Percentage Of Votes Research Articles

Messias’ Influence? Intra-Municipal Relationship between Political Preferences and Deaths in a Pandemic

Abstract Previous studies have shown that the percentage of votes for Jair Messias Bolsonaro in the 2018 presidential elections, at the municipal and state levels, is related to the severity of the COVID-19 pandemic in terms of the number of deaths. We find the same effects at the intra- -municipal level in the city of São Paulo. Using geolocation, we associate voting data with number of deaths for the 96 districts in the city. We analyze excess mortality to mitigate underreporting issues and to account for exogenous determinants of mortality, as well as control for age structure and several indicators of socioeconomic vulnerability. The results are significant and indicate the existence of a relationship between votes for Bolsonaro and deaths during the pandemic — between one and five additional deaths per 100k people for each percentage point of votes. Several robustness checks support our findings.

COVID-19 Vaccination: Sociopolitical and Economic Impact in the United States.

Since the outbreak of COVID-19, vaccination against the virus has been implemented and has progressed among various groups across all ethnicities, genders, and almost all ages in the United States. This study examines the impacts of socioeconomic status and political preference on COVID-19 vaccination in over 443 counties in the southwestern United States. Regression analysis was used to examine the association between a county’s vaccination rate and one’s personal income, employment status, education, race and ethnicity, age, occupation, residential area, and political preference. The results were as follows: First, counties with higher average personal income tend to have a higher vaccination rate (p < 0.001). Second, county-level vaccination is significantly associated with the percentage of Democrat votes (β = 0.242, p < 0.001). Third, race and ethnicity are vaccine-influencing factors. Counties with more Black residents have lower vaccine acceptance (β = −0.419, p < 0.001), while those where more Hispanics or Native Americans reside are more likely to accept vaccines for health protection (β = 0.202, p < 0.001; β = 0.057, p = 0.008, respectively). Lastly, pertaining to the age difference, seniors aged 65 and older show substantial support for vaccination, followed by the median age group (all p < 0.001).

Characteristics and Meanings of the 2022 Superintendent Election in S. Korea

본 연구는 2022년 6월에 치러진 제8회 전국동시지방선거 교육감 선거의 특징을 분석하고 그 의미를 논한 것이다. 교육감 선거의 결과, 이전 교육감 선거 대비 이른바 진보 진영의 후보들이 대거 낙선하였고, 보수 진영의 후보들이 다수 당선되었다. 이번 교육감 선거의 특징으로는 후보자간 낮은 경쟁률, 약한 정책 경쟁, 당선자에 대한 낮은 유권자 지지율, 지자체장 등 타 선거와 판이한 선거 결과 등을 들 수 있다. 이와 같은 교육감 선거의 결과는 진보 진영의 패배, ‘혁신교육’에 대한 성찰 요구를 의미하는 것으로 논의하였다. 본 연구는 교육감 선거에서의 높은 무효표 비율, 양 진영 공약의 수렴 현상, 10대 유권자 등 교육 당사자의 선거 영향력 문제 등을 교육감 선거 제도 개선을 위해 논의가 필요한 과제로 제시하였고, 향후 지방교육자치 발전을 위해 교육감 선거 제도 유지 노력, 교육감 선거 제도 개선 논의, 교육자치 영역 확대, 교육자치 시행 단위 하향 등이 필요함을 주장하였다.This study analyzes the characteristics of the 8th Korean National Simultaneous Local Election for Superintendent of Education held in June 2022 and discusses its meaning. As a result of the election, compared to the previous election for superintendent, the candidates from the so-called progressive camp were largely defeated, and a majority of candidates from the conservative camp were elected. Characteristics of this superintendent's election include low competition, weak policy competition, low voter support for the elected candidate, and different results from other elections such as local government heads. The results of the superintendent’s election were discussed as meaning the defeat of the progressive camp and the demand for reflection on ‘innovative education’. In this study, the high percentage of invalid votes in the election for the superintendent of education, the convergence of promises from both camps, and the influence of the parties in education, such as teenage voters, were presented as tasks that need discussion to improve the superintendent's election system. To this end, this study argued that it was necessary to maintain the superintendent's election system, discuss the improvement of the superintendent's election system, expand the area of educational autonomy, and lower the unit for implementing autonomous education.

