Representation Of People Research Articles

The prototypical UK blood donor, homophily and blood donation: Blood donors are like you, not me.

Homophily represents the extent to which people feel others are like them and encourages the uptake of activities they feel people like them do. Currently, there are no data on blood donor homophily with respect to (i) people's representation of the average prototypical UK blood donor and (ii) the degree of homophily with this prototype for current donors, non-donors, groups blood services wish to encourage (ethnic minorities), those who are now eligible following policy changes (e.g., men-who-have-sex-with-men: MSM) and recipients. We aim to fill these gaps in knowledge. We surveyed the UK general population MSM, long-term blood recipients, current donors, non-donors and ethnic minorities (n = 785) to assess perceptions of the prototypical donor in terms of ethnicity, age, gender, social class, educational level and political ideology. Homophily was indexed with respect to age, gender and ethnicity. The prototypical UK blood donor is perceived as White, middle-aged, middle-class, college-level educated and left-wing. Current donors and MSM are more homophilous with this prototype, whereas recipients and ethnic minorities have the lowest homophily. Higher levels of homophily are associated with an increased likelihood of committing to donate. The prototype of the UK donor defined this as a White activity. This, in part, may explain why ethnic minorities are less likely to be donors. As well as traditional recruitment strategies, blood services need to consider broader structural changes such as the ethnic diversity of staff and co-designing donor spaces with local communities.

Формирование федеративных отношений в Российской Федерации: опыт, проблемы, перспективы развития

The article analyzes the stages of improving federal relations in the Russian Federation. The author states that the improvement of federal relations contributes to the solution of many issues concerning Russian society. It is noted that the federal government and the authorities of the subjects came to a compromise on the issue of interest to them, which was reflected in the formation of the Federation Council — the upper house of the country's parliament, its reforms were analyzed. It is proposed to transfer to the Federation Council the issue of submitting candidates to the regional parliament for the post of head of the region, since in the Russian Federation, characterized by a high degree of centralization of the public administration system and a significant amount of powers belonging to the federal center in relations with the regions, it is the solution of this issue that would be most relevant, as a body of people's representation in the highest echelon of power. It is concluded that the creation of federal districts and the appointment of presidential plenipotentiaries strengthened the vertical of power. The author notes that the most important direction of the federal reform is the restoration of the internal state sovereignty of Russia and the supremacy of federal power.

Формирование федеративных отношений в Российской Федерации: опыт, проблемы, перспективы развития

The article analyzes the stages of improving federal relations in the Russian Federation. The author states that the improvement of federal relations contributes to the solution of many issues concerning Russian society. It is noted that the federal government and the authorities of the subjects came to a compromise on the issue of interest to them, which was reflected in the formation of the Federation Council – the upper house of the country's parliament, its reforms were analyzed. It is proposed to transfer to the Federation Council the issue of submitting candidates to the regional parliament for the post of head of the region, since in the Russian Federation, characterized by a high degree of centralization of the public administration system and a significant amount of powers belonging to the federal center in relations with the regions, it is the solution of this issue that would be most relevant, as a body of people's representation in the highest echelon of power. It is concluded that the creation of federal districts and the appointment of presidential plenipotentiaries strengthened the vertical of power. The author notes that the most important direction of the federal reform is the restoration of the internal state sovereignty of Russia and the supremacy of federal power.

Konstruksi Kewenangan Pemerintah Kabupaten/Kota di Aceh dalam Penanganan Urgensi Pandemi Covid 19

The legal issue of the regulation norms and policies of the Government of the District/City of Aceh in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic is the imposition of sanctions by the policy maker without the presence of a court ruling granting detention that officials have performed judicial duties in general. This policy makes the sanctions very subjective. The main issue in this article is how to construct the authority of the district or city government in Aceh in the emergency treatment of the COVID-19 pandemic. The type of research method used is normative jurisprudence, with a conceptual approach from primary or secondary and analyzed deskripsitf. Based on the known results, the regulation in the administration has violated a very fundamental legal principle, as it is known that the provisions of the sanctions in the Regulation/Regulation with provisions in the Law No. 12 Year 2011 on the Creation of Regulations Legislative, regulations containing sanctions only the Law or Perpu and Perda/Qanun. Sanctions are a reduction in the rights of a person or a citizen, and because they are a decrease in rights, the product must be produced by the government and the representatives of the public (the Council of People's Representation of the District or City/DPRK). The administrator has no authority to impose administrative sanctions in juncto with other laws because it is not in accordance with imperative and facultative.

