Pelagian Controversy Research Articles

Sancti Viri, Ut Audio: Theologies, Rhetorics, and Receptions of the Pelagian Controversy Reappraised by Anthony Dupont et al. (review)

Sancti Viri, Ut Audio: Theologies, Rhetorics, and Receptions of the Pelagian Controversy Reappraised by Anthony Dupont et al. (review)

Augustine on the Will: A Theological Account by Han-Luen Kantzer Komline, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2020, pp. xv + 469, £90.00, hbk

Augustine on the Will: A Theological Account by Han-Luen Kantzer Komline, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2020, pp. xv + 469, £90.00, hbk

Augustine’s Enchiridion: An Anti-Pelagian Interpretation of the Creed

At first glance, Augustine did not combine his soteriology and his Trinitarian doctrine in his anti-Pelagian oeuvre. Therefore, this article pursues the more hidden and implicit connections between these topics. The starting point of this endeavour is an analysis of the Enchiridion, a catechetical work in which Augustine interpreted the Roman—later so-called Apostle’s—Creed. Simultaneously, Augustine directed his attention in the Enchiridion to questions and arguments which originate from the Pelagian controversy such as original sin, grace, baptism, remission of sin(s) and the theory of predestination. Thus, this article ponders the question of how Augustine reflected his Trinitarian doctrine within this anti-Pelagian soteriology. While Augustine seldom referred to his Trinitarian doctrine explicitly in the Enchiridion (and his anti-Pelagian oeuvre), he presented in these works a conception of how the triune God operates as creator and saviour. This anti-Pelagian concept of God seizes several aspects which also appear in Augustine’s De trinitate. Moreover, by emphasising the unity of God’s operation as creator and saviour against the Pelagians, Augustine argued in favour of a specific Trinitarian doctrine: opera trinitatis ad extra inseparabilia. Thus, this article finally tries to analyse how Augustine amalgamated his anti-Pelagian Christocentric soteriology with his Trinitarian doctrine.

The Pelagian Controversy: An Introduction to the Enemies of Grace and the Conspiracy of Lost Souls by Stuart Squires

Reviewed by: The Pelagian Controversy: An Introduction to the Enemies of Grace and the Conspiracy of Lost Souls by Stuart Squires Walter Dunphy The Pelagian Controversy: An Introduction to the Enemies of Grace and the Conspiracy of Lost Souls. By Stuart Squires. (Eugene, OR: Pickwick Publications, 2019. Pp. xxii, 366. $42.00. ISBN: 9781532637810). The ample bibliography given by Stuart Squires—the “secondary literature” alone extends to almost 30 pages—is witness to the fact that study of the Pelagian Controversy is flourishing, and also to the need for an introduction such as this to help the reader, whether student or scholar in the field (xxii), to see both the whole picture of the debate and evaluate the many details that contribute to the whole. The account is divided into two parts: part I (3–180) takes us through the history of the controversy. Chapter 1 (3–40) paints in broad strokes the rise of Christianity in the Roman Empire before focusing on the more immediate context of the development of the ascetical movements in the fourth century in which the Pelagian debate emerged. The dispute between Jerome and Rufinus of Aquileia over the thought of Origen, which would mutate into the Pelagian debate, serves as a necessary introduction to the main account. The following chapters (2–4) introduce us in historical succession to Pelagius, Caelestius, and Rufinus the Syrian. Then the anti-Pelagian reaction as formulated by Augustine, Jerome, and Orosius is outlined (chapters 5–7). Some readers may think that Orosius is given more attention than he deserves, but the Spaniard played a significant role in how the early debate in Africa was presented in Palestine, and subsequently in reporting to the West (Africa) the Pelagian victory at Diospolis. Chapter 8 is a sober attempt to unravel the intricacies surrounding the condemnation of Pelagianism by Rome in 418. The disquiet caused by this found independent expression in the writings of Julian of Eclanum (chapter 8) and of John Cassian (chapter 9). Part II (pp. 183–277) gives a condensed but clear account of “the theology of . . .” the various protagonists in the controversy is an account of the theology of the protagonists insofar as it pertains directly to the debate. Clearly the theology of Augustine or the influence of Jerome cannot be outlined in a few pages. Squires divides his presentation of Augustine into two parts: Augustine in debate with Caelestius and Pelagius in the first phase of the debate, and his unfinished dispute with Julian of Eclanum in the later years. By concluding with Cassian at the end of the account in both parts, Squires reminds us that the controversy that had seemed to end in a fruitless impasse in the Julian-Augustine wrangle only set the scene for a fruitful tension between grace and nature that would imbue western Christendom. [End Page 172] This is a welcome addition to the bibliography on Pelagianism that lacks thorough overviews in English of the course of the whole controversy, and of the current scholarly consensus on a host of disputed details. Walter Dunphy Nanzan University Copyright © 2023 The Catholic University of America Press ...