Economic Status and Elections: The Voting Behaviour and Economic Hardship in Rome

Empirical research shows the existence of a relationship between the electoral behaviour of citizens and their economic condition. The economic voting theory explains that in periods of economic growth citizens-voters reward the government considered the author of their well-being; on the contrary, in times of crisis, the population punishes it. The peculiarity of these studies, based on the analysis of secondary data designed for other primary purposes, is to have national territorial dimension, where the percentage of votes collected by government/opposition parties in political national elections is associated to the country’s macro-economic indicators (for example, GDP or unemployment rate). Nevertheless, up to now, only few scholars have analysed this relationship at local level, due to the lack of local statistical data on citizens’ economic conditions. This study tries to fill this gap. It is conducted in the city of Rome, to understand whether the electoral behaviour of Roman citizens changes in function of their economic hardship, in each of the 15 Municipalities of the capital city of Italy. To this end, two different data sources are integrated: Electoral Statistical Office of Rome and Italian Revenue Agency. The results offer empirical evidence to strengthen the local relation between electoral behaviour and economic conditions.

The Downside of Ranking Systems: Qualified Contenders May Quit

Ranking systems may deter qualified but lower ranked contenders from persisting or re-entering competitions (“ranking effect”). Using archival data from the U.S. Primary elections to the House of Representatives, we find that ranking one position lower is associated with a 22% decrease in the likelihood of the candidate running again in the next electoral cycle, even after controlling for differences in the percentage of votes, the level of funding and other potential confounders. Experimental evidence confirms that lower rankings, even when performance is similar to that of higher ranked contenders, undermines confidence in future success, discouraging lower ranked individuals from re-entering competitions. We extend the prior research that has focused on the positive consequences of ranking systems and show that rankings can have detrimental consequences for retaining talent. If ranking systems discourage competent and talented individuals from re-entering competitions, this could lead to significant losses for both individuals and organizations.

Hydroxychloroquine for COVID-19: Variation in Regional Political Preferences Predicted New Prescriptions after President Trump's Endorsement.

On March 19, 2020, President Donald Trump endorsed using hydroxychloroquine for COVID-19 treatment despite inconclusive evidence of the drug's effectiveness. This study sought to understand the influence of political preferences on prescription uptake by quantifying the relationship between a geographic area's partisan leaning and hydroxychloroquine prescription rates following Trump's endorsement. We analyzed hydroxychloroquine prescriptions filled in 205 continental US designated market areas (DMAs) between March 1, 2018, and July 31, 2020, and the percentage of votes for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election in each DMA. We estimated associations by using an empirical strategy resembling a difference-in-differences estimation. Before President Trump's endorsement, mean weekly hydroxychloroquine prescription rates were similar across DMAs with the highest and lowest Trump vote percentages (0.56 and 0.49 scripts per 100,000). After Trump's endorsement, although both high- and low-Trump-supportive DMAs experienced sharp increases in weekly hydroxychloroquine prescription rates, results indicated a 1-percentage-point increase in share of Trump votes was associated with 0.013, or 2%, more weekly hydroxychloroquine prescriptions per 100,000 people (b = 0.013, t = 2.20, p = .028). President Trump's endorsement of an untested therapy influenced prescribing behavior, especially when that endorsement aligned with communities' political leanings.

The political economy of state right to farm amendments: evidence from Missouri

Right-to-farm laws started in the 1970s. In 2014, Missouri residents voted on a right-to-farm constitutional amendment that gave farmers constitutional protection from nuisance suits related to agricultural production. The Amendment passed 50.12% to 49.88%. We use an empirical median voter model on county-level voting data to analyze the determinants of yes voting. We find that an increased presence of agricultural interests in a county as measured by head of cattle, acres planted, and % employed in agriculture were associated with a higher percentage of yes votes. Our results highlight the importance of widespread farm interests obtaining constitutional projections for farming.

