Politics Of Peace Research Articles

Israeli and the Palestinian present: A temporary arrangement in the West Bank for ethnonational ongoing conflict

This study argues that a political reality of a temporary arrangement has been solidified in Judea and Samaria since 2005, right after Abu Mazen was elected to be the President. It based on integrative approach suggests here for the first time and falls between the political peace process and the armed struggle approaches as a possible solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This is a result of social-political change within the Palestinian society: the Palestinian Authority has been concerned about maintaining its civil achievements since 2007, based on Fayyad’s program of building Palestinian statehood from the “bottom up.”Israel has used to deepen its security and settlement hold on the ground.This situation guarantees continuation of Israeli political and security dominance in this region; one de facto political entity is being settled between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River, where two distinctly different communities are living side by side.

The Nonviolence Conundrum: Political Peace and Personal Karma in Jain and Hindu Traditions

Debates on war and peace within Jain and Hindu traditions revolve around the fear of incurring individual bad karma from violence, potentially inhibiting the individual’s journey to spiritual liberation. Generally, the religious culture of both Jain and Hindu traditions elevates nonviolence to one of the highest moral principles. Jainism embraces ahiṃsā (non-harming) as the central doctrine, and Hindu traditions exalt non-harming as one of the highest disciplines and virtues (dharma). However, a personal spiritual commitment to nonviolence creates tension with the humanistic value of striving for an ethic of social justice and peace. Maintaining social harmony sometimes requires confrontation or targeted violence. It is not surprising that while both traditions laud ahiṃsā for personal peace, they also deliberate on the challenge of using necessary violence to maintain an orderly society. Despite sanctioning limited violence (hiṃsā) in acute situations, various texts and myths express a general suspicion for using war or other aggressive methods to solve social and political problems.

Najazdy wikingów a kryzys Kościoła anglosaskiego w IX wieku. Zarys problemu

The end of the 7th and the first half of the 8th century was a time of flowering and relatively greateness of anglo-saxon Church. Nonetheless some prominent ecclesiastics (Bede Venerable for example) caught sight of the crisis symptoms. Any attempts of more or less general reforms of the Church, which had place since the Clofesho Council (747), had been unsuccessful. Political disruption and frictions between rulers and bishops made impossible any real and constant changes. Secularised minsters were too serious sources of mundane profits for their lay masters, and that’s why they didn’t want to leave the control of this issue to the clergymen. It caused fall of discipline, morality and intelectual quality of minsters. The end of the 8th and the beginning of the 9th centuries gave another examples of unsuccessful attempts to reform the basic problems of anglo-saxon Church in the time of political confusion. There also appeared another factor, which soon radically influenced political, social, cultural and ecclesiastical situation of anglo-saxon kingdoms.Since the end of the 8th century the Viking raids era had begun. The viking menace didn’t seem very considerable at first, it happended after some time when started to be regular. In the first half of the 9th century there existed some ecclesiastical centres, still giving an example of greateness, which could have been the source of potential reform. But to do this, a social and political peace was needed, and also cooperation of two powers: lay and spiritual. An attempts of the Church reforms (or rather – minsters), initiated by archibishop Wulfred, failed, and the next had place during the reign of Alfred the Great. In the meantime the viking menace grew up. The vikings caused very serious impoverishment of the Church in Britain, and also shaked its structures. They caused a great material losses but did not start ecclesiastical crisis; a symptoms of this crisis had been seen long before the Vikings, as a result of gradual fall and because of unrealized changes suggested since the times of Bede, and especially since the Clofesho Council in 747. In this circumstances, in the moment of the highest exterior menace, there couldn’t have been a place for any contentions, and Alfred the Great kept in his hands an initiative of the general renewal and reforms, also by means of foreign clergy.