La parábola del fariseo y del publicano en las ‘Enarrationes in Psalmos’ de san Agustín

The article presents the enarrationes in which St. Augustine comments on the parable of the Pharisee and the Tax Collector who went up to the Temple to pray (Lk 18: 9-14). The chronology and setting of each of the enarrationes where the parable is commented are highlighted. Subsequently, following a chronological order, the main ideas that are emphasised by the Bishop of Hippo in his commentary on the above-mentioned parable are highlighted, distinguishing between the enarrationes preached before the Pelagian controversy, and those preached within it. Finally, the article makes a reading of the whole, in order to see more clearly the ideas and nuances that Augustine highlights in this parable within the enarrationes in Psalmos, paying particular attention to the anti-Pelagian ideas and the Biblica Texts that Augustine underlines in his commentary on the parable of the Pharisee and the Tax Collector.

The Nirvana Controversy: A Comparison of the Pelagian Controversy and Buddhist Views of Liberation

abstract: The debate between St. Augustine of Hippo and the British monk Pelagius is a famous event in the history of Christianity. While Pelagius emphasized the idea that we could achieve salvation via our own free effort, Augustine argued for the opposite: That due to original sin, humans are unable to reach liberation alone and must be saved by God's grace. Augustine won the debate, and the doctrine of original sin became a key theological cornerstone of Western Christianity. What is less well known is that two philosophical positions within the Buddhist tradition corresponded to this debate. One from the Buddha Shakyamuni himself, who taught that all could attain nirvana freely, and one from the medieval Japanese monk and philosopher Shinran, who, disagreeing with his master, taught that we live in a fallen era. We are unable to achieve enlightenment ourselves and thus must rely on the saving grace of Amida Buddha to transport us to a place where the goal is achievable. This paper seeks to highlight these similarities between these two debates and, in the process, show that the philosophical issue of free will versus determinism is one that crosses the boundaries of Eastern and Western thought. It is hoped that the revelation of such a shared debate will increase understanding between Christianity and Buddhism, as well as between other diverse traditions of thought.

Interpreting the Functions of the Roman Clergy in the Early Fifth Century

Examining the information we have about deacons and presbyters in Rome during the first two decades of the fifth century contributes to the larger picture of their role and function and is instructive for several reasons. While there has been scholarly attention drawn to the prescriptive decrees of the Roman bishops regulating the life of their clergy, particularly regarding the clerical cursus honorum and lifestyle (marriage and sexual continence), less has been given to descriptive information about how deacons and presbyters operated. Although far from complete, this information is valuable. From the letters of Innocent I (402–417) we discover much about the liturgical functions of such clerics (through the invaluable letter to Decentius of Gubbio) as well as the role they played in being episcopal letter-bearers and negotiators. From Boniface I (418–422) we are reminded of another role of deacons and presbyters, that of electors and candidates for episcopal office. This information is filtered through the imperial correspondence concerning the electoral dispute between Boniface and Eulalius. We only gain insight into this process of episcopal election in practice when something went wrong. In this case, the undercurrent of tension between deacons and presbyters in Rome overflowed into open rivalry that required imperial intervention. This dispute is linked with the tensions that characterized the last months of Zosimus’s episcopacy of 417–418, where complaints about the bishop reached the imperial court in Ravenna and seem to have flowed from reactions to Zosimus’s changing responses to the Pelagian controversy. Such tension between deacons and presbyters existed in the time of Damasus (366–384), as revealed through Ambrosiaster and Jerome. It would be reasonable to conclude that such tension was present throughout this fifty-year period, ignited by different issues and most visible at the time of the election of a new bishop. Why then do we not find evidence of this tension under Innocent I? Perhaps he was a successful enough manager of his personnel that there were no significant outbreaks, or whatever problems there were did not require him to write about them to anyone else, thereby eliminating any trace of them from recorded memory. Most of our information comes filtered through the bishop’s perspective, and it is only with a letter sent from the presbyters of Rome to Ravenna in 419 in support of Boniface that we hear anything from the clergy themselves during this period. The evidence for the liturgical function of presbyters in the letter to Decentius perhaps unwittingly helps us understand the tension. Presbyters were closely tied to the populace, while, as we know from elsewhere, deacons were more closely tied to the bishop. It was the priestly or sacramental function of presbyters in controlling the boundaries of church membership that contributed to the collision course between them and the financially and administratively powerful deacons.

