Peaceful Protest Research Articles

Suspicionless Stop and Search: You’re Joking, not Another one!

Police stop and search powers have been on the statute book for many years and are widely regarded as being an important tool in the prevention or detection of criminal offences. Whilst most of these powers require that an officer has ‘reasonable grounds to suspect’ that a person is in possession of a prohibited item or article before they may be exercised, the last 30 or so years has seen the emergence of ‘suspicionless’ stop and search powers on the statute book. These have proved to be controversial for a number of reasons, not least because they permit random stop and searches to occur which rarely result in officers finding what they were looking for, and have the potential to strain relations between the police and the communities they serve. Official data also makes clear that they have consistently been used in a racially disproportionate way. Under the Public Order Act 2023, a new suspicionless stop and search power has been created which is exercisable by the police in the context of peaceful protests. The case against it was strongly made in the House of Lords and beyond Parliament. Regrettably, it was not accepted by a government which was also unwilling to amend the legislation so as to enhance the safeguards designed to prevent the misuse of the power.

The 2020 #EndSARS Protests in Nigeria: Understanding How Perception Influences Government Approach to Civil Uprising in a Dictatorial State

Abstract Dictatorial regimes are known for their non-tolerance syndrome, including for peaceful protests. With manifest dictatorial tendencies, Nigeria, under the President Muhammadu Buhari, fiercely gagged the media and clamped on peaceful protests, believing them to be anti-government uprisings. Despite this repressive approach, the youths embarked on the #EndSARS protest to demand for police accountability. Although the movement could not achieve its desired objectives, it drew international attention to police brutality and unveiled how dictatorial perceptions deny even a democratic government an opportunity to retract its policy steps. This paper analyzes how the Nigerian state escalates its security problems through its perception of, and approach to, peaceful protests. Using data from field survey, acled and documentary media reports, this paper argues that Nigeria’s manifest dictatorial tendencies deny it the opportunity to take in protest demands to initiate pro-people policies that could address its security problems. The implication is that the security environment in the country continues to worsen.

THE CONSEQUENCES OF VIOLENT AND NONVIOLENT BLACK LIVES MATTER PROTESTS FOR MOVEMENT SUPPORT

This study examines the effect of violent and nonviolent tactics in gaining support for social movements using information on protests by the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. The theoretical dispute over whether violence benefits or harms a movement remains unsettled, and the empirical evidence is inconclusive. Violence increases media attention and generates recognition of a movement and its goals, but violence also raises fears of instability and risks disapproval. This article aims to bring coherence to this debate by arguing that while violence can benefit a movement by emphasizing the contrast between peaceful and violent protesters, the costs associated with the use of violence ought to diminish support for a movement. The analysis that uses a hybrid model to analyze panel data from two national surveys finds evidence that both peaceful and violent BLM protests are associated with higher support for BLM, but they do not change individuals’ support over time.

Uncovering Silence: France’s Move to Reconciliation and the Depiction of Algerian Migrant Workers

In the catalogue Algériens en France: 1954–1962, la guerre, l’exil, la vie (2012), Benjamin Stora and Linda Amiri represent the lives of Algerian labourers and their struggles in the shantytowns around Paris during the Algerian War for Independence. From 1954 to 1962, the Algerian population in France rose sharply; yet, the workers were silenced in the national story until 2001, on the fortieth anniversary of the 17 October 1961 massacre of peaceful Algerian protesters in Paris. This article examines works that move Algerian migrant workers into the spotlight while considering historian Benjamin Stora’s 2021 report Les Questions mémorielles portant sur la colonisation et la guerre d’Algérie . This article analyzes how formal reconciliation work functions in the memorialization of Algerian migrant workers in France from the 1990s onwards, and how new memorial efforts embrace a discourse of silence and forgetting that effectively covers over the memory work that had already been undertaken.