Revitalizing Political Parties in Indonesia: Dissecting Patronage-Clientelism Dynamics vis-à-vis Political Representation

Abstract: This paper discusses and describes the patron-client phenomenon within political parties. One of the reasons why patron-client relations persist in political parties is that the interests of the political elite are veiled and do not prioritize the dynamic aspects of democratization of political parties as a forum for people's representation. The method used in this study is a normative juridical research method using a statutory and conceptual approach and presented in a formal way qualitative descriptive prescriptive. Data was collected using the interview method, the researcher interacted with informants who were flexible and open to obtain the data needed in this paper. The theory used in this paper is the general patron-client theory, which has developed and is influenced by the political culture within the internal political parties. The results of this study indicate that the patron-client relationship between political parties and cadres is good in the aspects of party elites and candidates legislature. Regional head candidates that occur give rise to a reciprocal relationship which has implications for the non-occurrence of democratization schemes and principles within political parties as a forum for people's representation that will fill public positions. The patron-client phenomenon includes, among other things, personal gifts, interests that are family interest or morphological and have the nuances of money interest. Purpose: To find out the forms of patron-client practices within political parties and society that give rise to reciprocal relationships that impact political polarization of representation that does not work well and is far from the principle of political party cadres as a representation of the people's will. as well as finding ideal concepts related to patterns of relations between parties, both relations between cadres, political parties and society in general. Design/Methodology/Approach: Normative juridical using the statute and conceptual approaches. Findings: The patron-client phenomenon can be caused by a lack of awareness and political education, as well as inconsistency and inadequate performance within political parties, both at the institutional level and among members of the legislature and executive. Originality/Value: Examining patronage-clientalism within the context of political parties has received limited scholarly attention. The topic of voting behaviour during general elections often revolves around patronage-clientelism. However, this study specifically examines the phenomenon of patronage-clientelism within political parties and its implications for political corruption.

Trends in Knowledge Management within Open Government

In realizing the aspirations as a democratic nation, the provision of high-quality information transparency by the government is essential, especially for the legislative body as the people's representation. To transform information into a fundamental consideration for public policies, effective knowledge management is needed from the community, who act as active users of this information transparency. This study aims to analyze the trends in research concerning knowledge management and open government. Data sources were obtained through the Web of Science for publications from 2019 to 2023, focusing on the fields of political science, management, and social reform. The applied method utilized bibliometric analysis with tools such as VOSviewer and Biblioshiny. The study's results identified a total of 2251 keywords, which were then refined to 259 keywords through data selection. From the VOSviewer analysis, the study yielded 1144 links and 4 clusters, indicating the interconnectedness among keywords. This interconnectedness was further illustrated through Network Visualization, Overlay Visualization, and Density Visualization. Meanwhile, the Biblioshiny analysis, conducted using the R Application, involved visualizations like WordCloud, TreeMap, and Trend Topics related to the keywords.

LEGAL ANALYSIS OF THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN

Local self-government is the foundation of national statehood. It is at the local level that many socio-economic tasks can be successfully solved and real conditions created to ensure sustainable growth and well-being of the population. Being a social state, the Republic of Kazakhstan has an original experience in the formation and development of a municipal government system built on the significant influence of the people's representation. The analysis of the peculiarities of its formation, the results of which are reflected in the text of the article, contains new scientific knowledge that has the prospect of practical approbation in improving legislation on the basics of local self-government. Comparing the doctrinal positions expressed in the Kazakh and foreign legal press, it was possible to identify the presence of common problems in the organization and activities of local self-government bodies in various states. The purpose of the study was to form a set of scientifically based recommendations characterizing the directions of development of legal support for the functioning of local self-government. Using the results obtained experimentally, having studied the state of judicial practice reflecting the quality of local self–government in the Republic of Kazakhstan, as well as a set of traditional general scientific and private scientific methods, the authors came to the conclusion that it is possible – in the conditions of convergence of national legal systems - to create a general concept of the organization of local self-government that has the trust of citizens and is based on a democratic elective form of recruitment. In a state governed by the rule of law, all the essential features of which are enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan and implemented in the activities of state authorities, it is this model of local self-government that acquires maximum efficiency.

