, when a series of elections fought over issues of national importance mobilized voters as tories and whigs.3 Moreover, even at this time, party affiliations were fluid and often brief, a circumstance exacerbated by the first whig party's collapse after I6834 and perhaps accountable for historians' general neglect of local party in this period. The slow identification by historians of local party can partly be attributed to the complex interaction of personal rivalries and overtly political issues in local affairs from i66o through the i68os. This interpenetration has perhaps discouraged attempts to decipher in the counties the electoral contests and struggles for office, but H. S. Reinmuth's recent study of the Fletcher-Howard quarrel in Cumberland5 demonstrates how such effort illuminates the seventeenth century as a whole. He

Academia to industry: business as usual

territorial zeal in protecting space, equipment, personnel and, worst of all, ideas, can threaten the free exchange of ideas and frustrate collaboration. While acknowledging the danger of generalization, and that personal rivalries and undesirable behavior can surface in any setting, I none the less consider that my present environment has been extremely successful in developing an organization conducive to collaboration and the sharing of ideas. I believe that the merits of this approach will become increasingly evident in the coming years. I consider that some of the most important and fundamental questions in the biological sciences can best be answered by cooperative interactions between scientists with diverse skills who have access to substantial resources. I believe that industry has much to offer in this regard and that the coming decade will find many industrial laboratories at the forefront of research in the biomedical sciences. In addition to the significant contributions that this trend will make to the technological productivity of nations and to human welfare, it will also eliminate many of the anachronistic and artificial barriers that exist between academia and industry, and will allow them to face the future as partners rather than as strangers. G. Poste is Vice-President, Smith Kline and French Laboratories, 1500 Spring Garden Street, PO Box 7929, Philadelphi~ PA 19101, USA.

Nationalism, Modernism, and Personal Rivalry in Nineteenth-Century RussianMusic

Nationalism, Modernism, and Personal Rivalry in Nineteenth-Century RussianMusic

: Nationalism, Modernism, and Personal Rivalry in Nineteenth-Century Russian Music . Robert C. Ridenour, Malcolm Hamrick Brown.

: Nationalism, Modernism, and Personal Rivalry in Nineteenth-Century Russian Music . Robert C. Ridenour, Malcolm Hamrick Brown.

‘First wave’ feminism in nineteenth-century France: Class, family and religion

The history of ‘first wave’ feminism in France raises several questions of relevance to the contemporary women's movement. Organized French feminism began during the struggle to replace a Catholic monarchy with a rationalistic, republican form of government. Because of the allegiance of most Frenchwomen to the church, however, even the republican and socialist supporters of feminist reform in educational institutions and in civil rights opposed political participation by women. Feminists, who themselves emphasized reforms in family law and economic opportunities, formed numerous organizations, published journals and held national and international meetings, but remained less a movement than a mosaic of leaders and groups divided by class, religion and personal rivalry. More importantly, they were estranged from the majority of Frenchwomen by questions pertaining to the relationship of women to the traditional patriarchal family, which continued to play a dominant role in the religious, economic and social life of the country. Internal conflict developed over protective legislation and women's ‘right to work’, while external opposition centered about the politically reactionary potential of religious women, and the alleged ‘anti-patriotic’ individualism of those who rejected motherhood as the ‘natural vocation’ and only career of women. By pitting feminism against a particular form of the family, antifeminists obscured the reality of women's oppression and succeeded in alienating the potential support for feminism of most Frenchwomen.

Nationalism, Modernism, and Personal Rivalry in Nineteenth-Century Russian Music. By Robert C. Ridenour. Russian Music Studies, no. 1. Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1981. v, 258 pp. $44.95.

Nationalism, Modernism, and Personal Rivalry in Nineteenth-Century Russian Music. By Robert C. Ridenour. Russian Music Studies, no. 1. Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1981. v, 258 pp. $44.95. - Volume 41 Issue 4

Great Britain, France, and the Ethiopian Tripartite Treaty of 1906

In assessing the events which brought Great Britain and France from the edge of war at Fashoda in 1898 to the alliance of 1914, scholars have paid little attention to the settlement of Anglo-French differences in the independent African empire of Ethiopia. The resolution of Ethiopian problems in 1906 was nonetheless important in forging close Anglo-French relations, especially when viewed within the context of the better-known Entente Cordiale of 1904. By excluding Anglo-French conflicting Ethiopian interests from the already difficult entente negotiations, British and French statesmen removed a potential stumbling block to that important and seminal agreement. In a more positive vein, the subsequent signing of a separate Tripartite Treaty on Ethiopia—the Italians were the third signatory—actively reinforced the Entente Cordiale itself. To the French the Ethiopian agreement was a confirmation of British good faith in implementing the spirit of the entente beyond areas specified in the more important accord of 1904. To the British it was an object lesson that certain imperial interests in Ethiopia should not jeopardize generally improving relations with France. To both countries the Tripartite Treaty of 1906 tidied unfinished business of the entente and eliminated to each nation's general satisfaction a nagging local conflict.French Foreign Minister Theophile Delcassé had wanted to include Ethiopia in the entente agreement. During the course of the negotiations he suggested to his English counterpart Lord Lansdowne a “comprehensive settlement” of colonial-imperial differences. While individuals in the British Foreign Office considered adding Ethiopia to the larger rapprochement over Egypt and Morocco, the British cabinet decided to postpone Ethiopian matters until after conclusion of the Entente Cordiale. In good part this decision reflected respect for the complexity of strategic, financial, and personal rivalries of the two great imperial powers in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.

