Civil War Period Research Articles

ВОПРОСЫ АДМИНИСТРАТИВНО-ТЕРРИТОРИАЛЬНОГО УПРАВЛЕНИЯ СИБИРЬЮ В ПРОГРАММАХ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИХ ПАРТИЙ КАДЕТОВ И ЭСЕРОВ НАЧАЛА ХХ ВЕКА И ПОПЫТКА ИХ РЕАЛИЗАЦИИ В РЕВОЛЮЦИИ 1917 Г.

The purpose of the study is to study the process of development of the problem of the administrative-territorial structure of Siberia in the program documents of the parties of the Cadets and the Social Revolutionaries and the results of their implementation in the revolutionary year of 1917. Research objectives: 1. To analyze the program settings of the party of the Cadets and the Socialist-Revolutionaries on the issues of the administrative-territorial structure of the regions of Russia. 2. Conduct a comparative analysis of the vision of the future administrative-territorial structure of Siberia by the Siberian branches of the Constitutional Democratic Party and the Party of Socialist Revolutionaries. 3. To investigate the political activities of the Siberian branches of the parties of the Cadets and the Social Revolutionaries in the implementation of program guidelines on the issue of the administrative-territorial administration of Siberia in 1917. The object of the study is the Constitutional Democratic Party and the Party of Socialist Revolutionaries. The subject of the research is the activities of the parties of the Cadets and Socialist-Revolutionaries in developing the problem of administrative-territorial administration of Siberia and attempts to implement them in the conditions of the revolution of 1917. The article reveals the content of the program provisions of the parties of the Cadets and Socialist-Revolutionaries on the problem of administrative-territorial administration of the regions of Russia, including Siberia. The dynamics of the development of the views of the Siberian cadets is analyzed from the creation of a single all-Siberian regional Duma with legislative powers to the idea of autonomy for Siberia and, finally, for secession from Bolshevik Russia. The features of the program settings of the Siberian Social Revolutionaries on the issue of the autonomy of Siberia are revealed. Shows the activities of the party of socialist revolutionaries in the creation of anti-Soviet authorities in Siberia in the face of the Provisional Siberian Regional Council and the Siberian Regional Duma. Thus, the Siberian Cadets advocated the creation of a territorial autonomy for Siberia under the slogan "United and indivisible Russia". In contrast to them, the Socialist-Revolutionary Party did not have clear positions on the issue of the future administrative-territorial structure of Siberia, but proceeded from the specific situation that was developing in Russia during a particular period of revolution and civil war.

Effect of the Irish Civil War 1922-1923 on suicide rates in Ireland: a retrospective investigation of the archives of the registrar-general for Saorstát Éireann

Introduction: Emile Durkheim differentiated between two types of wars: National and Civil Wars in terms of effect on suicide mortality. This study investigates Durkheim’s assertion by examining the effect of Irish Civil War on the 1882-1928 suicide rates trend.
 Method: We used Auto-Regressive Integrated Moving Average with Explanatory variables (ARIMAX) design adopting Bayesian approach.
 Results: The odds for death by suicide for the total Irish population during the civil war period were calculated as 0.932 (95% CI: 0.753 to 1.125). This translates to a reduction in the suicide rates by 6.7% (95% CI: 24.7% to -12.5%). The odds for death by suicide for the total Irish population during the First World War period were calculated as 0.872 (95% CI: 0.754 to 0.997). This indicates to a reduction in the suicide rates by 12.8% (95% CI: 24.6% to 0.3%).
 Conclusion: Evidence from this study support a significant drop in terms of the intensity of suicidal behaviour in the Irish population during World War I more so than during the Irish Civil War.
 Conflict of interest: none

ИЗ ИСТОРИИ ОРГАНИЗАЦИОННО-ПАРТИЙНОЙ РАБОТЫ В ВОЙСКАХ СОВЕТСКОГО ВОСТОЧНОГО ФРОНТА (1918 – 1919 ГГ.)