DIALOG ANTARAGAMA SEBAGAI SARANA MEMBANGUN POLITIK DAMAI ANTAR UMAT BERAGAMA JELANG PEMILU TAHUN 2024 (Tinjauan atas Filsafat Politik Eko Armada Riyanto)

The focus of this essay is on interreligious dialogue as an effort to build peaceful politics ahead of the 2024 general election. The purpose of this paper is to examine religious life in Indonesia. The view of the majority-minority often triggers unhealthy political problems. In other words, religion is often a powerful weapon to bring down political opponents unfairly and humanely. Seeing the reality of the vulnerability of religion being used as an unhealthy political tool, interreligious dialogue becomes something urgent, especially before the elections in the next two years. Interreligious dialogue needs to be built from now on so that the atmosphere ahead of the elections in the next 2 years is better than before. In this article, we will also use a quantitative method by using the literature as a reference. The finding from this paper is that religious issues are very influential on politics in Indonesia, so there needs to be interreligious dialogue in order to create peaceful politics, especially ahead of the 2024 elections.

Un acercamiento para repensar la voz y construir la paz: resistencias ante la violencia de género

The purpose of this article is to think about voice in order to reflect on the reasons for the exclusion of women’s voice in political contexts. It seeks to reinforce the connection between discourse and listening as a constructive path to social and political peace, especially from a feminist perspective that recovers voice as a central element for this construct and based on Adriana Cavarero’s theoretical approach. The absence of women’s voice from logocentric traditions cancels possibilities of resistance and separates voice and discourse, an issue underpinned by binary metaphysics that block plurality, singularity, and difference. From there emanate exclusionary univocentric totalitarian forms with the consequence of the emergence of violence. This voice in plurality demands a listening that is constituted as a horizon to promote the political space and the construction of peace.

Un acercamiento para repensar la voz y construir la paz: resistencias ante la violencia de género

The purpose of this article is to think about voice in order to reflect on the reasons for the exclusion of women’s voice in political contexts. It seeks to reinforce the connection between discourse and listening as a constructive path to social and political peace, especially from a feminist perspective that recovers voice as a central element for this construct and based on Adriana Cavarero’s theoretical approach. The absence of women’s voice from logocentric traditions cancels possibilities of resistance and separates voice and discourse, an issue underpinned by binary metaphysics that block plurality, singularity, and difference. From there emanate exclusionary univocentric totalitarian forms with the consequence of the emergence of violence. This voice in plurality demands a listening that is constituted as a horizon to promote the political space and the construction of peace.

Түркі елдері ынтымақтастығы: даму тенденциясы және қазіргі жағдайы

The article analyzes the formation process of mutual cooperation between Turkic-speaking countries, the current position, development trends, and achievements. As far as is known, in November 2021, the 7th summit of the Turkic Council has taken the decision that the Council would henceforth become the «Organization of Turkic States». This decision made Russia and the West worried about the revival of the «panTurkist» idea. The work has studied and analyzed the development trend of the Turkic-speaking countries for almost thirty years, from the beginning of mutual cooperation to the present period, in several stages. Appropriate conclusions were made for each stage and the results of cooperation have been evaluated. The author presents a scientific rationale that despite some disagreements between the Turkic states, the cooperation of the Turkicspeaking countries has been developing successfully, contributes to strengthening peace and stability in world politics, and has a great future.

Projekt ustawy o nadzwyczajnych środkach działania w interesie ochrony obywateli i państwa z 1981 r. Przyczynek do genezy stanu wojennego