Multiscale Dimensions of Spatial Process: COVID-19 Fully Vaccinated Rates in U.S. Counties

IntroductionThis study aimed to examine the heterogeneity of the associations between social determinants and COVID-19 fully vaccinated rate.MethodsThis study proposes 3 multiscale dimensions of spatial process, including level of influence (the percentage of population affected by a certain determinant across the entire area), scalability (the spatial process of a determinant into global, regional, and local process), and specificity (the determinant that has the strongest association with the fully vaccinated rate). The multiscale geographically weighted regression was applied to the COVID-19 fully vaccinated rates in U.S. counties (N=3,106) as of October 26, 2021, and the analyses were conducted in May 2022.ResultsThe results suggest the following: (1) Percentage of Republican votes in the 2020 presidential election is a primary influencer because 84% of the U.S. population lived in counties where this determinant is found the most dominant; (2) Demographic compositions (e.g., percentages of racial/ethnic minorities) play a larger role than socioeconomic conditions (e.g., unemployment) in shaping fully vaccinated rates; (3) The spatial process underlying fully vaccinated rates is largely local.ConclusionsThe findings challenge the 1-size-fits-all approach to designing interventions promoting COVID-19 vaccination and highlight the importance of a place-based perspective in ecological health research.

Transit Usage in Social Shocks: A Case Study of Station-Level Metro Ridership in Anti-Extradition Protests in Hong Kong

As a form of social movement aiming to effect social change, protests could bring about unintended impacts on all walks of life. In other words, the cost of protests can be incurred by those who might not be protesters. The protests triggered by an extradition bill in Hong Kong since 2019 are no exception. This paper focuses on the impacts on the ridership of the metro system on protest days. It synthesizes and hypothesizes factors influencing the distribution of the ridership changes and conducts an empirical study in the context of Hong Kong to study the possible influences and spatial dependence. It is found that, across metro stations, political orientation (percentage of votes to pro-democracy camp in the 2019 Election of District Councils), law enforcement (permission from the police to protest), land use type (especially for commercial and open space), population age and income, as well as transit/road network characteristics and intermodal connectivity, significantly influence the ridership of metro stations during protest days. In addition, the mixed regressive spatial autoregressive model has higher explanatory power than the ordinary least square model, suggesting the need for a spatial lag and error specification. The results could also have significant implications for policy and planning for operating metro services and managing metro stations before, during, and after social shocks.

Integration of Principal Component Analysis (PCA) and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) in Mapping Young Voter Aspirations in Sabah, Malaysia

Young people are the largest group of voters in Sabah compared to the adults and the elderly. Therefore, the percentage of votes of young people has a great influence on the victory of a certain party. Understanding the political demands of young voters will give an advantage to a political party during the election period and the process of governing a state or country. Thus, this study aims to identify the political demands of young voters in Sabah based on the zone and parliament boundaries. A total of 1609 voters in Sabah aged 21 to 40 were interviewed through survey methods. Raw data obtained were then analyzed using Principal Component Analysis (PCA) techniques presented in the form of thematic maps using the Geography Informatics System (GIS) application. From the analysis, it was found that there are five political demands required among young voters in Sabah according to ranks, i.e., the provision of welfare assistance, high-caliber local leaders, space for political involvement, state stability, and territorial equality rights. The rankings of each of these political demands are found to vary according to the zone and parliament boundaries. For Inland Zones, especially Tenom and Pensiangan Parliaments, the ranking of political demands among young voters in this area is more focused on the aspect of providing welfare assistance. In contrast, the young voters in the Central West Zone, especially in Penampang and Putatan Parliaments, are more focused on the Regional territorial equality rights.

A Spatial Approach to the Study of the Electoral Resurgence of the Extreme Right in Southern Spain

This study analyzes at a local level (i.e. census tract) the spatial patterns and main contextual factors related to the electoral resurgence of the extreme-right party (VOX) in Southern Spain (Andalusia) in 2018 and 2019. The 2019 electoral data was associated with the percentage of total foreign-born population, degree of territorial concentration of economic migrants, average income level, percentage of elderly people, urban/rural areas and the percentage of vote for VOX in 2018 (t − 1). We used a global and local spatial autocorrelation analysis to detect the spatial patterns of the vote for VOX and a spatial Durbin regression model to assess the role of contextual variables and spatial effects. The results underline the importance of space in modelling the vote for VOX and point to the existence of a spatial diffusion process. Previous electoral behavior and the urban milieu also play key roles in explaining the vote for VOX. Moreover, the territorial concentration of economic migrants is negatively related with the vote for VOX, which illustrates the positive character of interracial contact.