The military-historical phenomenon of political work in the Red Army was formed, strengthened and established itself during the period of the fratricidal Civil War in Russia, namely at its front-line stage (1918-1920). Organizational party work was one of its main directions. It included issues of internal party life, the organizational structure of the political bodies of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) [RKP(b)] in the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army (RKKA), forms and methods of party work in military units, its management and tasks of increasing its effectiveness, as well as issues of the recruitment of the political officer cadres of the Red Army. The author presents to the scientific community a short review of the history of organizational and party work in the troops of the Soviet Eastern Front in 1918-1919. The aim of the article is to reveal the essence and content of organizational party work in the troops of the Soviet Eastern Front, as well as the forms and methods of its implementation. The article represents a fragment of a future monograph, on which the author is completing work.

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ РАБОТА ПО УКРЕПЛЕНИЮ ВОИНСКОЙ ДИСЦИПЛИНЫ В ВОЙСКАХ СОВЕТСКОГО ВОСТОЧНОГО ФРОНТА В 1918 – 1919 ГГ.: НЕКОТОРЫЕ АСПЕКТЫ ПРОБЛЕМЫ

The military-historical phenomenon of political work in the Red Army was born, matured and established itself during the period of the fratricidal Civil war in Russia, at its frontline stage (1918 - 1920). It was developed to solve the problem of strengthening military discipline in the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army. The author discusses some aspects of political work to strengthen military discipline in the troops of the Soviet Eastern Front in 1918-1919. The core of the source base of the study is represented by official documents from the Russian archives, as well as published documentary materials. The author also relied on the historiographical works of his predecessors.

Black Samson: The Untold Story of an American Icon

Black Samson: The Untold Story of an American Icon

Проблемы изучения, сохранения и презентации историко-культурного наследия эпохи Гражданской войны в Сибири на примере фондов Музея-заповедника «Шушенское»

Historical and cultural heritage is a colossal arsenal in the study of the problems of the Civil War. The territory of the Shushenskaya Volost, which was part of the Minusinsk Uyezd, was distinguished by its opposition to the Bolshevik government and the presence of numerous hotbeds of the insurgent movement against the Soviet government. The presence of abandoned monuments in the region makes us think about the volume of preserved materials on the history of the Civil War, which are able to reflect the peculiarities and patterns of the region. The article highlights the types of historical and cultural monuments of the Civil War period, gives them a brief description with the designation of common problems. The key problem is the preservation of monuments; their lack of demand in educational, cultural and educational activities is noted. Most of the historical sources need restoration and conservation, many of them have lost their functionality for society. Using the example of the museum's collection, it is important to note that not only written and documentary sources can be classified as historical and cultural heritage, but also real estate monuments, mass graves, personal belongings of war participants. The analysis of the preserved historical monuments of the Civil War period was used as a research method, and their classification by type was carried out. In the course of working with objects, full-scale studies of objects were used. The author comes to the conclusion that the history of the Civil War should be considered and studied through the prism of the preserved historical and cultural heritage. Monuments should be systematically cared for, studied and popularized. It is advisable to create a thematic catalog of the preserved heritage, which will be used in further museum work. Only a timely appeal to the heritage, in this case of the period of the Civil War, will allow preserving the memory of dramatic events and ensure the revival of monuments. Only the use of authentic sources will allow us to give an impartial assessment of the events and look at them differently. At the moment, decisions have been made on the restoration of documentary monuments and the registration of some of them in the main fund of the museum in order to ensure the accessibility of citizens of the Russian Federation to objects through the State Catalog of the Museum Fund of the Russian Federation. The analysis of the preserved heritage complex will allow presenting the material to a wide range of researchers, museum workers for further work with objects within the framework of scientific, cultural, educational, exhibition activities.

Dickinson’s Slant Poetics in Her Civil War Poems

Emily Dickinson’s poems during the Civil War period have been underestimated because it is believed that her poetry does not reflect the political situation of the period. Dickinson wrote in one of her letters, “War feels to me an oblique place.” Contrary to the supposed claim that she had little interest in the war, the national conflict served as catalyst for the poet’s creative energy. Compared with other contemporary poets, Dickinson showed different attitude toward the Civil War. Her attitude toward the war deeply affected the contents of her poems and how the poems are represented in relation to the historical and political events. The Civil War years were the backdrop for her poetry writing. The prolific output of her poetry indicates that Dickinson was deeply affected and inspired by the Civil War. Characterizing her poetics as slant, this essay explores how she represented the contemporary political situation in her poetics and examines why she was reluctant to explicitly express her ideas about the war in her poems.

