Permanent Representations Research Articles

A Multi-Object Tracking Algorithm With Center-Based Feature Extraction and Occlusion Handling

For tracking suspicious objects using intelligent robots, Multiple Object Tracking (MOT) has gained great attention. MOT is easily affected by long-term severe occlusion. This work proposes a joint MOT algorithm to handle such occlusion. Pairs of frames in complicated environments are taken as input. A center-based feature extraction framework is designed for precisely detecting objects and extracting their feature maps. A ConvGRU module is applied to learn permanent representations by using historical spatio-temporal information of objects. A Hungarian matching method is applied to match the detected objects and predicted predictions. The proposed algorithm is compared with several representative methods on two public multi-object tracking benchmarks. Furthermore, this work constructs a database with videos captured from street scenarios and uses it to test the proposed algorithm and its peers. Experimental results demonstrate that the proposed algorithm outperforms its peers, especially under long-term severe occlusion, thus advancing the field of MOT.

WhatsApp with Diplomatic Practices in Geneva? Diplomats, Digital Technologies, and Adaptation in Practice

Abstract Diplomats in embassies and permanent representations are increasingly using the messaging application WhatsApp to communicate with their peers. They use WhatsApp groups to coordinate initiatives at multilateral forums, communicate more rapidly with headquarters and stay in touch with organizational developments at home, as well as form more personal working relations among their peers. To make sense of this phenomenon, our analysis looks at adaptation in practice. Instead of separating digital practices from offline/traditional ways of doing things, we build on the practice turn in International Relations and develop a nuanced framework in which improvising agents in a transformed context adapt to new realities while continuously being influenced by past ways of doing things—a phenomenon called “hysteresis” by practice turners. We analyze how traditional practices are supplemented by new technologies (complementarities) as well as how offline and online relationships are shaped by similar practical logics (similarities). We apply these micro-lenses to understand multilateral diplomacy at the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva. Building on twenty-three interviews with practitioners, we find that WhatsApp redefines the meaning of face-to-face interactions among ambassadors and permanent representatives and makes physical meetings between diplomats more—rather than less—important.

The State of the Church – Great Diplomacy of a Small State

The paper presents the historiographical considerations about if and why one could insert the early modern State of the Church into the concept of a “small state” and, at the same time, what were the reasons for the great diplomatic success of Rome during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The activity of papal diplomacy is shown as primarily focused on affirming the dualistic authority of the early modern Holy See (both as of a secular territorial state and a universal monarchy of religious character). The analysis also concerns the papal attitude of “active neutrality” as a political and diplomatic strategy focused on achieving the papacy’s “international” position. The profile of the paper is historiographical, as it takes from the legacies of Polish, French, German, English and Italian historical science. The enquiry aims to systematise and synthesise the former judgments of historians regarding the nature of the Papal State’s statehood in the context of the pope’s exercise of universal ecclesiastical authority.The permanent apostolic nunciatures, operating since the end of the fifteenth century, have become the core of early modern European diplomacy, guaranteeing Rome its political expansion after the Avignon crisis, despite the economic and military weakness of its territorial basis: the State of the Church. In this sense, the Papal State ceased to be a “small state” and became a universalistic entity of both political and ecclesiastical character. The Roman Curia no longer only played a passive role in “international” relations; on the contrary, thanks to the new system of permanent diplomatic representations at Catholic courts, it had the opportunity to undertake its own political initiative, act as a mediator and arbitrator, as well as strengthen the control over the religious life of European states.

Introduction

We are presenting a new issue of the Ignatianum Philosophical Yearbook to the Readers, this time largely devoted to ecclesiastical matters, and in particular to papal diplomacy.
 In the first article, Dorota Gregorowicz presents an analysis of how the international authority of the Holy See developed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, based on the principle of the so-called active neutrality. The core of papal diplomacy in the modern era were apostolic nunciatures – permanent diplomatic representations in the capitals of Catholic countries. However, the nuncios, while staying in constant contact with Rome, had a lot of freedom of action, acting as mediators, arbitrators and overseers of the religious life of the faithful in their subordinate area.

Revisiting the informal power resources of member states’ permanent representations to the EU

ABSTRACT This article sheds new light on the power resources of member states at the European level by investigating the role and resources of their permanent representations to the EU. Building on previous research on member states’ influence in the EU decision-making process, this contribution documents variations of permanent representations’ human resources, structure and coordination processes. Based on semi-structured interviews conducted with 87 Council negotiators and EU representatives in Brussels between 2016 and 2020, this article identifies significant divergences in the workforce, role and efficiency of permanent representations, as well as in their level of engagement with other EU institutions. These findings show noticeable asymmetries (both qualitative and quantitative) in the informal capabilities of member states in Brussels and have implications for our understanding of their capacity to formulate and defend political preferences at the European level.