Graça e heteronímia na antropologia relational de Agostinho de Hipona

This article will discuss Augustine of Hippo’s (354-430) relational horizon with a focus on grace and heteronomy in Confessions and in the Pelagian controversy. Grace and heteronomy are inserted biographically in Confessions, through an autobiographical narrative as a testimony of grace. Subsequently, grace and heteronomy would be endorsed in the polemic against the Pelagians, in which Augustine reaffirms his doctrine of original sin and the solidarity of the race in Adam, and the human need for the grace of Christ. Augustine’s anthropological perspective questions a self-centered understanding of human autonomy and emphasizes its dependence upon a relational horizon. A synthesis will be expressed through three axes: (i) heteronomy as an expression of a dramatic anthropology of search and encounter (ii) authentic autonomy as built upon the foundation of heteronomy, and therefore not opposed to human responsiveness (iii) heteronomy does not deny uniqueness or singularity butrecognizes it within a responsive relational horizon.

From emergency practice to Christian polemics? Augustine’s invocation of infant baptism in the Pelagian Controversy

In this article, I build upon Jean-Albert Vinel’s account of Augustine’s “liturgical argument” against the Pelagians by exploring how and why Augustine uses both the givenness of the practice of infant baptism and its ritual components as evidence for his theological conclusions in opposition to those of the Pelagians. First, I explore infant baptism in the Roman North African Church before and during Augustine’s ministry. Second, I interpret Augustine’s rhetorical adaptation of the custom in his attempt to delineate the defining characteristics of Catholic Christianity in the early fifth century. I show how Augustine mobilizes his belief in the efficacy of the Church’s practice of infant baptism to make explicit a boundary marker of “Catholic” Christianity, which was long implicit in the practice itself. Perceiving the consequences of Pelagianism, Augustine organizes his anti-Pelagian soteriology around the central node of infant baptism, the most theologically and rhetorically strategic means by which he could refute the Pelagian heresy and underwrite what he understood to be the traditional vision of sin and salvation evident in the baptismal rite.

Meaning and context in political theory

The two books offer a contextual reinterpretation of Rawlsian and post-Rawlsian liberalism. Nelson’s main thesis is that debates in liberal political theory re-enact theological debates about theodicy going back to the Pelagian controversy. This claim is criticized for its historical inaccuracy. Nelson’s invocation of theodicy as a refutation of luck egalitarianism and the Rawlsian rejection of desert rest on a claim of possibility that is too weak to uphold a plausible refutation. Forrester locates Rawls’s rejection of desert in the thinking of his contemporaries. She not only shows the development of Rawls’s thought but also details its broad influence. However, her thesis that the role of economic planning in a theory of justice remained undeveloped by Rawls ignores the intrinsic difficulties of designing a system of economic planning. The persistent antinomies of grace and free will in metaphysics, and of planning and the price mechanism in economics, show the continuing relevance of meaning beyond context.