On 13th December 1981, in a televised speech, General Wojciech Jaruzelski announced the imposition of the martial law after having previously received permission for its imposition from the Council of State on 12th December 1981. The authorities of the People's Republic of Poland, headed by General Wojciech Jaruzelski, drastically curtailed the daily lives of millions of Poles over the next two years on the basis of the martial law decree, in an attempt to oppose the political opposition, of which Solidarity was the epitome. The adoption of such a drastic measure against the political opposition in the literature repeatedly raises the debate whether there were no other options to enforce political peace in Poland. Many authors point out the draft law on extraordinary measures of action in the interest of the protection of citizens and the state as an alternative to the martial law decree, as the draft law in its provisions was a much more liberal and extreme piece of legislation. The contemporary text is intended to present the draft of the Emergency Powers of Government Act (the alternative name of the bill). The work is largely based on the material obtained from an archival search of files from the Institute of National Remembrance and from the files from the Archives of the Chancellery of the Prime Minister, which were transferred to the Archives of New Records in Warsaw in the course of collecting material. The research material was also obtained from Solidarity and Tribune of the People press articles, from numerous scientific publications, from transcripts and Sejm prints which are in the digital resource of the Sejm Library.

Introduction: When Security Meet Politics of Conflict, Women, Development and Peace, Get Ready For A Challenging Year

This editorial note serves as an introductory explanation as we approach the dawn of 2023. The hardship of a total lockdown changes how we look at space and time or spatiotemporal beyond ordinary linearity of progress and regress. Nevertheless, how do we use space and time to make sense of the most significant concerns of threats to our security? How do we refine constructive ideas about safety and inspire others to think beyond the rigidity of rational choice and nearly no freedom to choose? Time and space transform our perceived secured reality and insinuate threat discursively, whether yesterday or today, international or local. In our nested security discourse, we challenge the archaic and unstable binary boundaries between international and internal delineation of security threats and peace concerns. Altogether, temporal constraints and limited space disperse our cognitive inability to operate within the tesseract of multiple data analytics, eternal realities, and organic, meaningful solutions to give hope to humanity and freedom to coexist mutually. Underpinned by multidimensions and nested security discourse, we present our readers with our final thoughts in selecting six research articles, three research notes, two commentaries, and one book review.

Born out of civil wars: Are former rebel parties an organizationally distinct type of party?

In recent years, there has been a considerable amount of work on the transformation of formerly rebel groups into political parties. However, there is little work that examines the organizational types of parties that formerly armed groups become. Are these parties more likely to exhibit certain organizational characteristics when compared to other parties? This is an important question especially as scholars consider the role these former rebel parties play in the development of peace and democracy in post-civil war politics. Using data from Daly (2020) and Tuncel and Manning (2022) , as well as recently released data from V-Dem on political parties (Coppedge et al 2020) we find that former rebel parties are more clientelistic and personalistic than other parties, even compared to parties in countries where they compete. We suggest that these parties are unlikely to play a constructive role in post-conflict democratization.

HOW MODERN AZERBAIJAN WAS FORMED?