Relations between the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR in the 1920s: diplomatic and administrative-institutional aspects

The article discusses the specifity of the relations between the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR in 1919–1929. The authors present the relations between the goverments of the two republics and actions of the Russian side aiming to transforme into the unitary state, initially rather loosely connected among them the constituent elements of the Soviet state. Relations between RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR were burdened with significant disavantages from the very beginning, as the former appropriates the rights of the union center. The article explains also the role and the place of the permanent representations of the union republics in Moscow, as well as the influence of the commissioners (Ukrainian government representatives in Moscow) on Soviet Russia’s policy towards Ukraine. Permenent ignoring by the government in Moscow of Ukraine’s needs and expectations, prompted the leadership of the party and the government of Ukrainian SSR to seek protection of its economic interests at the institutional level. With the creation of the USSR, the legal status of the republics included in that state changed. Relations between the republics lost their interstate character. In place of the existing ones, new representations were established to ensure the maintenance of permanent ties between the government of the RSFSR and the governments of the union republics.

Do Member States’ permanent representations matter for their bargaining success? Evidence from the EU Council of Ministers

ABSTRACT How can differences in Member States (MS) capacities to coordinate European Union (EU) decision-making processes influence their bargaining success? Based on a new dataset collected with Council representatives and policy experts in Brussels, this research shows how informal MS capacities can partly shape legislative outcomes in the EU under certain conditions. This research provides evidence that informal capacities, such as the effectiveness of MS permanent representations and/or their capacity to coordinate with other actors in the legislative decision-making, matter for bargaining success. Using a mixed-method design, this research illustrates how both the structure preference allocation and thresholds of formal power are conditions of informal power resource activation.

The lobbying of cities in the European Union

Most European Union policies directly affect cities, but their role in formulating these policies is insufficient. Therefore, cities are undertaking para-diplomacy and lobbying at the EU level independently of national governments. They use the opportunities offered by the EU, namely multilevel governance system and the European Commission’s policy of openness and deliberation. The article presents an analysis of the patterns and strategies of representation of cities’ interests at the EU level, their adaptation to the requirements of the EU interests intermediation system, as well as the motivations for undertaking lobbying. It is argued that cities follow two main channels of interests representation: permanent representations with direct lobbying in Brussels and activity in European city networks. Two types of motivations behind lobbying can be distinguished: regulatory mobilization and financial mobilization. Their relations with EU institutions are subject to advanced institutionalization.

International development of the concept of taxation of a permanent representation of a foreign company as an “independent taxpayer” and the experience of its application in the Russian Federation

The subject of this research is the development of the concept of taxation of permanent representations of foreign companies on the international level and its application in the Russian Federation. The object of this research is the permanent representations of foreign companies. The author examines such aspects of the topic, as the use of agreements on avoidance of double taxation, countering the tax base erosion, and the international approach towards taxation of the permanent representation of a foreign company as an independent participant of the market relations. Analysis is conducted on the need for amending the Model Agreement of the Russian Federation of 02.24.2010 No. 84 “On conclusion of intergovernmental agreements on avoidance of double taxation and on prevention of tax evasion on the income and property”. The author traces the transformation of attitude of international tax organizations towards the concept of permanent representation and substantiation of their choice of the concept of taxation of a permanent representation as an independent taxpayer. The scientific novelty is proven by the facts of application of this concept of taxation of permanent representation in the national legislation of multiple countries, international agreements on avoidance of double taxation, Russian national tax legislation and arbitration practice. The main conclusion consists in the response to the selected by the international tax organizations concept of taxation of a permanent representation. The author offers to amend the Model Agreement of the Russian Federation of 02.24.2010 No. 84 “On conclusion of intergovernmental agreements on avoidance of double taxation and on prevention of tax evasion on the income and property”.

The peculiarities of taxation of permanent representations of foreign companies in accordance with the agreements on the avoidance of double taxation in the Russian Federation

The subject of this research is the taxation of permanent representations of foreign companies, while the object is the permanent representations of foreign companies. The author examines such aspects of the topic as the impact of international agreements on the avoidance of double taxation upon the conduct of activity by the permanent representations in the territory of the Russian Federation, calculation of profits of permanent representations, and potential conflict situations due to the differences in the Russian tax legislation and the concluded tax agreements. The article explores the methods of transferring expenses confirmed by the accounting source documents, from permanent representations to the foreign parent companies in for the purpose of reduction of tax basis as well as presents the relevant arbitrage practice on the topic. The scientific novelty is substantiated by the use of permanent representations by both Russian and foreign companies, relevant problematic of their taxation in the Russian tax jurisdiction, which is the result that tax agreements contain only general norms and principles of calculating the tax basis for permanent representations. As a conclusion, the author makes proposals on specification of tax agreements with regards to toughening the requirements to calculation profits of the permanent representations and its redistribution, proof of expenses that could be unlawfully used or transferred to the foreign parent company to reduce the tax basis of the permanent representations.

