Personal Crime Victimization Research Articles

Patterns of Victimization and Gender: Linking Emotion, Coping, Reporting and Help-seeking

This paper aims to systematically address the differing experiences of men and women across the process of victimization and to situate the findings in terms of gendered differences in coping behaviours. The significance of gender and related emotional responses across four stages of victimization—risk, reporting to the police, service use and satisfaction—are explored via a series of logistic multi-level models of Scottish Crime and Justice Survey ( n = 16,000) data, each one examining the impact of gender and emotional responses at subsequent stages in the process of victimization. Variables representing negative emotional responses to crime felt by respondents were included as proxy measures indicating poor or unsuccessful coping. These consisted of eight binary variables measuring anger, shock, fear, depression, anxiety, vulnerability, having difficulty sleeping and crying/being tearful. Findings demonstrate that men have significantly greater odds of personal crime victimization (excluding domestic and sexual violence) yet have lower odds of reporting their victimization to the police. They are also less inclined to take up victim support services than women and find services less helpful when they are in fact used. Also evident is the comparative importance of the emotional impact of crime and coping strategies on further involvement with the criminal justice system.

Experiencing discrimination mediates the relationship between victimization and social withdrawal in patients suffering from a severe mental illness: A cross-sectional study

Psychiatric patients are often victims of crime and discrimination and are often socially withdrawn. This has negative consequences for their health and recovery. We examined whether such discrimination mediates the association between victimization and social withdrawal, and whether these associations differ between men and women. We also determined the prevalence of social withdrawal and the discrimination experienced by patients suffering from a severe mental illness. This study is embedded in the Victimization in Psychiatric Patients study. Information on discrimination, social withdrawal and victimization was obtained using structured self-report questionnaires (N = 949). We reported the 12-month prevalence of these phenomena and used path analysis to estimate the direct path between personal and property victimization and social withdrawal, and the indirect path through the discrimination experienced. The impact of gender was assessed by testing interaction terms. Social withdrawal was reported by 20.6% (95%CI 18.1–23.2) of participants, and being discriminated against in the past 12 months by 75.3% (95%CI: 72.6–78.0%). While crime victimization had no direct effects on social withdrawal, personal crime victimization (B = 0.47; 95%CI 0.25-0.72; p < 0.001) and property crime victimization (B = 0.65; 95%CI 0.42-0.93; p < 0.001) had significant indirect effects on social withdrawal, which were mediated by the discrimination experienced. In men we found a direct negative effect of property crime on social withdrawal (B = -0.68; 95%CI: −1.21to −0.11, p = 0.014). We conclude that personal and property victimization, for both men and women, was associated with higher levels of social withdrawal, and this was fully mediated by the discrimination experienced.

Cumulative Effects of Neighborhood Social Adversity and Personal Crime Victimization on Adolescent Psychotic Experiences.

Background: Little is known about the impact of urbanicity, adverse neighborhood conditions and violent crime victimization on the emergence of adolescent psychotic experiences. Methods: Participants were from the Environmental Risk (E-Risk) Longitudinal Twin Study, a nationally-representative cohort of 2232 British twins who were interviewed about adolescent psychotic experiences at age 18. Urbanicity, neighborhood characteristics, and personal victimization by violent crime were measured during childhood and adolescence via geocoded census data, surveys of over 5000 immediate neighbors of the E-Risk participants, and interviews with participants themselves. Results: Adolescents raised in urban vs rural neighborhoods were significantly more likely to have psychotic experiences (OR = 1.67, 95% CI = 1.21–2.30, P = .002). This association remained significant after considering potential confounders including family socioeconomic status, family psychiatric history, and adolescent substance problems (OR = 1.43, 95% CI = 1.01–2.03, P = .042), but became nonsignificant after considering adverse social conditions in urban neighborhoods such as low social cohesion and high neighborhood disorder (OR = 1.35, 95% CI = 0.94–1.92, P = .102). The combined association of adverse neighborhood social conditions and personal crime victimization with adolescent psychotic experiences (adjusted OR = 4.86, 95% CI = 3.28–7.20, P < .001) was substantially greater than for either exposure alone, highlighting a potential interaction between neighborhood conditions and crime victimization (interaction contrast ratio = 1.81, 95% CI = −0.03 to 3.65) that was significant at the P = .054 level. Conclusions: Cumulative effects of adverse neighborhood social conditions and personal victimization by violent crime during upbringing partly explain why adolescents in urban settings are more likely to report psychotic experiences. Early intervention efforts for psychosis could be targeted towards victimized youth living in urban and socially adverse neighborhoods.