Soldiers and Politics: The Case of Ghana

The politics of the succession of military coups d'état in Ghana represent an illuminating case of militarization processes in an underdeveloped society. The paper shows that the main reasons why Nkrumah's 'anti-imperialist' regime fell (1966) were to be found in the inner dynamics of Ghanaian political, tribal, and class contradictions, strengthened by personal rivalries. External interests — at that stage Western imperialist quarters notably — were however more than sympathetic to the overthrow, the new regime more than willing to accomodate to the policy of these quarters, and the coup thus represented a major change in the ideological Great Power struggle over Africa. With Ghana's decreasing international significance, external factors also came to represent a decreasing influence over successive internal conflits and repeated military coups. The paper shows in some detail the dynamics of these coups. It practically refutes the assumption about the military as 'modernizing developers'. And it shows how the civilian-military distinction in the process of struggle and changing administrations becomes blurred. According to the author, the distinction is generally much overemphasized: the civilian-military relationship in reality is a matter of various mixes with distinct interests, civilian and military, behind each interest.

Al‐Muwailihi's criticism of Shawqi's introduction

In a recently published paper Roger Allen draws attention to the importance of the criticism, levelled by Muhammad al-Muwailihi at Ahmad Shawqi's Introduction to the first publication of the Shawqiyyat for understanding the earlier phases of modern Arabic literature. ' With the passage of time both the Introduction and the Criticism seem to be gaining a great deal as major statements of two prominent Egyptian literary figures at the turn of the century. It is no wonder that these documents appear now to merit even closer study. Abd al-Hayy Diyab was probably the first contemporary scholar to show that there is in these documents a great deal more than a record of personal rivalry of the rather typical sort for those days.2 In his valuable and lucid presentation of the critical situation of the time he places each one of them in context, thus enabling us to see clearly the nature of the intracultural conflict within which they were born. The advantage of Diyab's approach is that it helps to overcome the mistaken impression of Shawqi's Introduction as 'a confused jumble' which Allen evidently shares.3 In fact, this was alMuwailihi's main criticism against Shawqi's view on poetry and for a long time no one challenged its validity. The argument which readers found most impressive in the Criticism is summarized as follows: at first Shawqi speaks very highly of Arab poets such as al-Ma'arri and al-Mutanabbi, but soon after that he claims that having knocked at poetry's door meaning Arab poetry he had found only unpoetic diwans.4 Yet, strange as it may be, this representation of Shawqi's argument is inaccurate. What Shawqi really said was: 'I knocked at poetry's door without knowing as much about it then as I know now. All I found were diwans of the dead ... and qasidas by the living which merely imitated the ancients.'5 The underlined qualification is of the essence of Shawqi's argument, which becomes very clear in Diyab's book. For the situation of Arabic poetry facing Shawqi in his youth was indeed lamentable, and a young intellectual could understandably know no more of it than was being written in his days. The realistic evaluation of the situation had nothing to do with the excellence of ancient Arabic poetry which Shawqi apparently learned to appreciate only after he began writing poetry of his own. As Diyab shows the very desire for a renaissance of Arabic poetry sprang from the realization that Arabic poetry had degenerated into sheer metre and rhyme. Only after the Barudian renaissance re-discovered the long neglected ancient poetry was it possible to appreciate that those ancient diwans were anything more than 'diwans of the dead'. Thus al-Muwailihi's accusation of Shawqi that he had displayed inconsistency by first admiring some of the ancient poets and then telling of his distaste for the poetic situation in his youth, before knowing of poetry as much as he came to know subsequently, is one of the weakest points in his Criticism.

Russia and Europe: Diplomacy, Revolution, and Economic Development in the 1920s

Interests (material and ideal), not ideas, dominate directly the actions of men. Yet the 'images of the world' created by these ideas often serve as switches determining the tracks on which the dynamism of interests keeps the actions moving. (Max Weber) The twenties in Russia saw the conclusion of bloody civil war and potentially more dangerous foreign intervention, the death of Lenin and the ensuing struggle among his disciples for primacy in the Soviet state, and the travail of an economy enduring the desperate measures of War Communism, the vicissitudes of the New Economic Policy, and the start of massive collectivization and rapid industrialization. Each of these developments led to prolonged controversy amongst the Bolshevik leaders. Despite the official myth of monolithic unity, the party in this decade was seriously divided on almost every issue. Because the relationship between Soviet Russia and capitalist Europe was the subject of intense debate, questions of foreign policy were no exception. The evolution of Soviet conceptions of national security for the ussr in a hostile Europe, the interplay of ideology and both domestic and foreign events in forming the Bolsheviks' views of European affairs, and the role of personal rivalries and factional politics as they shaped and were shaped by the major issues in Soviet foreign policy, are all subjects in need of and deserving explanation in detail.1