The peculiarities of international and Russian taxation of foreign organizations operating through permanent representation

The subject of this research is the taxation of permanent representations of foreign organizations. The object of this research is permanent representations of foreign organizations. The author explores such aspects of the topic as prevention of tax base erosion, modernization of international tax relations, impact of international tax agreements upon the taxation legislation of the Russian Federation with regards to corporate income tax and transfer of expenditure by head organization to the permanent representation. Analysis is conducted on the problematic of Russian taxation of the permanent representations of foreign organizations, with consideration of the accepted international tax standards. The article examines the promptness and factors of implementation of new tax measures aimed at countering tax evasion. The scientific novelty is substantiated by the usage of permanent representations by Russian and foreign companies, remained problematic of their taxation in the Russian tax jurisdiction, flaws in the current tax norms, as well as the impact of international tax agreements upon Russian tax normative document. The main conclusions contain recommendations on modernization of the existing in Russia tax rules in the context of determination of the tax base and application of the “principle of gravity”, increase of accuracy in determination of the actual results of activity of the permanent representations for improving efficiency and achieving balanced level of taxation of the permanent representations, which also function within the framework of a single technological process.

Praise or critique? Sweden’s feminist foreign policy in the eyes of its fellow EU members

ABSTRACT In 2014, the Swedish Government proclaimed that it would pursue a Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP). This initiative illustrates Sweden’s role as a norm entrepreneur, challenging predominant normative frames by enhancing existing gender equality norms. Our article is a first attempt to investigate how other state actors perceive the legitimacy, coherence and effectiveness of this policy innovation. The focus is on the perceptions of diplomatic representatives from other European Union member states. The article is based on a survey and in-depth interviews with officials at member state permanent representations. Our findings demonstrate that it is well-known that Sweden pursues a feminist foreign policy, though knowledge is often superficial. Overall, the FFP is positively perceived. Sweden is generally regarded as a leader in the promotion of gender norms. There are, however, also critical voices. In some countries, the word ‘feminist’ evokes negative reactions. While most respondents think the FFP has had a positive effect on Sweden’s international image, less are convinced that other states will follow suit. The current context, with nationalism and populism on the rise, is not seen as appropriate for pursuing a FFP. Sweden’s success as a norm entrepreneur in this field is thus questioned.

Diplomacy, agency, and the logic of improvisation and virtuosity in practice

Immersed in the flow of activities, diplomats and other international practitioners are simultaneously influenced by past experiences and constantly innovating in response to situations that are never exactly the same. The conceptual tools of International Relations scholars must be capable of capturing this practical reality. To that end, I introduce in this article a relational approach to agency that can make sense of practitioners’ innovative ways of doing things in practice. Practice theorists in IR often emphasize hierarchies, struggle, and the role of habitus in shaping practices. Both building on and departing from them, I dig into the logic of practical sense and discuss Pierre Bourdieu’s concepts of regulated improvisations, virtuosos/amateurs, and illusio to grasp agency in practice. I develop the idea that international actors are primarily practical and put improvisations and virtuosity — rather than rationality, cognitive processes, emotions, norm-compliance, path-dependency or even habits/habitus — in the foreground. I contend that this approach holds broader promise for the analysis of international politics than existing conceptions. We have much to gain by focusing on how international practitioners in their local contexts actually improvise in the moment. These improvisations in specific sites are constitutive of the ‘big picture’ of international politics. I take diplomatic practices in embassies and in permanent representations as an illustration.

Norm advocacy networks: Nordic and Like-Minded Countries in EU gender and development policy

This article investigates the informal networks of Member States that are claimed to be the drivers of EU gender and development policy. The aim is to highlight the negotiation strategies used in gender and development negotiations and to link these to network characteristics. I categorise the characteristics of the Nordic and the like-minded groupings, relying on network theory and investigate their modes of influence. The article is based on interviews with officials at the Permanent Representations and EU institutions in Brussels. My results demonstrate that the Nordics and the Like-Minded Countries constitute informal networks with frequent interaction. Network members share information and coordinate initiatives. The findings show a preference for gradual entrapment and framing rather than shaming and exclusion. The choice of strategies can be linked to network characteristics: the like-minded network is non-formalised and open, and as the ambition is to spread the norms of the like-minded also to reluctant actors, network participants prefer gradual entrapment and traditional diplomatic initiatives before confrontation. Norm promotion normally occurs in concentric circles negotiations, mirroring the layered structure of the network. This article contributes to the literature on informal governance in EU foreign policy by highlighting key strategies used in intra-EU policy networks.