Structural Constraints, Risky Lifestyles, and Repeat Victimization

Research indicates that victims who make changes to their risky behavioral routines are better able to avoid being victimized again in the future. Nevertheless, some victims’ abilities to change their behaviors may be limited by what Hindelang et al. in Victims of personal crime: an empirical foundation for a theory of personal victimization. Ballinger, Cambridge (1978) referred to as “structural constraints.” To assess this issue, we determine: (1) whether victims who reside in communities characterized by structural constraints (e.g., concentrated disadvantage) are more likely to continue engaging in risky behaviors (e.g., offending, illicit drug use, and getting drunk) after being victimized; and (2) whether victims who continue to engage in risky lifestyles have an increased likelihood of repeat victimization. Ten waves of data (spanning nearly 7 years) from the Pathways to Desistance Study are used, and multilevel models are estimated to examine changes to risky lifestyles and repeat victimization among a subsample of victims. Findings indicate that community-level structural constraints impose limits on the changes that victims make to their risky lifestyles, and that these changes influence repeat victimization. We conclude that, in the context of repeat victimization, structural constraints are both real and consequential, and that future theory and research should continue to explore how context shapes and influences victims’ behavioral routines.

Area and individual differences in personal crime victimization incidence

This article examines how personal crime differences between areas and between individuals are predicted by area and population heterogeneity and their synergies. It draws on lifestyle/routine activities and social disorganization theories to model the number of personal victimization incidents over individuals including routine activities and area characteristics, respectively, as well as their (cross-cluster) interactions. The methodology employs multilevel or hierarchical negative binomial regression with extra binomial variation using data from the British Crime Survey and the UK Census. Personal crime rates differ substantially across areas, reflecting to a large degree the clustering of individuals with measured vulnerability factors in the same areas. Most factors suggested by theory and previous research are conducive to frequent personal victimization except the following new results. Pensioners living alone in densely populated areas face disproportionally high numbers of personal crimes. Frequent club and pub visits are associated with more personal crimes only for males and adults living with young children, respectively. Ethnic minority individuals experience fewer personal crimes than whites. The findings suggest integrating social disorganization and lifestyle theories and prioritizing resources to the most vulnerable, rather than all, residents of poor and densely populated areas to prevent personal crimes.

Posttraumatic stress disorder symptom severity and fear of personal crime: exploring their interrelationship as a function of risk estimation

Both trauma psychology and criminology have studied the psychological correlates of crime victimization. While the former discipline has primarily focused on the development of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among crime victims, the latter has particularly studied the association between history of victimization and fear of crime. A major difference between both concepts is that PTSD is experienced in relation to previous victimization, while fear of crime does not necessarily follow from previous victimization and is primarily experienced in anticipation of possible future victimization. Despite their different orientations, both perspectives share one central tenet: they both argue that feelings of anxiety are accompanied by increased perceptions of risk for future victimization. Given this theoretical overlap, both types of anxiety may correlate with each other. The current study explored this topic in a sample of Dutch university students (N = 375) and found that PTSD symptom severity and fear of crime were significantly associated with each other, both in univariate and multivariate analyses. This association was stronger for participants who scored higher on perceived risk of personal crime victimization than for those who scored lower. Results were discussed in light of study limitations and directions for future research.

Heterogeneity in the Frequency Distribution of Crime Victimization

ObjectivesTests the idea that the frequency distribution typically observed in crosssectional crime victimization data sampled from surveys of general populations is a heterogeneously distributed result of the mixing of two latent processes associated, respectively, with each of the tails of the distribution.MethodsDatasets are assembled from a number of samples taken from the British Crime Survey and the Scottish Crime Victimization Survey. Latent class analysis is used to explore the probable, latent distributions of individual property crime and personal crime victimization matrices that express the frequency and type of victimization that are self-reported by respondents over the survey recall period.ResultsThe analysis obtains broadly similar solutions for both types of victimization across the respective datasets. It is demonstrated that a hypothesized mixing process will produce a heterogeneous set of local sub-distributions: a large sub-population that is predominantly not victimized, a very small ‘chronic’ sub-population that is frequently and consistently victimized across crime-type, and an ‘intermediate’ sub-population (whose granularity varies with sample size) to whom the bulk of victimization occurs. Additionally, attention is paid to the position of very high frequency victimization within these sub-populations.ConclusionsThe analysis supports the idea that crime victimization may be a function of two propensities: for immunity, and exposure. It demonstrates that zero-inflation is also a defining feature of the distribution that needs to be set alongside the significance that has been attached to the thickness of its right tail. The results suggest a new baseline model for investigating population distributions of crime victimization.