Are leaders still presumed white by default? Racial bias in leader categorization revisited.

In the United States, leaders of the highest valued companies, best-ranked universities, and most-consumed media outlets are more likely to be White than what would be expected based on White people's representation in the U.S. population. One explanation for this racial gap is that U.S. respondents' prototype of a leader is White by default-which is, in turn, what causes White (vs. non-White) people to be promoted up the organizational ladder more quickly. Although this explanation has empirical support, its central premise was recently challenged by experimental evidence documenting that U.S. respondents no longer associate leaders, more than nonleaders, with being White. To reconcile these contradictory findings, we conducted three preregistered experiments (N = 1,316) on the topic of whether leaders, more than nonleaders, continue to be associated with Whiteness (i.e., being categorized as White or being represented with stereotypically White qualities). Results suggest that associations between leaders and Whiteness hold up to scrutiny, but that detecting them may depend on what methods researchers employ. In particular, when researchers use direct methods of detecting racial assumptions (e.g., self-report measures), there appears to be no evidence of an association between leaders and Whiteness (Experiment 1). Yet, when researchers use more indirect methods of detecting racial assumptions (e.g., a Princeton trilogy task), an association between leaders and Whiteness readily emerges (Experiments 2 and 3). In short, although respondents refrain from freely expressing associations they may harbor between leaders and Whiteness, these associations do not appear to have dissipated with time. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

MEMPERTANYAKAN EKSISTENSI INFRASTRUKTUR POLITIK (PARPOL) DALAM KEBIJAKAN KENAIKAN HARGA BBM 2022

On September 3, 2022, the price of subsidized fuel (pertalite and diesel) increased. This was determined through a Presidential Regulation on the grounds of the fluctuations in world crude oil prices, plus data showing that the distribution of subsidized fuel which was previously enjoyed by 70 percent was enjoyed by the wealthy, so it was deemed not right on target. This triggered various reactions from the people who were directly affected by the increase in fuel prices. The increase of fuel prices has the potential to increase the unemployment rate which will certainly increase the level of poverty in Indonesia. Because of that, a big question is the extent to which the existence of political parties as a medium for representing the people's voice to express the people's counter attitude to the increase in fuel prices.
 The method used in this study is a qualitative research method. This research will produce descriptive data in the form of writing. Qualitative descriptive research is research that tries to describe a phenomenon that occurs in the field. Furthermore, the research technique used in this paper is literature study, namely by researching and understanding books, documents or other written sources that are relevant to the study being raised.
 The results of this study indicate that the function of political parties as a function of political communication has not run optimally. This is evidenced by the majority of the existing political parties not fully voicing the public's contra stance on the increase of fuel prices. Indeed, with this political communication function, all political parties are willing and able to voice the attitudes of the public. This is a manifestation of the people's representation projected by the existence of political parties that are pro to the people.
 Keywords: Political Parties, Functions of Political Parties, Political Communication.