Prominencia estructural y prominencia fonética en el funcionamiento de la memoria fonológica a corto plazo

It seems that children are born with sophisticated abilities to perceive speech sounds. Phonological short-term memory plays a key role in the process of language acquisition in the storage of unknown phonological forms while more permanent representations are stored in the long-term memory. In this paper we present the results of a study on the influence of two factors in the short-term memory: the degree of perceptibility (phonetic prominence) and the type of syllable structure (structural prominence) of the stimuli used. The results showed a larger influence of the latter at the expense of the amount of phonetic substance. This reinforces the importance of the role of syllabic structure in the early stages of language acquisition, used as a clue for learning the stress rules on speech and, subsequently, in the process of learning how to read.

Editorial: Representational states in memory: where do we stand?

Editorial: Representational states in memory: where do we stand?

Good Partners Make Good Relationships

This paper analyses the perception of the new member states of the EU (the2004 and 2007 entrants) by the old member states’ representatives. Thetext utilizes an updated version of image theory and it is based on 24interviews with diplomats from permanent representations of the oldmember states in Brussels. It argues that the mutual perception betweenthe EU member states has an impact on coalition building and thus also onthe decision-making process of the EU. Although the newcomers areperceived positively in general terms, there are several differences betweenthem in terms of their activities and behaviour at the EU level as well as inthe cultural area. The paper therefore divides the newcomers into groupsaccording to the image that is ascribed to them (the four general imagesare those of a close ally, a passive ally, a distant ally, and a detached ally).

Our New Allies? The Perception of the New Member States of the EU by the Old Members

This paper analyses the perception of the new Member States of the EU (the 2004 and 2007 entrants) held by diplomats from permanent representations of the old Member States in Brussels. The contention is that being aware of the perceptions within the EU decision-making process can foster our understanding of the mechanism, since the way in which representatives of individual Member States view other members impacts cooperation at EU level. To study these perceptions, the paper employs image theory, a foreign policy analysis approach, and asks what sort of image diplomats from the old Member States ascribe to the newcomers. The paper is based on 24 semi-structured interviews with representatives of old Member States at their permanent representations. It analyzes the three dimensions that make up the image (relative power, compatibility of goals and cultural distance) and concludes that the prevailing image is that of an ally. But the newcomers are not seen as a unitary group and there are fine-grained differences along each of the dimensions. Future research should therefore focus on amending image theory in order to shed more light on subtle differences in the mutual perceptions of EU Member States.

Microstates in Negotiations beyond the Nation-State: Malta, Cyprus and Luxembourg as Active and Successful Policy Shapers?

AbstractMalta, Cyprus and Luxembourg are sovereign states with less than one million inhabitants and, consequently, are often referred to as “microstates.” This article inquires into the negotiation activities and conditions for success of microstates in negotiations beyond the nation-state. It develops a set of hypotheses on negotiation activity and on negotiation success and tests them qualitatively by drawing on the example of day-to-day negotiations in the European Union. Luxembourg is considerably more active than Malta and Cyprus. This is due to differences in domestic coordination practices (performance and cooperation between lead ministries and Permanent Representations), as well as different negotiation styles (proactive vs. reactive). Microstates can be influential, if they actively participate in negotiations for issues of high importance and if they select effective strategies in the given setting. Thus, microstates can sometimes turn into successful shapers of law beyond the nation-state ‐ despite their slimmer administrations, fewer staff and ‐ on average ‐ negligible bargaining power.

Good Instructions in No Time? Domestic Coordination of EU Policies in 19 Small States

As a prerequisite to shape EU policies in day-to-day negotiations, states have to know what they want and have to quickly produce good instructions. This paper analyses how domestic coordination practices influence the timing and quality of national positions. Are some states in a better position to develop instructions quickly? Are some states more likely to end up with low quality positions? In effect, three factors are crucial to the production of timely and good instructions: good cooperation between Permanent Representations and the lead ministries, autonomous lead ministries that prioritise EU work and good inter-ministerial conflict resolution systems. States such as Luxembourg and Ireland are close to these ideal practices and tend to develop good instructions swiftly, while others, such as Greece and Cyprus, frequently end up with delayed and suboptimal instructions that make it difficult for them to actively participate in EU negotiations.