Fear of Crime among Gang and Non-Gang Offenders: Comparing the Effects of Perpetration, Victimization, and Neighborhood Factors

This is the first study to examine adult offenders’ fear of property, personal, and gang crime. We examine five research questions among 2,414 jail inmates, focusing on how afraid offenders are of crime. We compare current, ex-gang, and non-gang members. We ask if more experience with crime perpetration and victimization and more perceptions of social disorganization increase offenders’ fear of crime. Finally, we ask if the importance of these factors in predicting fear varies by gang status. Results show that offenders, generally, were not very afraid of crime. Although ex-gang and current gang members believed they were more likely to experience property, personal, and gang crime, they reported less fear than non-gang members. Crime perpetration did not influence offenders’ fear, but less experience with personal crime victimization predicted fear of personal and gang crime among non-gang members. The results also indicate that perceptions of social disorganization better explain fear among non-gang members than ex-gang and current gang members.

Understanding Gang Membership and Crime Victimization Among Jail Inmates

Although previous research has examined factors related to gang membership and offending, research on the relationship between gangs and victimization is limited. The present study builds on previous research and examines gang membership, victimization, and self-control among 2,414 jail inmates. Results from self-report surveys indicate that gang members are more likely than nonmembers to be victimized by property and personal crimes. Among nongang members, those with lower self-control are more likely to be victimized by property and personal crime. Among gang members, lower self-control is associated with personal crime victimization whereas higher self-control is related to property crime victimization. Overall, gang members are victimized more than nongang members, and self-control is an important factor for victimization among gang and nongang members.

Reciprocal Effects of Victimization and Routine Activities

Although there is much research on the relationship between routine activities and victimization, we have little knowledge about the reciprocal effects of victimization and routine activities. The current paper is framed within the Once Bitten Twice Shy perspective proposed by Hindelang et al. (Victims of personal crime: an empirical foundation for a theory of personal victimization. Ballinger, Cambridge, 1978) which argues that victimization decreases risky routine activities and that this in turn decreases the risk of victimization. The current paper tests these propositions by using longitudinal data from the National Crime Victimization Survey, which allows us to tease out victimization and routine activities over time. Both violent and household victimization are examined. Variables pertaining to how often respondents go out for shopping, how often they go away at night and whether they have household devices are used as indicators for routine activities. Results indicate that the reciprocal effects of victimization and routine activities are limited. Consequences for routine activities theory are discussed.

Democracy, Inequality, Modernization, Routine Activities, and International Variations in Personal Crime Victimization

Using the International Crime Victimization Survey (ICVS), this study investigates the relative contribution of macro-level variables (democracy level, modernization, world system status, and inequality) and individual-level variables (marital status, age, gender, education, income) in predicting the occurrence and intensity of personal crime victimization. The analysis utilizes multilevel regression, which controls for the ‘‘nesting’’ of individuals living in the same nation and controls for unmeasured random effects among the 42 nations under study. The results of the zero-inflated negative binomial (ZINB) regression analysis indicate that individual characteristics are better predictors of both the occurrence and intensity of personal crime victimization than are macro-level variables related to political and economic conditions of nations. Findings of the current study diverge from those of previous international studies that used official crime data.

The Scary World in Your Living Room and Neighborhood: Using Local Broadcast News, Neighborhood Crime Rates, and Personal Experience to Test Agenda Setting and Cultivation

This study tested 2 important theories in the history of mass communication research, agenda setting and cultivation, by comparing the effects of watching local television news with direct experience measures of crime on issue salience and fear of victimization. Direct experience was measured in 2 ways: (a) personal crime victimization or victimization of a close friend or family member, and (b) neighborhood crime rates. Using a random digit dial telephone survey of residents of the Washington, DC, metropolitan area, researchers found that local news exposure accounted for an agenda-setting effect but did not cultivate fear of being a victim of crime. By contrast, direct experience had no agenda-setting effect but did predict fear.