This article is devoted to the history of Soviet and modern Azerbaijan. The regime established by the Bolsheviks in 1920 in Azerbaijan was essentially an occupational one and was based on a repressive policy. S. Kirov, who was placed at the head of the Azerbaijan SSR, relied on Russians and Armenians. In the first years of Soviet power, the Musavat nationalist underground continued its activities. Almost until 1932, the Bolsheviks did not trust ethnic Azerbaijanis to rule Azerbaijan. Only in 1932, J. Stalin instructed M. D. Bagirov to manage Azerbaijan. This faithful Staltinist was previously involved in the massacres of Azerbaijani peasants and was tied to I. Stalin by blood. M. D. Bagirov carried out the Great Terror of 1937-1938. and repressions of the 40s. 20th century in the republic. First of all, the national intelligentsia became the victims of repressions. Forced collectivization and industrialization was carried out, which, however, led to a number of problems in agriculture and industry. The situation was somewhat corrected after the removal of M. D. Bagirov from power in 1954 and after the trial in 1956 of the organizers of the great terror. In the 50-60s. 20th century formed numerous humanitarian intelligentsia. In 1969, G. Aliyev came to power, having made a career for himself in the Soviet special services. In the 70s. 20th century he carried out purges against party members who came to power during the Khrushchev thaw and were guilty of corruption. Under H. Aliyev, Soviet Azerbaijan reached the peak of its development. In addition to heavy industry and oil production, agriculture and light industry also developed. M. Gorbachev's replacement of the Azerbaijani Communist Party leadership plunged the Azerbaijani Communist Party into a crisis. The Azerbaijani communists failed to adequately respond to the challenges from the Armenian irredentists and Azerbaijani national democrats. The People's Front in 1990 actually put Azerbaijan in a state of dual power. M. Gorbachev's attempt to keep Azerbaijan under the rule of the imperial center led to the bloody events of Black January 1990. In the autumn of 1991, Azerbaijan already de jure withdrew from the USSR. The inability of the communists to solve the Karabakh crisis of 1988-1991 actually brought A. Elchibey to power. However, neither A. Mutalibov nor A. Elchibey could cope with the political crisis that engulfed Azerbaijan in 1991-1993. Even G. Aliyev needed several years to build his vertical of power. The opposition was suppressed only in 1995. G. Aliyev was able to stabilize the economy and attracted investments. The authoritarian model made it possible to achieve internal political peace, while under A. Elchibey's democracy, Azerbaijan was in a fever. G. Aliyev transferred power to I. Aliyev in 2003. I. Aliyev liquidated regional clans in 2005 and further strengthened the vertical of power by concentrating power in the hands of his clan. The authoritarian leadership style made it possible to strengthen the economy and modernize the army. The apogee of I. Aliyev’s successes was the Second Karabakh War in 2020. The current president of Azerbaijan is pursuing an emphatically pro-Turkish foreign policy course, which was expressed in the signing of the Shusha Declaration in 2021.

Cultivating Peace: The Virgilian Georgic in English, 1650–1750

Cultivating Peace: The Virgilian Georgic in English, 1650–1750

Between Troubles and Peace in Northern Ireland: Cinematic Divisions in Kenneth Branagh’sBelfast(2021) and Terry Loane’sMickybo and Me(2004)

AbstractThe Troubles officially ended with the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, but the conflict left such profound scars in the history of the region that making a film about Northern Ireland tends to almost automatically assume a discourse informed by division. The question that arises, then, is how this context may be tackled so as to simultaneously do justice to its traditionally rendered black-and-white reality and offer a more complex, contemporary understanding of the past that embraces reconciliation, openness and multiplicity of perspectives. Thus, the paper offers a close analysis of multiple types of division featured in Kenneth Branagh’sBelfast(2021) and Terry Loane’sMickybo and Me(2004) by making use of John Hill’s and Fiona Coffey’s theoretical categorizations that distinguish traditional Troubles productions from the more recent Peace Process cinema. This genre-based inquiry allows for a probing of the films’ positioning in relation to the Troubles paradigm, as well as a revealing of difference at the heart of two otherwise very similar films, whose employment of conventional vocabulary may not allow for their unproblematic alignment with the politics of peace.

Ideological Talk, Strategic Vote: German Parties’ Positions on the Military Intervention in Afghanistan in Parliament

ABSTRACT Existing literature has examined party positions on several military interventions across various countries, mostly using manifestos and expert surveys as sources of data. This article employs a different approach by analysing German parties’ positions on one mission only: the Afghanistan intervention (2001–2021). We extract positions from parliamentary speeches through the automated text scaling method Wordfish and compare them with voting data to check public speech against behaviour. We find that moderate parties were more in favour of the intervention than extreme parties. We also highlight the presence of a strong government/opposition conflict. This dynamic was amplified in the votes as both government and opposition parties have more incentives to act strategically, while surprisingly, we find little evidence of differences in positioning across missions. Other than being the first comprehensive assessment of parties’ positions on the intervention in Afghanistan in any country, this article offers a methodological contribution to the study of the party politics of peace and security operations.