THE KAMTAPUR MOVEMENT AND THE CALL FOR A DIVIDED STATE IN NORTH BENGAL

The Kamtapur movement is a socio-political movement that originated in the northern part of West Bengal, India, and it has significant historical, cultural, and political dimensions. This demand is embedded in a distinct cultural and historical identity, tracing back to the ancient kingdom of Kamata. The movement, rooted in ethnic identity and historical grievances, reflects the aspirations of the Rajbongshi community, predominantly inhabiting this region. The demand for a separate state or autonomous region, termed Kamtapur, arises from perceived injustices, including economic disparity, cultural marginalization, and political underrepresentation. Furthermore, the Kamtapur movement intersects with broader issues of identity politics and regional autonomy within Indias federal structure. The Rajbongshi communitys quest for recognition and empowerment within the framework of Indian democracy amplifies the movements significance. Over the years, the movement has witnessed various forms of agitation, including peaceful protests, political lobbying, and, at times, violent clashes. This study covers the historical background of the Kamtapur movement and the various factors that led to the movements demand in North Bengal. It also looks at the dynamics shaping the movement today, such as political mobilization, cultural resurgence, and socioeconomic difficulties. Additionally, it examines the role of various stakeholders, such as political parties, and the state government, in either fuelling or addressing the movements grievances. Our analysis shows that the Kamatapur movement is currently revolving around three main issues i.e. more militant political-cultural demands expressed through violence, moderate political demands for autonomy, and cultural demands for recognition. The movement has received some attention from regional political parties recently, especially during election seasons, as they try to win over the Kamtapuri community. However, neither the Indian government nor the state authorities have accepted their demand for a separate state.

Участие детей в мирных собраниях: между «можно» и «нельзя» на примере практики ЮАР и Таиланда

Roman R. Garaev, Graduate Student of the Law Faculty of the Lomonosov Moscow State University The article examines the constitutional recognition and protection of children’s rights to participate in peaceful assemblies, using the Republic of South Africa and the Kingdom of Thailand as case studies. The author contrasts Thailand’s restrictive approach, where laws and judicial practice tend to limit children’s participation, with the Republic of South Africa’s more liberal approach that supports wider participation of children in peaceful assemblies. The focus is on the practical problems arising from these restrictions and assessing the effectiveness of laws and judicial oversight in both countries. The article also explores how societal attitudes, rooted in traditionalism and paternalism, affect the suppression of children’s public and political participation and the dispersion of peaceful protests involving them. The author concludes that common stereotypes about the naivety of adolescents and their limited capacity for independent decisionmaking can lead to skepticism about their potential for civic and social activism, resulting in disproportionate and unjustified restrictions of their rights in the context of peaceful assembly participation. Comparing these two extreme tendencies can provide valuable insights for developing approaches to children’s rights in other countries, including Russia.

Bending stories, disrupting boundaries: spatial reclamation as literacy practices beyond the rows and rules

AbstractIn this article, we explore the dynamic interplay of youth agency, spatial justice, and literacy practices across community spaces through micro‐analysis of photographs and interviews of children and youth. Through a lens of spatial reclamation, the study investigates how children and youth disrupt adult‐designed spaces to restory and reclaim narratives, ultimately reshaping the socio‐spatial landscape. Combining the concepts of restorying and spatial justice, we explore the awareness and agency children exhibit when challenging dominant expectations, particularly examining instances of rulebreaking and safety negotiation. Examining two distinct settings—a school playground and a community protest—the study reveals how youth engage in embodied performances that rupture anticipated discourses in place. The findings underscore the multilayered nature of youth rulebreaking as a form of resistance and as a form of leadership, emphasising the potential for transformative socio‐spatial impact as youth reclaim narratives through new co‐constructions of space. Across age groups and geographies, Black and Brown youth and children emerge as leaders in reshaping spaces through their acts of resistance, redefining boundaries, and leading peaceful protests. The article calls for a nuanced understanding of how spatial justice intersects with restorying, urging educators and researchers to reconsider acts of reclamation as literacies across adult‐dictated spaces.