For whom the bell tolls: Party mediation effects on economic voting in a large democratic federation

AbstractThis article analyzes the effect of economic growth on executive elections in the context of a multilevel governance structure and how party ties across federal, state, and local levels affect the relationship, using data from Brazilian municipalities. We test the hypothesis that the president is the main politician accountable for economic performance, measured by local growth, and that party politics moderates the evaluation of the economic performance of state governors and the president. Our research shows that there is a high degree of interdependence between levels of government in the evaluation of economic performance. We highlight how party alliances strongly moderate the economic performance effects at the different levels. Using aggregate local level‐municipality panel data and fixed effects estimations, we show that the previous year's economic growth positively impacts the percentage of votes obtained by the incumbent in the presidential elections and that those effects are higher in states whose governors are allied to the president.Related ArticlesOndetti, Gabriel. 2008. “Up and Down with the Agrarian Question: Issue Attention and Land Reform in Contemporary Brazil.” Politics &amp; Policy 36(4): 510–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2008.00120.xSegatto, Catarina Ianni, and Daniel Béland. 2018. “The Limits of Partisanship: Federalism, the Role of Bureaucrats, and the Path to Universal Health Care Coverage in Brazil.” Politics &amp; Policy 46(3): 416–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12252Zimerman, Artur, and Flávio Pinheiro. 2020. “Appearances can be Deceptive: Political Polarization, Agrarian Policy, and Coalitional Presidentialism in Brazil.” Politics &amp; Policy 48(2): 339–71. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12345

Structural Stigma and Sexual Health Disparities Among Gay, Bisexual, and Other Men Who Have Sex With Men in Australia.

Discrimination and stigmatization at the institutional and sociocultural level (conceptualized as "structural stigma") has been associated with adverse health outcomes among sexual and gender minorities. However, few studies explore whether structural stigma is associated with sexual health outcomes. Addressing this gap, here, we explore this relationship among Australian gay, bisexual, and other men who have sex with men (GBM)-a population disproportionately affected by HIV. Using responses from the 2017 Australian Marriage Law Postal Survey, we operationalized structural stigma related to sexual minority status as the regional percentage of votes against legalizing same-sex marriage. These responses were then linked to national HIV behavioral surveillance data from Australian GBM (43,811 responses between 2015 and 2019). Controlling for a rich set of individual and regional level confounders, regression analyses were used to estimate the extent to which structural stigma was associated with testing for, and diagnoses of, HIV and sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and awareness and use of HIV prevention and treatment interventions (pre-exposure and postexposure prophylaxis, combination therapy, and HIV-related clinical care). Australian GBM living in regions with higher levels of structural stigma were less likely to undergo HIV/STI testing, receive HIV/STI diagnoses, and be taking, or aware of, biomedical prevention strategies. Among GBM living with HIV, structural stigma was associated with a reduced likelihood of being on combination therapy and fewer HIV-related clinical visits. Altogether, these results suggest that structural stigma may undermine HIV prevention strategies as well as adequate management of HIV infection among GBM.

Digital Election Model In The Election Of Regional Head And Deputy Head In Indonesia

This study aims to develop a model for digital general election in the election of Regional Head and Deputy Head. The focus of this research is on the simultaneous regional elections in 2020 in the regencies of Jember, Malang, Lamongan and Sidoarjo. In the research method, a qualitative-descriptive approach was used, with a phenomenological basis. The results of the study indicated that the legitimacy of authority in the 2020 Regional Head and Deputy Head Elections has decreased or the elections had incomplete legitimacy. This can be seen from the percentages of votes for the winners of the local elections, who received less than 50% in the regencies of Jember, Malang, Lamongan and Sidoarjo. Recommendations are offered for the development of a new regional election system, which may attain full power legitimacy, as follows. First, the digital-based electoral system needs to be improved. Second, election needs to be socialized as early as possible. Third, political education needs to be developed by political parties, through political school programs with competent teachers. Fourth, the model, which needs to be set up with a bottom-up system through full community participation, may produce a pattern of regional election that is more in line with the conditions and desires of the people so that the people can give full power (full legitimacy) for the winners to manage the regional government.

