Performance Of Political Parties Research Articles

Political Behavior of Beginner Voters in the 2020 Gowa District Regional Election in Paccinongang Village, Somba Opu District

This study aims to determine the political behavior of beginner voters in the 2020 Gowa Regency regional election in Kel. Paccinongang Kec. Somba Opu. The subjects in this study were beginner voters including: (1) novice voters, namely adolescents aged 18 years and participating in the 2020 regional elections for the beginner, (2) reports of agencies related to this study. This study selects informants purposively. By using descriptive qualitative analysis. The results showed that: 1. the behavior of beginner voters is very dominant using sociological approaches in making their choices. Beginner voters choose candidates for the regional head, namely the regent and deputy regent of Gowa Regency by emphasizing demographic and socioeconomic backgrounds. The psychological approach is very minimal because this approach depends on the performance of political parties, and how to attract beginner voters. In addition to these two approaches, the rational choice approach places beginner voters making their choices with the tendency to choose candidates for Regent and Vice Regent by looking at their personal needs, namely the needs of their own families, it can be seen that they choose because they are based on the vision and mission of the candidate to help their lives. 2. Supporting factors are encouragement from parents, certain figures, and peers. In addition, the vision and mission of the candidates can encourage the interest of beginner voters. Inhibiting factors: it is the number of hoax news such as defamation and pitting both parties that makes beginner voters end to be very difficult to make their choice.
 Keywords: political behavior, beginner voters

Description of Banjar Ethnic Voter Behavior: Lessons from the Simultaneous Regional Head Elections for the Governor and Vice Governor of Central Kalimantan Province in 2020

This study was motivated by the low voter turnout in the 2020 Regional Head Election for Governor and Vice Governor in Central Kalimantan Province, Indonesia. The Banjar ethnicity was chosen because the Banjar ethnicity is the third largest ethnic majority in Central Kalimantan, so the behavior of the Banjar ethnicity can determine political contestation in Central Kalimantan. This study aimed to find out and analyze the behavior of the Banjar Ethnic voters. Qualitative research methods with a descriptive approach. The focus of the research is the behavior of ethnic Banjar voters, with research benchmarks using the Voter Behavior theory as follows: (a) Rational Voters, (b) Critical Voters, (c) Skeptical Voters (d) Traditional Voters. The results of the study, after the informants were interviewed, it was found that the behavior of ethnic Banjar voters mostly claimed to be rational voters, but the characteristics shown were closer to traditional voters. The critical behavior of ethnic Banjar towards prospective candidates did not combine a high orientation towards the performance of political parties and skeptical behavior towards ethnic behavior. Their Banjar is not oriented towards ideology or party and candidate policies. The behavior of traditional voters in Ethnic Banjar can be classified as traditional voters because issuing voting rights prioritizes socio-cultural closeness, origin, ethnicity and religion. This study concludes that the Banjar Ethnic voters’ behavior belongs to the Traditional Voters.

The second-order election model and the performance of political parties in municipal elections

Elections at the municipal level are often treated as second-order elections (SOE), subordinate to the national electoral arena in a manner similar to the European elections. The original SOE model expects incumbent national parties to perform worse, while predicting smaller and ideologically extreme parties to perform better in the second-order electoral arena compared to the first-order (national) one. Based on a dataset covering aggregate election results in three Nordic countries (Denmark, Norway and Finland) with party-dominated local governments and a time span of more than three decades, we find that the performance of parties in municipal elections only to some degree conforms to the expectations of the model. Parties in national government usually suffer losses in municipal elections, but the effect of incumbency is contingent upon the party size: only large incumbent parties are punished in local elections. We find very weak support for the hypothesis that extreme parties perform better than moderates and suggest that this can be explained by the organisational effort required to field the candidates and campaign in multiple jurisdictions. We conclude that the SOE model should not be applied as a default to municipal elections when explaining political parties’ electoral performance.

Performance of Political Parties in General Elections to Five States' Legislative Assemblies: An Analytical Study

Performance of Political Parties in General Elections to Five States' Legislative Assemblies: An Analytical Study

Problematika Kelembagaan Partai Politik

Political parties have functions representation, conversion and aggregation, integration, persuasion, repression, recruitment and selection of leaders, considerations and formulation of policies and control of the government. However, after the reform which was marked by the opening of the widest possible tap of democracy, it did not make all the functions of the political party work. Even today, the number of public dissatisfaction with the performance of political parties is still very high. So the thing that is interesting is why political parties in the reformation period experienced a crisis of representation functions. This study was conducted using qualitative desktiptif analysis methods through literature review. The study found that the crisis of representation functions experienced by political parties during the reform period was caused by the weakness of the political party institutions themselves, including the systemic aspects which caused weak formal representation, low values ​​/ ideology of political parties which caused weak symbolic representation and low authority what political parties have in making decisions leads to low political party substantive representation.

