The religiosity of sixties is identified as corresponding to Troeltsch's Spiritual and Mystic Religion. Its rise to prominence is thus associated with gradual displacement of church religion, an interpretation of contemporary events that is consistent with data on secularization and with evidence infavor of a religiosity. An explanation for this transition is sought in Troeltsch's observation that this form of religion possesses greater congruence with values of students and educated middle classes than either church or sect type. As a consequence, religiosity is described, following Troeltsch, as secret religion of educated classes. The cultural upheaval of 1960s and associated growth of and spiritual movements has presented sociologist of religion with particularly acute problems of analysis and interpretation. Prior to this decade, image of modern society that was most widely accepted was one in which secularization, variously conceived, was considered to be prevailing feature, although it was recognized that this process did not proceed evenly and could be interrupted by periods of revival such as occurred in United States in mid-fifties. The various phenomena, such as rise of Eastern religion, occult revival, astrology craze and Pentacostalism, which can collectively be called new religiosity, did not, on face of it, fit into this picture. For they did not resemble standard pattern of revivals, as they were all too often in stark opposition to established churches and denominations, while at same time, it required a fairly convoluted form of argument to maintain that such movements were evidence of continuing secularization. Hence there arose major problems of interpretation. Basically, response to this problem has been to make only small modifications to predominant image, such that religiosity could more easily be fitted into one or other of two primary categories of the or the religious. On one hand, for example, it is argued that this phenomenon is only superficially and that fundamentally it manifests many of characteristic commercial, self-centered and manipulationist concerns of a post-industrial society (Wilson, 1976). In this view it is secular masquerading as religion and not only does it not constitute evidence of revival, but its long-term effects will be to strengthen processes of secularization. On other hand, there are those who take contrary view and regard religiosity as evidence of genuine revival, a reformation in Western society destined to effect a marked and perhaps permanent reversal of trend toward ever greater secularization (Robinson, 1970; McGlothlin, 1967). These contrasting positions necessarily involve conflicts at descriptive, conceptual and interpretative levels and have led to revival of such thorny problems for discipline as question of definition of religion itself (Shepherd, 1972; Bellah, 1972; Baum, 1972; Lidz, 1972). Neither of these starkly opposing views can be said to be especially convincing. Rather one seems to exaggerate differences between religiosity and old at expense of their underlying similarity, and other exaggerates their similarity while downplaying significance of very real differences that exist between them. What this strongly suggests is inadequacy of a simple dichotomous conceptual scheme such as that represented by contrast between religious and secular. Some conceptual