Echo of the Arab Spring in Asia: A Quantitative Analysis

There is no doubt that the Arab Spring triggered a global wave of social and political destabilization which significantly exceeded the scale of the Arab Spring itself and affected all the world-system zones, including Asian countries.2 The analysis suggests that in the Asian region there were two waves of destabilization caused by the Arab Spring. The first started in 2011 and included a series of mostly peaceful protests, which had some features similar to the Middle Eastern revolutions in their organizational forms and communication methods. The second wave, in turn, took place in 2012–2014, when protest movements in Asia began to follow their own path, adding local discontent to their agenda. It was also connected with a sharp increase in terrorist activity in the Middle East, due to the weakening of several authoritarian governments and the emergence of consolidated terrorist organizations. Some Islamist groups in some Muslim-majority Asian countries, in their turn, pledged allegiance to these organizations (first of all, to ISIS/Daesh). Terrorist activity spread from the Arab world to Asia through various channels: the internationalization of jihadist ideas by militarized groups; ISIS propaganda on the Internet; refugees and jihadists returning to the region from the battlefields of the Arab World.

Being positively moved by climate protest predicts peaceful collective action

People can be motivated to engage in collective action for climate protection because they are angry about an injustice or because they are emotionally moved by the idea that they can achieve something together. However, previous research on emotions and collective action has not distinguished between being positively and being negatively moved and between normative and non-normative collective action. To address this gap, we conducted a field study in Germany with activists and non-activists of Fridays for Future (N = 223). Participants reported their appraisals, feelings and intentions related to the climate crisis and the Fridays for Future protests. Being positively moved predicted intentions to engage in normative collective action (signing petitions, participating in demonstrations) but not intentions to participate in non-normative collective action (involving damage to property or risk of personal injury). Being negatively moved did not significantly predict either of these collective action intentions. This suggests that the motivational effect of being moved on collective action is specific to being positively moved and to normative collective action. Acceptance of non-normative collective action was predicted by perceptions of injustice and low collective efficacy beliefs. Thus, non-normative collective action for climate protection seems to be considered when peaceful protest is perceived as ineffective.

First they came for the Young Communists: police facilitation and control at COP26, Glasgow

ABSTRACT The COP26 Climate Summit held in Glasgow in November 2021 was expected to attract mass protests. Given the climate crisis and the increase in direct action in the UK, the police anticipated huge numbers with the potential for significant disorder. Despite this, Police Scotland insisted that they were committed to facilitating peaceful protest. Drawing on ethnographic observation and interviews with both police and protestors, this paper offers analysis of a contentious event during the large set-piece demonstration on Saturday 6 November. It focuses on the containment of a small group of Young Communists to ask what this tells us about ‘facilitation’, crowd theory, and police-protestor relations. Whilst fairly insignificant in terms of numbers, we argue that the YCL containment offers valuable insights into protest policing and facilitation.

From Protest to Child-Rearing: How Movement Politics Shape Socialization Priorities

Abstract Classic political behavior studies assert that childhood socialization can contribute to later political orientations. But, as adults consider how to introduce children to politics, what shapes their decisions? We argue socialization is itself political with adults changing their socialization priorities in response to salient political events including social movements. Using Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests and race socialization as a case, we show the summer 2020 information environment coupled movement-consistent concepts of race with child-rearing guidance. A survey of white parents after the summer activism suggests that many—but especially Democrats and those near peaceful protest epicenters—prioritized new forms of race socialization. Further, nearly 2 years after the protests’ height, priming BLM changes support for race-related curricular materials among white Americans. Our work casts political socialization in a new light, reviving an old literature, and has implications for when today’s children become tomorrow’s voters.