Augustine's Conversion from Traditional Free Choice to "Non-free Free Will" by Kenneth M. Wilson

Because took from these philosophies, it does not necessarily mean that he took from them instead of Christian tradition (for example, reference to Christian view of free will [129, author's italics], as opposed to philosophical ones; or: Augustine appears unaware that his Stoic/ Ciceronian definition of omnipotence has carved a non-Christian caricature of God [189]). The claim in scholarship is often that continues in relentless continuity with these opinions for the rest of his life, indicating that prior to his interaction in the Pelagian controversy he already held these views, which were taken from his reading of scripture, traditional Christian doctrines, or both. Wilson argues that this anomaly of Simpl. 2, along with De libero arbitrio 3.47–3.54, is a later interpolation during Augustine's revision of the work and that he in fact did not establish his later doctrines of divine providence and human non-free free will due to inherited guilt (reatus) until the Pelagian controversy in 412 and that there is no clear precedent in previous Christian tradition for these doctrines.

Las dimensiones del 'Iudex' en el pensamiento y en la actividad episcopal de Agustín

The article addresses two specific areas on the topic of the iudex in Augustine, namely: his thought and his episcopal activity. First, the article deals with the roots of the concept of iudex in the Greek and Latin legal tradition. Later the idea of iudex is approached within the New Testament, particularly in the Pauline writings. Next, the theological and eschatological dimension of iudex in Saint Augustine is presented, highlighting the common use that the Bishop of Hippo makes of the term iudex, underlining words such as Iudicium, or legal situations such as the iudex qui litem suam fecit, or the decision of the iudex, considered from a theological and legal point of view. In this theological dimension, the aspect of God as universal and cosmological iudex is not excluded. Subsequently, the Donatist dispute is analyzed from a legal perspective, highlighting the ecclesiastical law of the state, discussing the epp. 133, 151 and 134, stressing in the latter the legal value of the word necessitas. The importance of the episcopal intercessio is also underlined, analyzing epp. 152 and 153, as well as the terms of reus, supplicium and supplicatio, within the framework of the Pelagian polemic. The article also considers the issue of compelle intrare, in epp. 93, 173, as well as in the s. 112. The correspondence of Saint Augustine with Boniface and Dulcitius (ep. 185, De correctione donatistarum), ep. 204 is analyzed in this same context, as well as some texts from c. Gaud. The dimension of the iudex in the Pelagian controversy is also addressed, discussing particularly texts from Gest. Pel. and c. Iul. imp., highlighting in this last work the legal vocabulary, particularly the words that refer to the iudex. The epìscopalis Audientia is also addressed, presenting the imperial laws that framed it, both those of Constantine, as well as those of Honorius and Arcadius, to later stress the actions that Saint Augustine performed as a judge. As an example of the performance of Saint Augustine as judge, ep. 7 * is discussed, highlighting the actions of the Bishop of Hippo as a judge in matters related to property, as well as Saint Augustine’s knowledge of the legal terms and procedures, presenting the example of ep. 8*, and his technical use of terms such as actio in rem, uindicatio, causa, among others. Finally, ep. 24* is discussed, where the knowledge that Saint Augustine had of the ius uetus and of the ius nouum is revealed.

Някои съвременни рецепции на раннохристиянската литература в България и техните етически значения

In this paper, when I use the concept of ‘early Christian literature’ I mean the body of texts from Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages that affects the controversies around the issue of God’s Grace and the role of free human will in the context of making a choice in a strict ethical sense. For that reason, firstly, here I analyze the problems that arose with relation to the doctrine of Pelagius. Secondly, in this paper, by ‘recent receptions of this early Christian literature in Bulgaria’ I mean those receptions – in a theological, literary, and ethical sense - that we encounter in current studies of Christian Latin literature done by the promising young researcher Rosen Milanov. Thirdly, the present study attempts to answer the question of the ethical connotations of those same receptions in the present-day moral controversies in Bulgaria – a country rich in conservative views of Eastern Orthodox nature, concerning contemporary ethical issues such as those related to the ratification of the Istanbul Convention last year. In this way it may be possible to obtain a more clear outlook on how such distant historical events as the Pelagian controversy about the value of free moral choice could still influence the modification processes in the sociocultural layers of modern Bulgarian society with its Eastern Orthodox heritage.