ТРАДИЦІЇ І ЦІННОСТІ ПАРЛАМЕНТАРИЗМУ В УМОВАХ ГЛОБАЛЬНИХ ЗМІН

B a c k g r o u n d . Global changes that have occurred in social relations in the world and in Ukraine recently, related to the environmental crisis, the Covid-19 pandemic, the full-scale war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, require the systematization of scientific knowledge about parliamentarism as a special system of public management, in which the priority role in the formation of state policy, the parliament is the only legislative body of state power. The purpose of the study is to substantiate the traditions of people's representation and the values of political and administrative leadership, political responsibility and innovative activity of the parliament as those that contribute to the democratic development of Ukraine in the conditions of global changes. Object of study is parliamentarism in conditions of global changes. M e t h o d s . A complex of general scientific and special scientific research methods was used for: formulating the main concepts and conclusions of the research (method of theoretical analysis); comparison of legislative acts (method of comparative analysis); forecasting ways to improve the quality of the activity of the parliament and parliamentarians in the conditions of global changes, taking into account the modern values of parliamentarism, such as ethical leadership and innovative activity in public administration (methods of observation, surveys, generalization). R e s u l t s . It was determined that the principles of people's representation and representative democracy are traditional for parliamentarism as a special system of public administration, on the basis of which representative bodies of state power have functioned on Ukrainian lands for many centuries, whose activity is characterized by electability and collegiality in making political and administrative decisions. Their varieties in different historical periods of the functioning and development of Ukraine (during the times of Kyivan Rus, the Lithuanian-Russian State, the Commonwealth of Nations, the Moscow State, the Cossack Republic, the Hetmanship as part of the Russian Empire, the Ukrainian People's Republic, the Ukrainian SSR, the Ukrainian SSR, and in modern Ukraine) and it was found that the majority of Ukrainians perceive them as a public value characterized by a higher level of legitimacy. It is noted that a special role among other representative bodies of state power is played by Councils, which are a custom (tradition) and passed from generation to generation, for which the Ukrainian people have been fighting fiercely against various interventionists at all times and now. The essence of the concept of "parliamentarism" and its structural elements, such as: institutions of the state (political and social) and institutions of democracy (election, publicity, equality before the law, distribution of power); considered the dual nature of the parliament as a state institution and an institution of democracy, which is a representative body of state power, has its own structure, forms, methods, management technologies and is responsible for creating an effective mechanism of interaction with internal structural elements and civil society. It is substantiated that in the conditions of global changes associated with the environmental crisis, the Covid-19 pandemic, a full-scale war with the Russian Federation, in Ukrainian society it is important to form a system of values in public administration, based on political and managerial ethical leadership, political responsibility, innovative activity. C o n c l u s i o n s . It is substantiated that in Ukraine, in the conditions of global changes related to the environmental crisis, the Covid-19 pandemic, a full-scale war with the Russian Federation, a system of values is being formed in public administration, in particular in parliamentary activity, related to political and administrative leadership, political responsibility, the innovative activity of the parliament and further development acquires a national tradition of people's representation, which contributes to the democratic progress of the state.

THE FIRST EXPERIENCE OF RUSSIAN PARLIAMENTARISM IN THE ASSESSMENTS OF S.A. KOTLYAREVSKY

The article considers the views of the historian and jurist Sergey Andreevich Kotlyarevsky on the First State Duma of 1906 as the first legislative body of the people's representation, which marked the movement of the Russian Empire towards constitutional reforms. Through the prism of socio-political activity carried out by S.A. Kotlyarevsky, who was a deputy of the first Duma convocation and directly participated in the events preceding and accompanying its work, an important milestone in the history of the national state and law is highlighted. Being not only a scientist, but a practical ideologist as well, he developed the concept of the law-governed state, the provisions of which were reflected in the program statements of the Constitutional Democrats party, which became one of the active participants in the political processes of the period under review. It is noted that a progressive and obviously democratic nature of the scientist's views sound up-to-date in the principles of building the Russian state. One of them is the idea of universal suffrage and the party principle of building parliamentary representation. At this, it is pointed out that it is necessary to transform the state system in the key of reforming the political system, dialogue of forces and legal ways of resolving conflict issues. It is indicated that his views were developed on the basis of his personal experience of participation in the political events under consideration, in connection with which he gives a negative assessment to the work of the first Russian legislative body and erroneous positions of political parties. However, it was with the institution of parliamentarism, which had great potential for the peaceful transformation of the country, that the hopes and ideas of the scientist and socio-political figure about the embodiment of constitutionalism and the rule of law in Russia were connected.

BETWEEN RISKS AND PREVENTION: YOUNG UNIVERSITY HEALTH STUDENTS' SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS ABOUT THE HUMAN PAPILLOMAVIRUS

Objective: to identify the social representations of young university students in the health area about the Human Papillomavirus and to analyze how they develop risk factors and prevention strategies against this infection. Method: an exploratory and descriptive study based on the Theory of Social Representations and carried out from July 2018 to July 2020 using the Free Word Association Test with 200 students from 14 health areas at a public university in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. The data were analyzed by means of Correspondence Factor Analysis using the Tri-Deux 5.2 program. Results: the university students' representations vary according to gender and sexual orientation. However, they only direct responsibility for prevention of the disease to women. Conclusion: identifying young people's representations about the Human Papillomavirus contributes so that Nursing can devise strategies to face it through the training of these future professionals.