Determine Sample Size for Precision Results on Quick Count

This research aims to answer the problem of the appropriate sample size in the case of the quick count of the election so that the results obtained are close to the actual results. Although there are practical procedures that are widely used to calculate the sample size in the quick count methodology, in reality, the results obtained often deviate from the actual results, so the issue of precision is always an interesting discussion. The formulation of the problem regarding the size of the sample and how the level of precision of the forecast results are important issue to be discussed. This research method is included in experimental research where the analysis used is the Kruskal-Wallis test. The data used is primary data from the real count results of the regency election Sumedang by consultants and teams. The results showed that there was a significant difference between the seven sample size groups in vote acquisition and the percentage of votes at the polling station (TPS), where the sample sizes n=408, n=500, n=875 and n=1674 were the most appropriate sample sizes in the implementation of the quick count.

Eleição proporcional em 2020: uma análise do desempenho feminino nos municípios brasileiros

This paper analyzes the impact of municipal political and sociodemographic factors on female representation in the 2020 elections. Hypotheses are derived from theories about the influences of socioeconomic conditions, electoral competition and district size on women's performance in proportional elections. Four dependent variables were analyzed: proportion of female candidates, campaign funding, percentage of votes and percentage of seats won by councilors. Bivariate descriptive analysis were used through ANOVA and post-hoc tests between population size categories and dependent variables; pearson correlation matrix between quantitative variables; and, finally, multilevel hierarchical econometric models were built in order to perform multivariate analysis that would allow the simultaneous estimation of the impacts of independent variables and control for the random effects of states. The results point to inversely proportional impacts between the size of the municipality and the percentage of applications and funding. Socioeconomic variables of the municipalities had little or no impact on women's performance in all variables analyzed. Electoral competition had a positive impact on the percentage of female candidates, but a negative impact on the percentage of votes and seats won by women.

The forensics of fraud: Evidence from the 2018 Brazilian presidential election

ObjectiveThis paper studies the integrity of the vote counting system in Brazil. MethodWe analyze data from the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) for the 2018 Brazilian presidential election to assess suspicious vote count patterns deploying five techniques commonly used to detect fraud: a) the second-digit Benford's law test; b) the last digit mean; c) frequency analysis of last digits 0 and 5; d) correlation between the percentage of votes and the turnout rate; and e) resampled Kernel density of the proportion of votes. ResultsThe results show that the second-digit distributions for the three most voted candidates – Jair Messias Bolsonaro (PSL), Fernando Haddad (PT), and Ciro Gomes (PDT) – conform to Benford's law. We also find that last digit means and last digit frequency are within normal parameters, indicating no irregularities. Similarly, the fingerprint plot indicates a correlation coefficient that is consistent with the theoretical expectation of a fair election. The resampled Kernel density suggests that the vote count was performed without statistically significant distortions. These results are robust at different levels of data aggregation (polling station and municipality). ConclusionThe joint application of digit-focused tests, regression-based techniques, and patterns in the distribution of vote-shares provide a more reliable method for detecting anomalous cases. Relying on this unified framework, we find no evidence of electoral fraud in the 2018 Brazilian presidential election. These results advance our current understanding of statistical forensics tools and may be easily replicated to examine electoral integrity in other countries.

Выборы в Украинское Учредительное собрание (декабрь 1917 - январь 1918 г.): ход кампании, кандидатские списки и результаты голосования по округам

The paper discusses the elections to the Ukrainian Constituent Assembly in December 1917 - January 1918, when 400 - 425 candidates were to be elected in 23 districts. However, the armed conflict between Central Rada and the Council of People's Commissars allowed elections only in 11 districts (Volhynia, Yekaterinoslav, Kiev, Poltava, Podolia, Kherson, and Chernigov Governorates, Romanian and Southwestern fronts, the Black Sea and Baltic fleets). The elections were won by the Ukrainian Socialists-Revolutionaries (SRs), with the Bolsheviks being second. For the first time in Russian and foreign historiography, the article provides full voting results for all 11 districts based on the protocols of the Main and District Election Commission from the Central State Archives of Supreme Bodies of Power and Government of Ukraine (TsDAVO of Ukraine). In some cases, the materials of uezd and local commissions are also used. Each district has a corresponding table that shows official names of party lists, the number and percentage of votes gained, and the number of mandates. The paper ends with a summary table with the results of voting throughout Ukraine, as well as the distribution of mandates between the lists that passed to the Constituent Assembly. The author examines the electoral geography of Ukraine and suggests why the voters of the Ukrainian Social Revolutionaries, who won the elections by a huge margin, did not support their representatives in January-February 1918 and made no resistance to the Bolshevik troops advancing on Ukraine.