Cristología y exégesis en el Tratado XV In Iohannis Euangelium de Agustín de Hipona

Augustine of Hippo was active in the period leading up to conciliar definitions of Christology, yet he displays remarkably distinct preferences in his treatment of Christ. Rather than repurposing his work to discover antecedent traces of the Chalcedonian definition –or the pervading influence of Nicene faith–one must remain open to Augustine’s own Christological method. For, in fact, as much as he held to a firm belief in the objective work of Christ and its proper role in the divine plan for human salvation, Augustine maintains a certain approach to biblical exegesis that reinvents our notions of Christology to include, primarily, exegetical praxis. A valuable example of this practice appears in the early ‘anti-Donatist’ homilies on John, in particular in the 9th and 15th where Augustine reads Christ into the whole of Scripture, beginning with Gen. 2:24-5. In so doing, the bishop of Hippo builds upon essentially Pauline interpretative strategies, even in his reading of the Fourth Gospel. The present contribution aims to identify those Pauline elements, chiefly among them the role of Eph. 5:31-2 and Rom. 5:14, the latter of which presents Adam as ‘forma futuri’ – that is, a prophet of Christ. In his reading of John 2 on the Wedding at Cana (homily 9) and John 4 (homily 15), Augustine develops a hermeneutic of recognising Christological prophecy in the ‘old testament’, and in so doing he develops the Pauline sentiment of Rom. 5:14 in new directions, applying it liberally to the successive Hebrew patriarchs. This new turn in studies of Romans, chapter 5, under the Christological programme of Augustine during his early anti-Donatist engagement, offers new light on possible early Christian interpretations of the Bible – especially welcome after so many reflections on Rom. 5:12 and its influence for the later Pelagian controversy.

Dwie monastyczne koncepcje – o tym co łączy a zarazem dzieli Jana Kasjana i św. Augustyna

Author of this paper juxtaposes several issues which are fundamental for mo­nastic concepts of St. Augustine and John Cassian, two figures that had the great­est impact on the development of the western pre-Benedictine monasticism. The difference in intellectual inspirations, personal monastic experiences, addressees of their monastic works and positions held by them in the institutional Church in­fluenced very deeply their teaching. Thus they interpret in a different manner an ac­count on the Jerusalem community (Acts 4:31-35) that – in their common opinion – began the history of monasticism. Cassian sees in it just the historical outset for this phenomenon while Augustine perceives it as a still valid model of behavior for his monks. They look differently at the relation of monastic communities towards the community of the Church but also at inner rules governing the life of monks in monasteries. Unlike Augustine, Cassian sees possibility of spiritual growth gained by monks through ascetical practices and decisions made on their free will. This anthropological optimism had played the key-role for the statement that Cassian made in the face of radical views of Augustine on the Grace and free will, formu­lated by him during the Pelagian controversy but also in other controversial issue, namely of possible legitimacy of lying under particular circumstances.

Rhetorical, Political, and Ecclesiastical Perspectives of Augustine’s and Julian of Eclanum’s Theological Response in the Pelagian Controversy

Abstract In Opus imperfectum, Augustine’s last controversy against Julian of Eclanum, we can recognize these two theologians’ rhetorical devices in which they tried to condemn each other as heretics. Particularly in the interpretations of both polemists on the issue of human sexual desire, Augustine and Julian fiercely confronted each other, making extensive use of a variety of rhetorical measures. In this article, referring to important recent research while at the same time focusing on crucial primary texts, I first would like to clarify these rhetorical arguments, particularly, the supremacy of Augustine in using such rhetorical devices. Next, the quite different philosophical frameworks of both polemists are clarified. In addition, the political and ecclesiastical perspectives of Augustine’s and Julian of Eclanum’s theological reasoning are investigated and the political tactics and ecclesiastical diplomacy of Augustine clarified. The ultimate purpose of this article is to explicate the mechanism and the true reasons for the victory of Augustine and the excommunication of Julian and other Pelagians.