Гуманитарные научные исследования в Бурятии в 1930–1940-е гг.: достижения и проблемы (на материалах Государственного института культуры / Государственного института языка, литературы и истории)

The article aims to analyze the principal directions in the activities of Buryat-Mongolian State Institute of Culture (1929–1936) / Buryat-Mongolian State Institute of Language, Literature and History (1936–1944), the successor of the first scientific organization in Burya­tia — the Buryat-Mongolian Scientific Committee (1922–1929). It focuses on the achievements and problems in the organization and implementation of scientific research in the humanities in the 1930s. Materials. The sources used are unpublished documents of the Center for Oriental Manuscripts and Xylographs of the IMBT SB RAS, such as annual plans and reports on research work, minutes of meetings of the Directorate, expedition reports, presentations, abstracts and minutes of conferences, correspondence with various organizations and offices, and other materials that were instrumental in reconstructing the history of reorganizations of the scientific institute under study, in following the changes in its scientific program, and in showing its effectiveness and efficiency. Results. In the 1930–1940s, the studies in the field of history, language, literature, and arts of the Buryat-Mongolian people were the principal directions of research in the Institute. Archaeological expeditions were useful in drawing a general picture of the ancient history of Buryatia and the first cultural-historical schemes. Historians’ work resulted in publishing a significant number of documents devoted to the history of the Buryat-Mongolian people, the publications included materials on issues of the pre-revolutionary Buryat-Mongolia, the revolutionary movement and the Civil war period, culture, and education, including monographs on the history of Buryatia recognized today as classical scientific works. Within the framework of the established ideological attitudes, there was a discussion on controversial issues of the history of Buryat-Mongolia, which accepted the one-line nature of the historical process in Buryat studies. Thanks to the successes of Buryat linguistics, a reform of the Buryat-Mongolian writing was carried out, first based on the Latin, and then on the Cyrillic alphabet. The linguists of the Institute made a decisive contribution to the elaboration of the literary Buryat language, enriching its lexical resources and standardizing spelling and grammar. Collection, systematization and study of oral folk art and musical folklore, adding to the Manuscript Department of the Institute manuscripts and woodcuts in Tibetan, Mongolian, Buryat-Mongolian languages, as well as uligers, chronicles, and other historical and literary monuments, and translation work — these and other areas of scientific research shaped the development of the humanities in Buryatia in the 1930–1940s. Throughout the period of persecutions and repressions, despite personnel shortage and everyday hardships, the Institute’s team continued their work, conducting large-scale studies of the socio-political and economic history, the culture and art of Buryat-Mongolia.

Proxy války vedené na pozadí občanských válek na Blízkém východě

The paper argues that proxy war is an increasingly often used tool in the Middle East, in the already conflicted territories where international involvement is not only enabled, but also attracted and encouraged by the international law for the purpose of region’s securitization. Thus, the paper’s aim is to increase awareness on the fact that the Middle Eastern countries passing through civil war periods and accepting external actors to deal with their crises do not only become fertile territories for proxy wars, but the intervening actors start pursuing their own interests beyond the host country’s interest in resolving the conflict.