Politics of phygital protests: Palestinian #GreatMarchofReturn discourse on Twitter

Twitter aids public discourse, hashtag activism and sociopolitical advocacy. In terms of Palestinian resistance discourse against Israel, the hashtag #GreatMarchofReturn represents a peaceful digital protest by the Palestinian refugees based in Gaza. We identified 13,000 tweets related to #GreatMarchofReturn, which we analysed using content analysis and descriptive analysis, followed by a visualization of the findings. We argue that hashtag activism facilitates the collective Palestinian protest discourse on Twitter about Israel’s oppressive diplomacies in Palestine. The activism endorses Palestinian nationalism and the mobilization of civilian rights. Moreover, the micro-blogging site becomes a significant platform for politicizing Israel’s punitive populism and subsequent subjugation of Palestinian refugees, especially in Gaza. The psycho-politics of phygital protests affects the socio-emotional mobilization of the Great March of Return in both virtual and physical public spheres.

The conflict potential of sand: Illegal sand mining on the African continent

Sand is mined illegally in numerous countries globally—with devastating consequences for the environment and the people living in the sand mining areas. In our contribution, we highlight the conflict potential of illegal sand mining. We collected data from different online sources and found that between 1990 and 2021, (a) sand has been mined illegally in 35 African countries and (b) 21 of them saw nonviolent conflicts, such as complaints, threats, or peaceful protest, while six of them, namely Algeria, Ghana, Kenya, Morocco, Nigeria, and The Gambia, saw violent conflicts, such as targeted killings, violent and deadly protest, or violent clashes. Our data indicate that violent conflict was by far the most escalated in Kenya, in particular, in Makueni County. We argue that an overview of the prevalence of illegal sand mining and an awareness of its link to nonviolent and in particular violent conflicts is crucial, considering the ever-growing demand for sand. Taking sand governance seriously now can prevent not only environmental damage but also ensure that sand does not become a resource that is linked to violence more broadly than it already is. It has the potential to prevent conflicts.

The role of non-governmental human rights organizations in ensuring the collection of evidence for the international criminal court in the context of the war in Ukraine

In Ukraine, starting from February 2022, every day servicemen of the Russian army commit crimes that are a direct violation of international humanitarian law, not only on the front line, but also in the depths of the country, in the central and western regions. The author of the article analyzes the procedure for pre-trial investigation of international criminal crimes and the role of non-governmental public human rights organizations in this process. In addition, the new functions assigned to NGOs as separate non-governmental human rights organizations that have been operating on the territory of Ukraine since the beginning of the full-scale invasion were considered. The legal mechanisms for the involvement of NGOs in the collection of evidence on the ground, as well as the possibility of taking into account the collected information by international justice bodies, were studied. Specific examples and initiatives of the public sector, within the scope of the issue being studied, are given, and the functions, competences, and opportunities for increasing the effectiveness of NGO activity in the conditions of war are defined.
 It was concluded that non-governmental organizations, including human rights organizations, during the war in Ukraine discovered new areas of work and expanded the possibility of cooperation with state bodies. In turn, law enforcement agencies have provided access to limited information for the NGOs themselves by internal orders, which together increases the effectiveness of the pre-trial investigation of committed crimes. Thanks to this, feedback has been established. Special attention should be paid to the work of foreign NGOs and volunteers, which contributes to the recording of war crimes and crimes against humanity, which current Ukrainian refugees witnessed or became victims of.
 It was concluded that the main areas of evidence-gathering NGO activity are the following: 1) dissemination of information in the mass media about the condition of refugees who suffered as a result of the crimes of the Russian military, documenting the stories of witnesses of such offenses. In particular, the facts of torture and sexual violence (from the testimonies of refugees from Ukraine) were reported by the mass media in many European countries and beyond; 2) provision of advisory assistance regarding high-quality recording of episodes of criminal acts in order to recognize such evidence as appropriate; 3) peaceful gatherings and protests of public organizations, the active public against Russia’s war crimes in Ukraine, which, of course, is of great importance for the international community to recognize their severity and massiveness.
 It was concluded that the wide international recognition of the war crimes of the Russian Federation creates opportunities for the successful initiation of the International Tribunal or other judicial formats (such as the International Criminal Court, the Extraordinary Chamber) to bring the perpetrators to justice. All international actors collect evidence according to the clear requirements and standards of the International Criminal Court, and subsequently either transfer it to it or accumulate it in the prosecutor’s offices of certain countries for further referral to a designated responsible judicial body.