The Scary World in Your Living Room and Neighborhood: Using Local Broadcast News, Neighborhood Crime Rates, and Personal Experience to Test Agenda Setting and Cultivation

This study tested 2 important theories in the history of mass communication research, agenda setting and cultivation, by comparing the effects of watching local television news with direct experience measures of crime on issue salience and fear of victimization. Direct experience was measured in 2 ways: (a) personal crime victimization or victimization of a close friend or family member, and (b) neighborhood crime rates. Using a random digit dial telephone survey of residents of the Washington, DC, metropolitan area, researchers found that local news exposure accounted for an agenda-setting effect but did not cultivate fear of being a victim of crime. By contrast, direct experience had no agenda-setting effect but did predict fear.

Routine Activities and a Subculture of Violence: A Study of Violence on the Street

Research using the routine activities perspective has relied on official crime statistics, victimization surveys, and demographic variables for data. Findings from this work indicates that the degree of exposure that individuals experience following certain lifestyle patterns increases property and personal crime victimization. A qualitative study of a delinquent street group reveals that the routine activities approach is insufficient in explaining how interactions escalate to violence. Instead it points to the need to expand the routine activities approach to include a choice component and integrate it with a subcultural approach. Subcultural norms influence actors' routine activities that, in turn, influence exposure to victimization and shape the behavioral choices available to members in response to victimization. Subcultures, routines, and choices also influence offending patterns. Subcultural values affect the choice of victims, and third parties appear to influence the “rules of the game,” and the amount of violence that takes place. Third parties offer subcultural support for violence, serving as allies, and helping to instigate conflict at the same time as serving as capable guardians to reduce victimization.

Job activities and personal crime victimization: Implications for theory

Theoreticians have used the concepts of lifestyle and routine activities to account for the occurrence of personal crime victimization. Research has not usually used direct measures of these concepts, however, instead relying on demographic variables such as age and sex as proxy indicators. This paper analyzes the relationship of various job activities (delivering passengers or goods, traveling out of town, dealing face-to-face with customers, and working irregular hours) to the risk of violent and theft-damage personal crime victimization, and to the risk of such victimization at work. Logistic regression models show that delivery of passengers or goods and dealing with the public are robustly associated with violent victimization. None of the four job activities are consistently associated with theft-damage victimization risk. The results illustrate the importance of using direct measures of life-style or routine activities to examine exposure to the risk of victimization. The findings also suggest the need to elaborate further the notion of exposure, and to develop a second generation of victimization theory.

Personal Crime Against Women: Evidence from the 1982 British Crime Survey

Abstract: The concerns of feminist and radical writers for women as victims of crime are set out. Their criticisms of quantitative work in general and the British Crime Survey in particular are mentioned. Data are presented from the survey showing that women victims of personal crime disproportionately suffer at the hands of people they know well, and of husbands especially. Such crimes are reported to the police less than crimes against males, and this is shown not to be an artefact of the degree of injury caused. The paper's purpose is to show that survey data, with all their imperfections, can be used to address the issues of concern.

Victims of Personal Crime: An Empirical Foundation for a Theory of Personal Victimization.

Victims of Personal Crime: An Empirical Foundation for a Theory of Personal Victimization.

Crime and the aged. 1. The victims

IN ADDITION to economic loss, physical assault, and psychologic damage, crimes committed against the aged have many profound effects on their entire way of life, including their medical care, nutrition, mental health, social life, housing, and means of transportation. These crimes are significant contributory factors to migration of the aged from their neighborhoods and their willingness to accept long-term care in institutions. <h3>Incidence</h3> The aged who reside in the inner city are frequently the victims of crime. In New York City, where 35% or 400,000 of those 60 years of age and over reside in the 26 poorest neighborhoods, over 40% of the aged surveyed reported being victims of personal crime in the past, varying from purse-snatching to forcible entry into their homes.¹ An excellent study of more than 500 individuals aged 65 years and over in the inner city of Houston revealed that 29.8% had been criminally victimized

Crime and the Aged

IN ADDITION to economic loss, physical assault, and psychologic damage, crimes committed against the aged have many profound effects on their entire way of life, including their medical care, nutrition, mental health, social life, housing, and means of transportation. These crimes are significant contributory factors to migration of the aged from their neighborhoods and their willingness to accept long-term care in institutions. <h3>Incidence</h3> The aged who reside in the inner city are frequently the victims of crime. In New York City, where 35% or 400,000 of those 60 years of age and over reside in the 26 poorest neighborhoods, over 40% of the aged surveyed reported being victims of personal crime in the past, varying from purse-snatching to forcible entry into their homes.¹ An excellent study of more than 500 individuals aged 65 years and over in the inner city of Houston revealed that 29.8% had been criminally victimized