Central American Rivers as Sites of Colonial Contestation

In the introduction to Troubled Waters: Rivers in Latin American Imagination (2013), Elizabeth Pettinaroli and Ana María Mutis have argued that rivers in Latin American literature constitute a “locus for the literary exploration of questions of power, identity, resistance, and discontent.” Many works of testimonial literature and literature of resistance written during and about the Central American civil wars of the 1970s and 1980s as a means of denouncing and resisting various forms of oppression would support their thesis. In the 2004 film Innocent Voices, directed by Luis Mandoki, Mario Bencastro’s 1997 story “Había una vez un río,” and Claribel Alegría’s 1983 poem “La mujer del Río Sumpul,” the traumatic events in the protagonists’ lives that occur in and near rivers create an inversion of the conventional use of rivers as symbols of life, purity, innocence, and re-creation by associating them with violence, death, and destruction. At the same time, the river often becomes a metaphor for the wounds of trauma, which allude to the psychological suffering not only of the protagonists, but to the collective pain of their countries torn asunder by war. Arturo Arias’s 2015 novel El precio del consuelo also features a river as the site of state-sponsored violence against rural citizens during the civil war period. In contrast with Bencastro’s and Alegria’s texts, however, Arias’s novel highlights issues of environmental justice related to the use of rivers in Central America that continue to plague the region to date. In the present essay, I argue that these works are compelling representations of the ways in which rivers have become sites of contestation between colonial and decolonial forces in Central America.

Christianity and War in Medieval East Central Europe and Scandinavia

<i>Christianity and War in Medieval East Central Europe and Scandinavia</i>

To Break the Slave Power: Thaddeus Stevens, Land Confiscation, and the Politics of Reparations

This article returns to the post–Civil War period to reconstruct Congressman Thaddeus Stevens’s political thought. Stevens argued that incorporating former slaves into republican society required a federal policy of land confiscation and redistribution in the South. According to the Republican congressman, taking land from the planter class, not just granting land to freed slaves, was a necessary component of any plan intended to break the slave power and inaugurate an interracial republic. My recovery of Stevens’s defense of land confiscation offers us critical purchase on contemporary demands for slave reparations. I compare the tenets of contemporary reparations discourse and Stevens’s efforts to form a true republic. Recovering Stevens’s bid orients us toward the potential uses and dangers of resurrecting a politics of Reconstruction premised on the active taking of material power from those who disproportionately wield it.

Educational activity of the old intellectuals at the beginning of the formation of totalitarianism in Ukraine

Problem statement. The study of problems related to the old domestic intellectuals, which acquired education, upbringing and practical experience before the Bolshevik occupation of Ukraine, continue to be relevant today. Because the historical circumstances of 100 years ago in many ways resemble the situation and events in Ukraine today. That is why it is important to re-analyze the selected issues in order to come to convincing conclusions for making promising fateful decisions for modern Ukraine and its future.&#x0D; In the course of scientific research, the author took into account the conditions under which the cultural and educational activities of the old intellectuals of Ukraine took place — mainly between 1917–1925. It was the period of civil war in Ukraine, when the presence of the figure of the leader, dictatorship and terror, forced mobilizations of the population and especially of the old intellectuals, which were supplemented by the death sentence without charge or trial of those who disagree with the ruling regime. All this testified to the fact that a totalitarian system of state and political power was gradually formed in Ukraine, which led to the death of almost all the old intellectuals, which the Bolshevik regime turned to its advantage, shot down, tortured in prisons and camps, or forced to emigrate.&#x0D; It should be noted that a detailed historiographical analysis of the available literature on the old intellectuals and government was conducted by the author in his monograph (Sheiko, 2020, pp. 8–87). This analysis testifies to the relevance of this topic and that it is still poorly studied.&#x0D; The methodology of this study are culturological principles and methods of analysis of problems related to the cultural and educational activities of the old intellectuals during the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 and the formation of the totalitarian system in Ukraine.&#x0D; The result of this scientific research is a culturological analysis of the problems of educational activities of the old intellectuals of Ukraine under the conditions of the civil war, the Ukrainian revolution and the formation of the totalitarian system.&#x0D; The scientific topicality of this scientific research is that with the help of culturological methodology it was possible to highlight the role of the old intellectuals in mass cultural and educational activities among the population in the difficult and brutal conditions of the civil war, revolution and totalitarianism that had begun to form.&#x0D; The practical significance of this article is that its results can be used in further researches on selected topic. At the same time, the scientific results of this study can serve as material in the process of preparing scientific and methodological documentation for humanities courses.