Radicalism, identity construction and emotionality in social movements: #BogaziciDireniyor and the challenge to authoritarianism

ABSTRACT Drawing upon recent insights in the social movements literature that have been looking at different facets of radicalisation, this paper explores processes of identity formation and ‘emotion transformation’ happening at the collective level and expressed through forms of non-conventional political participation. The key case study that is taken as an example is that of the recent pacific protests that took place at Boğaziçi University. Similar to recent studies that shed light on the study of radicalism in peaceful protests, we look at the main frames through which demands for social change by young activists participating in the protests are constructed and at the emotional frames that express grievances. In doing so, we focus on the representation of the movement on Twitter. These have the aim of challenging hegemonic discourses promoted by the status quo through forms of ‘radicalism through protest’ rather than ‘radicalism through violence’. In exploring this area, we conduct a qualitative analysis of social media content looking at the use and reproduction of key messages meant to share common frames that construct processes of collective identification but also at the processes of ‘emotion transformation’ that shape radical collective claims and which seek to challenge the dominant political system.

JEWISH CONCEPT OF SLAVERY AND THE 21ST CENTURY OF AFRICAN SOJOURNERS IN DIASPORAS: NIGERIAN’ BEST BRAINS IN DIASPORAS

This study explores the Jewish concept of slavery and compares it to the 21st Century African sojourners in Diasporas, with a focus on Nigerian professionals who have migrated to other countries in search of better opportunities. In contemporary affairs, Jews and African-Americans have cooperated in the Civil Rights Movement, motivated partially by the common background of slavery. The three types of slavery Africans have engaged in which are: 1. Colonial or force slavery by the European 2. Leadership slavery and, 3. Self slavery, (Talabi, 2021). Individual migrating in search of greener pastures shall be adequately discussed in this paper with empirical evidences. Drawing on historical and religious texts, the paper analyzes the Jewish understanding of slavery and the ethical considerations that arise from it. It also examines the experiences of Nigerian professionals in diasporas, highlighting their contributions to their host countries and the challenges they face as immigrants. Finally, this qualitative study discusses the implications of these experiences for contemporary discussions on migration and global citizenship, arguing that the Jewish concept of slavery offers a useful framework for re-thinking about the ethical dimensions of immigration policies and practices in the 21st Century due to the failures of African leaders in developing their respective societies and followership inability to lead peaceful protest that will propel rebuilding or happen African Governance.

МЕТОНІМІЯ В ОНЛАЙН-ДИСКУРСІ GREENPEACE AUSTRALIA PACIFIC НА FACEBOOK

Greenpeace Australia Pacific is an “independent campaigning organization that uses peaceful protest and creative confrontation to expose global environmental problems” (Greenpeace Australia Pacific, 2023), such as the issues of climate change and environmental sustainability. The aforementioned problems are often communicated by Greenpeace Australia Pacific to its stakeholders and the general public via online means, for instance, Facebook. Given that currently there is insufficient research that investigates Greenpeace Australia Pacific’s online discourse on Facebook, this article presents a mixed-methods study that aims to explore how metonymy is used in disseminating environmental and climate change-related issues by Greenpeace Australia Pacific. In order to do so, the study involves a corpus of status updates that are found on Greenpeace Australia Pacific’ official Facebook page. The corpus is searched manually for the presence of metonymy and the types of metonymic mappings. The results of the qualitative analysis indicate that there are the following metonymic mappings in the corpus: “from a fossil fuel corporation to a polluter”, “from the name of the corporation to its actions”, “from the name of the country to the country’s government”, “from the name of the environmental organisation to its actions”, and “from the name of the vessel to its actions”. Thereafter, a quantitative analysis of the corpus is carried out in order to calculate the most frequent types of metonymic mappings. The results indicate that the metonymic mapping “from the name of the corporation to its actions” is the most frequent in the corpus, whose occurrence is concomitant with multimodality. These findings and their discussion are further presented in the article.