Genetic algorithms reveal profound individual differences in emotion recognition

Emotional communication relies on a mutual understanding, between expresser and viewer, of facial configurations that broadcast specific emotions. However, we do not know whether people share a common understanding of how emotional states map onto facial expressions. This is because expressions exist in a high-dimensional space too large to explore in conventional experimental paradigms. Here, we address this by adapting genetic algorithms and combining them with photorealistic three-dimensional avatars to efficiently explore the high-dimensional expression space. A total of 336 people used these tools to generate facial expressions that represent happiness, fear, sadness, and anger. We found substantial variability in the expressions generated via our procedure, suggesting that different people associate different facial expressions to the same emotional state. We then examined whether variability in the facial expressions created could account for differences in performance on standard emotion recognition tasks by asking people to categorize different test expressions. We found that emotion categorization performance was explained by the extent to which test expressions matched the expressions generated by each individual. Our findings reveal the breadth of variability in people's representations of facial emotions, even among typical adult populations. This has profound implications for the interpretation of responses to emotional stimuli, which may reflect individual differences in the emotional category people attribute to a particular facial expression, rather than differences in the brain mechanisms that produce emotional responses.

On the Question of Ways to Replace the Position of the Head of a Municipality: Using a Competition or on the Recommendation of the Governor

The article is devoted to the issue of the election and appointment of the head of the municipality, which occupies a central place in the institute of municipal people's representation, representing the municipality in the domestic and international arenas, the interests of residents of the territories. The subject of the study: the norms of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, Federal Law of 06.10.2003 No. 131-FZ "On the general principles of the organization of local self-government in the Russian Federation", the provisions of Draft Law No. 40361-8, scientific doctrine on the issue under study. The purpose of the study is to analyze the ways of electing the heads of municipalities "by competition" and "on the proposal of the governor". The methodological basis of the study: general scientific and private scientific methods, a special place in the study is given to the methods of content analysis and right-theoretic modeling. It is established that the "competitive model" (introduced by the legislator in 2014 for the election of heads of municipalities) deprived the local community of the opportunity to directly choose their mayors - through indirect democracy (through deputies of representative bodies). Special attention is paid to the analysis of the draft law of the new Federal Law "On the general principles of the organization of local self-government in the system of unified public authority", which proposes to replace the "competitive" model with the "governor's" one. The advantages and disadvantages of both methods of electing heads of municipalities are revealed. The novelty of the work is due to the fact that the author's approaches to the interpretation of "competitive and "gubernatorial" methods of electing heads of municipalities have been introduced into scientific circulation. Proposals are formulated to improve legislation in terms of the proposal of the author's design of a "competitive model" for the election of heads of municipalities, taking into account the opinion of the population of the relevant territory. It is concluded that the strengthening of control over local authorities by the state authorities of the regions, which began in 2014, in the event of the adoption of the analyzed Bill, will finally put local self-government in a position dependent on the region and marks a return to local government.

Политическая мораль современной российской молодежи: ценности, представления, установки

In modern socio-humanitarian science, there is a certain lack of research on the moral priorities of young Russian citizens as regulators of their life in the state and society. The study presented in the article was aimed at identifying the political values, ethical representations and attitudes of young people that guide them in assessing the sphere of politics and in their relationships with the state and other political actors. The theo-retical and methodological basis of the study was the political-psychological ap-proach, in which values, ideas and attitudes are considered from psychological posi-tions in the structure of moral and political consciousness. The empirical basis of the study was the materials of the All-Russian questionnaire survey and focus group dis-cussions with young people conducted in 2020-21. The results of the study show that young people consider moral values and norms to be a measure of political relations, albeit a rather relative one. It imposes on politicians the moral demands of sincerity, honesty, work for the benefit of citizens, concern for the public interest. Young peo-ple leave politicians the right to make mistakes, they are ready to forgive politicians for many mistakes, except for those that are associated with a threat to life and health of people and have serious consequences. Young people consider corruption, wars and violence, violation of laws and rights of citizens to be immoral actions in politics themselves. The meaning-forming foundations of the moral assessment of the sphere of politics by young people are the political values of freedom, human rights, justice, security, self-realization. Young people's representations about duty are differentiat-ed: they recognize the duty of a person, but reject the duty of a citizen. Young people are not ready to take responsibility for others, and sometimes for themselves too. They place the responsibility for providing public goods and satisfying their needs on the state. This reflects paternalistic attitudes, traditional for our political culture. The political morality of youth is contradictory and often relativistic.