Gender, Internal Armed Conflict, and High Court Decision-Making in Transitioning Societies

Abstract Building on research that applies the policy deference model to high court decision-making during external war, we propose that conflict intensity, political government's preference on liberalization, and the gender of appellant impact the manner in which courts follow policy deference during internal war in transitioning countries. Contextually, we argue that shifts in women's roles and gender relations during internal conflict in transitioning societies condition the manner in which civilian courts make decisions on civil and political rights cases. During external war in advanced democracies, policy deference infers that courts will rule more conservatively on civil and political rights cases. Using habeas corpus cases as a representation of civil and political rights’ protection from El Salvador's civil war period (1980–1992) and two measures of conflict intensity, our findings indicate that the court's decision-making process deviates from conventional expectations derived from the policy deference model in three ways: (1) conflict intensity solely affects the court's decision-making on habeas corpus cases involving men; (2) the political government's choice for political liberalization affects the court's decision-making on both women and men cases; and (3) gender conditions the manner in which policy deference applies in a society that is experiencing societal change.

Крестьянские фракции представительных органов Приморья (1920-1922 гг.): политическое сознание дальневосточного крестьянства в годы Гражданской войны

The paper aims to describe peasant fractions’ activity in representative bodies of the Primorye Territory in 1920-1922. The article examines peasant fractions’ history in the Provisional National Assembly of the Far East (1920) and Priamursky National Assembly (1921-1922). Scientific originality of the study involves analysing peasant deputies’ political attitudes, parliamentary culture and ideological preferences. As a result, the author reveals specificity of the Far Eastern peasants’ political consciousness during the Civil War period.

Kimpa Vita (Dona Beatriz) and “Afro-Catholicism”: reexamining controversies and unsolved problems

My paper concentrates on certain unsolved or controversial questions regarding the famous nganga marinda (person communicating with the spiritual world), prophetess and religious leader and rebel, Kimpa Vita (Dona Beatriz) (1684-1706), who - in a period of civil war - "supported" Pedro IV (Nusama a Mvemba) to conquer and maintain the throne of the Empire of Kongo (now part of Angola and the DRC) with Sao Salvador (now Mbanza Kongo) as capital, and then “betrayed” him. She has been compared to Jeanne d' Arc and black Christians have insisted that the Pope make her a saint. She believed that she was the incarnation of St. Anthony of Padua, and her followers have been called Antonines. She has also been labelled in a 2016-film "Mother of African Revolution", trying to free the slaves. The results of these political and religious actions, real or attributed to her, need re-examination and further investigation. In the same context, her Africanism, expressed in her use of traditions, the establishment of an African-Catholic indigenous version of Christianity, her symbolism and philosophy as well as references to another older prophetess, Appolonia (sic!) Mafuta, receive renewed attention. The question is asked whether and in how far her court case and execution as a heretic, resulting from interventions by the Church and the King, were related to the Inquisition. Today, it is recognized that Kimpa Vita has introduced a new theology, an African version of Catholic Christianity. Finally, a post-mortem considers her influence after her death.

Games and Sloth: Working for the Common Good in Late Medieval Flanders

Abstract Games, sloth and the common good are familiar subjects to scholars of late medieval Europe, yet the connections contemporaries made between them have never been properly explored. How these rhetorical ideas were aligned, how they were used and by whom, across a wide social spectrum, are the central questions in this article; and examining them reveals how malleable (and gendered) they were. Discourses on games, developed by schoolmen and other churchmen in relation to recreation, and integrated with ideas of sloth and the common good, were harnessed to serve the authority of rulers in late medieval Flanders and Burgundian lands. Yet they were also deployed to suit other agendas, especially during the troubled period of civil war from 1477 to 1492, by the rulers’ subjects—urban magistrates, elite or middling groups, but also men from lower social strata. Valuable evidence for the latter appears within the numerous pardon letters that survive from 1386 to 1500: these were specially granted by rulers to suppliants, many of whom were craftsmen, labourers and artisans. Suppliants often referred to their game-playing and recreational activities; while these cases suggest a process by which subjects were disciplined, they also show how discourses on games offered suppliants strategic room for manoeuvre.