El amor de Dios, la Teología Trinitaria de Agustín en la controversia pelagiana

This paper poses the question “Why did Augustine not use his Trinitarian theology to better effect in the Pelagian controversy?” I demonstrate first that Augustine’s mature Trinitarian theology would be directly relevant to the Pelagian discussions after the year 415. Second, I show a slight progression in Augustine’s treatment of relevant issues from 418 through the end of his life in his anti-Pelagian corpus. I argue that Augustine does not use his Trinitarian theology to his full advantage in the anti-Pelagian corpus. I suggest that Augustine avoided these connections at least in parí because the Trinitarian reflections on “God is love” (I Jn 4) would ultimately push the anti-Pelagian reflections on God’s love for Jacob (Rom 9:13) towards universalism, but Augustine had already rejected universalism.

«¿Por qué desesperar de nuestra concordia?» (ep. 108, 15) Esperanza o desesperanza de la reconciliación de los herejes

The numerous heresies and schisms that undermined the orthodox doctrine and made divisions in the Christian world were one of the most important challenges facing theologians and pastors of the turn of the 4th and 5th century. In addition to theological treaties that defied heretical views, also the exchanged among priests letters, sent to ordinary people that submitted to spiritual direction and to those involved in the life of the Church, were a very considerable way of fighting against heresies and schisms - less from a doctrinal point of view, but rather from the pastoral one. In this paper the author decided to focus on Augustine’s letters which present a wealthy source of considerations on the topic of heresies, treatment of heretics and schismatics, as well as the chances for reunion. Augustine in his letters, answering the question invoked in the title of this paper, gives also a twofold answer. On the one hand, he demonstrares the greatness of God and His works for the reconciliation and conversión of heretics and schismatics, but on the other hand, Augustine shows the immensity of human sin and human weakness that sometimes effectively obstruct God’s action. It must be remembered, however, that a significant part of Augustine’s letters concerns Pelagian controversy based on the erroneous understanding of grace and human freedom. Thus, in a way of answering this question, Augustine also presents a solution to the Pelagian problem. In human terms the issue of reconciliation and conversión of heretics and schismatics looks hopeless, but thanks to the involvement of God and thanks to His action, there is hope to overcome human hatred and disability.

The Question of the Impact of Divine Grace in the Pelagian Controversy. Human posse, uelle et esse according to Pelagius, Jerome, and Augustine

The relation between divine grace and human free will was one of the vehemently debated issues in the Pelagian controversy. In the current article we study how Pelagius, Jerome and Augustine understood the impact of divine grace on the three interrelated aspects of every human act, i. e. human ability (posse), willing (uelle), and being (esse). We start with an analysis of the doctrine of grace Pelagius developed in (the preserved) fragments of his treatise Pro libero arbitrio and in his previous literary production. Next, we indicate the (differing) ways in which Jerome and Augustine read, (mis)represented, and severely criticized Pelagius’ view on the interaction between God’s grace and mankind’s posse, uelle, and esse. Finally, we will disclose that Augustine and Jerome actually advocated a different opinion concerning the latter interaction. Hence it will become clear that despite Augustine’s and Jerome’s common aversion for ‘Pelagian anthropocentrism’, there were considerable differences and nuances in their concept of grace.

El parecer de Agustín del amor como gracia, en la controversia con Juliano de Eclana

During the Pelagian controversy, the precise relation between grace and free will was an important issue. Augustine emphasized the priority of grace over human beings’ free will after the Fall. Pelagians such as Julian of Aeclanum were of the opinion that such view annihilated human beings’ free will. Throughout history, time and again, scholars belonging to different schools and denomina­tions have discussed this issue at length. In this article, we concentrate on Augustine’s view on love as grace during his debate with Julian. We argue that one should broaden the scope of this question and pay attention to the role of divine love as an important and decisive factor with regard to the proper activity of grace in the redemption and liberation of human beings. Thinking the relation between human beings and God in terms of love is a help in order to overcome the unfruitful grace-freewill antinomy. In fact, such approach does justice to both the Scriptural sources of Augustine’s position and the bishop’s spiritual view on the topic under consideration.