Bougainville

Bougainville Volker Boege (bio) Reviews of Timor-Leste and Vanuatu are not included in this issue. In 2021, consultations continued between the Autonomous Bougainville Government (ABG) and the government of Papua New Guinea (GoPNG) on the implementation of the result of the Bougainville independence referendum of December 2019. It became clear that the positions of the two sides are still far apart. While the ABG argues that, based on the 97.7 percent vote for independence in the referendum, the consultations should only be about the road to independence, the GoPNG insists on the nonbinding character of the referendum and sees the consultations as aimed at a "final political settlement" of the Bougainville issue, whatever that may be. The political elite in Papua New Guinea (PNG) struggle with the prospect of Bougainville seceding. On the Bougainville side, by contrast, political activities are geared toward the goal of becoming "independence ready." The new ABG under President Ishmael Toroama has reiterated time and again that it is fully committed to this goal. Meetings and consultations between the ABG and the GoPNG started in January and continued throughout 2021. On 11 January, ABG President Toroama and PNG Prime Minister James Marape signed a "Joint Communique" that was to serve as the basis for future consultations between the two governments about the post-referendum transition process. The communiqué summarized the main "facts and principles of the Bougainville peace process." It refers to the definition of "independence" agreed on by the two governments, acknowledges the referendum as "free and fair," confirms the result of 97.7 percent for independence, and states that "the referendum outcome will be subject to ratification (final decision-making) of the National Parliament" of PNG (ABG 2021c). The Toroama-Marape meeting was followed by a Joint Supervisory Body (jsb) meeting of the two governments on 5 February 2021 (the jsb is in charge of the implementation of the Bougainville Peace Agreement of August 2001). The Bougainville side came well prepared. At the end of January, a Bougainville Leaders Consultation Forum was held "to gauge views from leaders in different sectors in preparation for the consultation process between ABG and the National Government." This forum was made up of the members of the Bougainville Parliament, the House of Representatives, members of civil society, church leaders, women's and youth leaders, and "other recognized leaders in Bougainville" (ABG 2021b). Participants discussed developments in the transition process, received briefings about the ABG-GoPNG consultations, and elaborated recommendations for the process. The jsb meeting of 5 February formally accepted the "Joint Communique [End Page 447] as the roadmap to consultations on the outcome of the Bougainville Referendum" and decided to have a first joint consultation meeting on the referendum result at the beginning of March (ABG 2021h). Even if the outcome of the jsb meeting was meager, it was important that it took place at all, given the long break in the process in the previous year due to covid-19 and the unstable political situation in PNG. Unfortunately, the first round of consultations could not take place as planned. Again, the main reason was the covid-19 situation, which had deteriorated considerably. It was only on 28 April that President Toroama and Prime Minister Marape met again in Port Moresby. At this meeting they confirmed what had been agreed on earlier and presented a new timetable for the next steps in the transition consultation process. They declared that a "consultation framework" and a "Post Referendum Consultation Package" were to be elaborated, which would guide the work of the "consultation teams." They confirmed the appointment of Bertie Ahern, the former Irish prime minister who had led the Bougainville Referendum Commission, as the moderator for the consultation process, and they announced that "the UN will chair the consultation process" (GoPNG 2021b). On 18 and 19 May 2021, the first round of consultations finally took place in Kokopo, East New Britain. In the meeting, Marape and Toroama "acknowledged … that the people of Bougainville have voted in favor of independence" and "directed the National and Bougainville technical teams to: consult on the definition and process of ratification, identify constitutional issues relating to the referendum result and the tabling...

Primary elections and electoral outcomes: evidence from the Spanish Socialist Party

Using a regression discontinuity design and primary elections to select Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE) mayoral candidates as a case study, this paper investigates the causal link between primary elections and electoral outcomes. The results suggest that selecting the PSOE’s mayoral candidate through primary elections has no effect on the percentage of votes and total votes received by the PSOE’s candidate in local elections, the probability of gaining the mayorship and the local government’s stability. On the other hand, the results suggest that PSOE’s primary elections result in increased votes for competing political parties to the right of the PSOE and in reduced votes for competing parties to the left of the PSOE.