People's Representation of the Oryol Province in Parliamentary Structures of the early XX century

People's Representation of the Oryol Province in Parliamentary Structures of the early XX century

УЧЕНИЕ Б. Н.ЧИЧЕРИНА О НАРОДНОМ ПРЕДСТАВИТЕЛЬСТВЕ

The article examines the main provisions of the theory of people's representation of B.N. Chicherin. It is noted that his views are characterized by a focus on overcoming the one-sidedness, inconsistency of individual state-legal doctrines. He sought to avoid both an anarchist approach and state-despotic theories by achieving, in his concepts, a balance of freedom and power. In favor of the fact that this theory has an independent scientific significance, the problems considered in the article, namely: the differentiation of civil representation and political, the separation of personal and political rights, the development of the concepts of "national sovereignty", "sovereignty of the people", "self-government", "sovereignty of the state", "constituent power". The article also analyzes the theory of B.N. Chicherin's political ability, his arguments about the advantages and disadvantages of popular representation, internal and external reasons that accelerate and delay the introduction of popular representation.

PENGARUH AMBANG BATAS PARLEMEN TERHADAP KEDUDUKAN PARTAI OPOSISI SERTA KAITANNYA DENGAN SISTEM PEMERINTAHAN PRESIDENSIL DI INDONESIA

With the amendment to the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Indonesia adopts a presidential system of government, this is reinforced by the existence of articles that strengthen the president as head of state and head of government. Therefore, the government or in this case the president has a bigger power room. To realize an effective democratic system, it is necessary to have government opposition in parliament as a form of people's representation, which is necessary to provide criticism, alternative policies and control of power. However, to achieve proportionality between the government coalition parties, apart from improving the internal parties involved in the general elections, the quality of the general election system contained in the law must also be improved. There must a significant increase in the percentage threshold that eliminates the votes of small and medium-sized parties that eliminate valid votes from the general election, thereby reducing the probability of realizing the proportionality of parties with coalitions of government and opposition parties in parliament.

The image of Russia in the consciousness of Russian youth: peculiarities of the value-semantic code of cultural representations

The study involved 98 representatives of Moscow youth; 116 of Perm youth and 104 of Tyumen youth. A total 318 respondents, 44% young men and 56% young girls, aged 18 to 25. The 49 bipolar psychosemantic scale of the study describes the image of the country in terms of its strength and authority in the international arena, activity in transformations and various aspects of assessment. Respondents evaluated the images of “Russia-country”, “Future Russia”, “USA”, “China”. The categorical structures of young people's social representations about the country's image, identified in all three regions, have three substantively comparable factors: 1) “Welfare, progressiveness of the country”, 2) “Level of social distance”, 3) “Civilizational attribution”. The value-semantic component in the structure of young people's ideas fixes the cultural codes of Russian civilization: “beauty”, “generosity”, “mercy”, “kindness”, “spirituality”, “morality”.

The role of legal intermediaries in the dispute pyramid: inequalities before the French legal system

AbstractThis paper shows that social inequalities are cumulative and occur at each stage of the dispute pyramid, from the identification of a conflict through to satisfaction with its outcome. Based on a large and original survey on ordinary people's representations of and practices within the legal system in France (N= 2,660), our study finds that an individual's contact, or lack of contact, with a legal intermediary, who may be a legal professional or a non-legal professional, has a very significant impact on the decision to take a case to court. Contact with a legal intermediary also influences the individual's satisfaction with the outcome, but not in the same way for all plaintiffs: income is a more determining factor in satisfaction with the outcome in cases where the judge makes a decision than in cases where a solution is found outside the courtroom.