Feed the Church, starve the party? Church-state relations and religious political mobilisation in 21 Catholic-majority countries

ABSTRACT This contribution examines the effects of state religion policy on religious political mobilisation, focusing on the case of the Catholic Church in the post-Cold War era. Catholicism remains politically salient in most Catholic-majority societies, but the presence and success of parties that explicitly mobilise Catholicism in the electoral arena varies enormously. In addition, Catholic-majority countries display a wide variety of institutional arrangements governing the relationship between religion and state. This contribution presents a theoretical framework for analysing the effect of these institutions on the performance of political parties that seek to mobilise religion. Relying on a dataset that covers 137 elections in 21 Catholic-majority countries as well as key measures from the Religion and State (RAS) dataset, this contribution shows that countries with higher levels of state regulation of religion and friendlier religion-state relations are more likely to host parties that mobilise religion; it also suggests that funding for the Catholic Church may constrain such parties.

Party Unity after Elections: A Study of the Roll-Call Votes in Hong Kong’s Legislative Council

This article examines the issue of party unity in Hong Kong’s Legislative Council (LegCo). By analysing the LegCo roll-call votes, one can see that the voting patterns of its members are characterised by strong party unity. In particular, a cross-party comparison reveals that for the pro-establishment parties, the Liberal Party had a higher level of unity than the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB); for the pro-democracy parties, the Civic Party had a higher level of cohesion than the Democratic Party. Furthermore, this article shows that strong party unity is likely to be the joint product of party discipline and policy homogeneity among partisan members. Based on the empirical results, the article questions the traditional wisdom that party politics in Hong Kong is necessarily underdeveloped for its simple juxtaposition of party politics with the performance of political parties in elections. Instead, it is suggested that for a better understanding of party politics in Hong Kong, due attention should be paid to the legislative process.

Valence politics and electoral choice in a new democracy: The case of Taiwan

After two peaceful alternations of political power in a single decade, Taiwan is a democratic success story, demonstrating levels of party competition, turnout rates and patterns of civic engagement similar to those in mature Western democracies. What factors drive electoral choice in Taiwan's new democracy? This paper addresses this question by testing rival models of voting behavior using the Taiwan Elections and Democratization Study (TEDS) 2008 presidential election survey data and the 2010 mayoral election survey data. Analyses show that, similar to their counterparts in mature democracies, Taiwanese voters place more emphasis on the performance of political parties and their leaders in delivering policies designed to address valence issues concerning broadly shared policy goals than on position issues or more general ideological stances that divide the electorate. Findings demonstrating the strength of the valence politics model of electoral choice in Taiwan closely resemble the results of analyses of competing models of voting behavior in Western countries such as Great Britain and the United States.

THE FAILINGS OF POLITICAL PARTIES: REALITY OR PERCEPTION?

This article reflects on the current performance of political parties in the UK, using Alan Ware’s conceptual distinction between democracy as a means of interest optimalisation, democracy as a way of fostering civic orientation among citizens, and democracy as a mechanism of popular choice and control of government. Seen from either of the first two perspectives, parties appear to be largely failing democracy, but they remain important mechanisms by which a significant degree of popular choice and control can be achieved. Even here, however, they are more challenged and less appreciated than was once the case, though this may reflect changes in popular perception more than a shift in the actual performance of parties. That being the case, it is not clear that institutional reforms which aim to improve party performance will necessarily achieve their goal.

Perceptions of Indonesian Politics in the Run-up to the 2009 General Election

Indonesia has had ten years of constitutional democracy since the end of the Suharto era. In 2009 the country heads again to a national election. In the lead-up period the major parties have been pressing not only to reduce the number of parties eligible to stand, but to create conditions in which a future president can only come from a major party, which is not the situation at present. At the same time, there are almost weekly reports in the Indonesian media of corruption allegations and charges against both local and national politicians. This paper considers survey and interview data on the opinions of members of the general public in Central Java about the performance of political parties and the political elite in the run-up to the 2009 election. Selected newspaper coverage of political corruption cases is also considered.

Long-Term Performance of Political Parties

Whilst politicians can “buy” votes in the short-term, most political parties are more interested in maintaining power over a period of years in order to implement their policies. This paper explores whether political parties can be considered to possess long-term competitive resources that sustain their competitive advantages. It employs the well-established strategic management concept of the Resource-Based View of strategy development for this purpose. Because such a concept has not previously been applied to political parties, the paper begins by considering the nature of the competition that exists between political parties and the role of resources in developing superior political performance. A series of theoretical propositions about why some parties maintain political power and influence for lengthy periods is then developed. We argue that the competitive resources of a political party such as its policies, leadership, organisational and communications skills require long-term investment and development, rejecting the notion that long-term electoral success is based primarily on the promises and resources deployed in the final election campaign.