Effective strategies for resolving labour disputes in the corporate sector: Lessons from Nigeria and the United States

The relationship between an employer and employee though governed by various laws and regulations can still at some point witness some disagreements and dispute. Labour disputes are not uncommon neither are they peculiar to a particular industry in a country. Usually, trade disputes are hinged on agitation of employees for compensation, good working conditions, job stability and agitation against unlawful termination or dismissal of from service. Over the years, employees have adopted different ways to exhibit their discomfort and grievances in order to convey their message such as strike actions, peaceful protest and so on. There’s no doubt that these disputes will drastically reduce the level of productivity and overall beneficial impact of the industries in the economic growth of the country. Hence, there’s a need to adopt strategies for resolving these labour disputes. Some industries have applied round table discussions, arbitration, mediation, collective bargaining as well as grievances remedial processes. This work will provide an overview of the causes of disputes in the corporate sector, examine the features of the Nigerian and United States disputes resolution system and also juxtapose the strategies for resolving labour disputes in the two countries. Furthermore, it will provide recommendations to effectively addressing labour issues within the business sector.

Międzynarodowa działalność Demokratycznej Białorusi w czasie kryzysu legitymizacji reżimu autorytarnego (2020-2023)

International activities of Democratic Belarus during the legitimacy crisis of the authoritarian regime (2020-2023) The presented publication analyses two interrelated trends in international relations on the example of Belarus. The first trend is the crisis of international legitimacy of the authoritarian regime that blatantly rigged the 2020 presidential election and violently suppressed mass peaceful protests against the lawlessness of the authorities. The second is the aspiration of the democratic forces, led by President‑elect Svetlana Tikhanouskaya, to become a fully‑fledged representative of the Belarusian people in the external arena. While in the first months after the rigged elections the Belarusian issue was present in the centre of world politics, the attention paid to the situation in and around Belarus decreased as protest activity inside the country decreased. This became particularly evident after Russia launched a large‑scale aggression against Ukraine, which was morally and materially supported by the dictatorship in Minsk. The reduced attention of international actors on the eastern European country did not stop the active activities of Democratic Belarus. The main support of the opposition forces became the Belarusian emigration, which after the events of 2020 took on a mass character. Its main centres are concentrated in Lithuania and Poland. The main opposition structures are also active there. Over the past three years, specific formats for the international activities of Democratic Belarus have taken shape, including the creation of foreign representations of the Joint Transitional Cabinet in other countries, support for the activities of so‑called people’s embassies and the accreditation of foreign diplomatic representatives to the Cabinet. Among the obvious diplomatic successes of the Office of Svetlana Tikhanouskaya and the Transitional Cabinet is the creation of the following in September 2022. Council of Europe Contact Group on Cooperation with Belarusian Democratic Forces and Civil Society, and the subsequent adoption by the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly of a resolution on support for Belarusians in exile.

From Peaceful Protest to Bloodbath: An Interrogation of the Link between the #EndSARS Protest and Policing Strategies in Nigeria

The #EndSARS protest by the Nigerian youths was against police brutality. It started peacefully but ended in violence and bloodbath. This study investigates the link between the #EndSARS protest and policing strategies in Nigeria. Structured questionnaires were used to collect primary data from 194 randomly selected respondents from a population of Police officers. Secondary data was sourced from library materials such as textbooks, journals, newspapers and websites. SPSS was used to analyse the primary data collected for the study. Findings from the study revealed that there is a significant relationship between the #EndSARS protest and policing strategies in Nigeria. The study therefore suggests people friendly policing strategies that would promote effective civil-police relationship and collaboration in the country.