“The Glory of the Nation”: Black Soldier-Historians and the Continuing African American Struggle for a Usable Past

Heated controversies in the United States over the 1619 Project’s construction of a race-centered master narrative of American history highlight the need to locate public debates over this topic in historical context. This article analyzes the concerted efforts of two black Union veterans, George Washington Williams and Joseph T. Wilson, to remember African Americans’ wartime military service at a critical moment in the progress of Civil War memory. By the late 1880s the northern victors’ account of the southern slaveholders’ revolt against the US government was fading fast under the challenge of new, hegemonic narratives that deprived African Americans of significant agency in the “War of the Rebellion”. The article contends that, while the two pioneer soldier-historians were unable to sustain a national memory of black men’s military patriotism into the Jim Crow era, their innovative narrative strategies helped to lay the foundations of an effective black counter-memory of the Civil War period in the twentieth century. DOI: 10.14712/23363231.2021.2

Agreement and Consensus Between Government and Rebellion Groups During War Politics in Ampara District of Sri Lanka

This article is about the agreement and consensus between government and rebellion groups during war politics with special reference to Ampara district in Sri Lanka. The article argues that war causes transforming normal pattern of politics if we perceive of war as power struggle. The article further argues that to understand politics and power struggle during war requires conceptualization of war politics. Therefore, this article has attempted to conceptualize war politics and applied it to understand the nature and content of war politics in Sri Lanka in general and in Ampara district in particular during the period of protracted civil war. The data for the study were collected from both primary and secondary sources. Primary data were extracted from the extensive field works while secondary data were collected from desk analysis. The above data were descriptively analyzed and presented in this paper as summaries of arguments and author’s interpretation. This study has found that war causes dual power making civilians and officers becoming clueless on whose orders were to be obeyed because war resulted in crisis of the state. The study has also found that war politics results in syndromes of incapacitated, establishment of dual power and existence of reciprocal understanding between government and rebellion groups during war. The study concludes that there is a probability of an emerging agreement and consensus between actors of governmental politics and war politics during wars to achieve their strategic objectives.

GOYA’S BLACK PAINTINGS AND ANALYSIS OF HIS PAINTING NAMED “THE DOG”

Francisco Goya (1746-1828), 18. yüzyılın ikinci ve 19. yüzyılın ilk yarısında yaşamış bir sanatçı olarak, İspanya’nın sancılı bir dönemine tanıklık etmiştir. Sanatçı, iç savaşın ve Fransız işgalinin yaşandığı bu dönemden çok etkilenmiş ve yaşadıkları sanatına doğrudan yansımıştır. Çarpıcı ve sanatsal değeri yüksek olan resimleri bu nedenle belge niteliği taşımaktadır. Goya’nın resimleri, savaş ve şiddet konusunda toplumsal hafızayı uyarıcı ve tetikte olmayı gerektiren bir işlev üstlenmişlerdir.&#x0D; Neoklasizm’den Romantizm’e geçiş sürecinde yaşamış olan Goya, geleneksel yaklaşımdan uzaklaşarak; içselliğini, heyecan ve duygularını resimlerine yansıtmış olan ilk sanatçılardan birisidir. Sanatçı Aydınlanma Felsefe’sinin etkisiyle Avrupa’da sosyal ve politik değişimlerin hız kazandığı bir dönemde yaşamış; özgürlükçü ve eleştirel tutumunu resimlerine taşımıştır.&#x0D; Bu makalede, Goya’nın 1819-1823 yılları arasında yaşadığı evin duvarlarına yaptığı Kara Resimler ve bu resimler içerisinde belirgin bir şekilde öne çıkan Köpek adlı resmi incelenmiştir. Sanatçının yaşamı ve yaşadığı dönemin öne çıkan olayları, resimlerine etkisi bağlamında genel hatlarıyla ele alınmış ve Köpek adlı resmin ayrıntılı analizi yapılmıştır. Resimde yer alan imgelerin metaforik açılımları ve köpek imgesi ekseninde gelişenler incelenmiştir.