Personality Traits in Kovurkizhar Songs

Kovoorkizhar was one of the most scholarly poets of the Sangam age. He is one of the 15 Kizhar poets in the Purananooru. Supported by the Chola dynasty, he was of the view that there should be love, righteousness, and peace in politics. It is to be seen from his Purananooru songs in this thesis that the ruling kings, however, kept their anger aside and worked diligently to change their wrong policies and make them better. There are 15 songs in Purananooru sung by him. Of these, the four songs from 44 to 47 in the Purananooru can identify his personality traits. The songs were performed in person by the four Chola kings (Nalankilli, Nedunkilli, Kulamuruthathu, Thunjiya Killivalavan, and Kurapalli Thunjiya Killivalavan) speak volumes about their power and virtues. He has also highlighted the personality traits of the kings featured in those songs. It is to be noted that Kovoor Kizhar sang two of the six songs (68 and 70) in Purananooru about the field of Panatruppadai. It is explained in this review that the poets featured in these songs were selfless and respected the welfare of others. Along with these, a song (308) is featured in the Mullaithurai of Moodin, sung by Kovoorkizhar. This thesis describes the lives of the Panars and the great power of the King of Seerur.

Re-thinking Violence, Everyday and (In)Security: Feminist/Intersectional Interventions

This special gender issue brings to the fore a renewed focus on the importance of feminist intersectional analyses in understanding violence and (in)security in the everyday. It does so through the examination of several cases across the globe. The first set of articles examines how gender is understood in the context of police reform initiatives in post-conflict contexts, where despite political peace agreements, many forms of violence and insecurity continue in the everyday. The second set of articles focuses on gender in populist movement, and particularly foregrounds an intersectional lens. The intersections of race, religion, class, caste, geographies and gender raise important questions when analyzing populist projects, including how the rise of populism may indicate a growing dissonance between the domestic and international, and how this is relevant to understanding the changing nature of violence and (in)security in this changing global era. Taken together, the two sets of articles give a rich account of the significance of incorporating a more complex understanding of gender in gaining better insight into contemporary societal processes.

From Cradle to Grave: The Politics of Peace and Reproduction in the Anti-Fascist Campaigns of British Women's Organisations

This article examines the activism of British women's organisations to establish peaceful internationalism built on women's roles as mothers, while simultaneously opposing the rise of European fascism in the interwar period. It considers the maternalist arguments made by women's organisations in their work for disarmament, which coincided with the increasing militarism of fascist governments and their promotion of the idea that women's roles were primarily as mothers to create future soldiers for the state. These campaigns were also connected to debates about the birth rate, and women's organisations promoted the idea that women were actively refusing biological motherhood until policy makers heeded women's demands. This article demonstrates how feminist activists in interwar Britain fought to claim and mobilise their own gendered and politicised understandings of women's roles as mothers at a time when they feared fascism would strip women of the political rights they had worked for decades to achieve.

Poetics and politics of post-partition cultural memories in Kamila Shamsie’s Kartography

ABSTRACT The term ‘cultural memory’ signifies a shared memory of a group of people inhabiting a common geographical location with a mutual understanding of religion, culture, and society. While fiction, non-fiction, and fine arts are used for archiving, reconfiguring, and reflecting on the communal memories that are historically, culturally, and politically significant, artefacts such as paintings and photographs are used to keep accurate historical records. This study argues that Kamila Shamsie’s novel Kartography (2002) is a literary rendition that fictionalises the most relevant collective memories of post-Partition Pakistan by providing a new perspective on resolving the political, ethnic and sectarian issues in a postcolonial community. The textual analysis of the novel, in association with cultural memory theoretical perspectives, reveals that it is a ‘mythistorical’ text that mythologises the history of Pakistan. The characters have been personified and condensed into ethno-racial stereotypes. The city of Karachi has been reconstructed into a literary chronotope, and human relationships have been used as metaphors to revisit the political mistakes of the past. Hence, this text is not only an artistic mimesis of post-Partition Pakistan’s ‘cultural memory’, but also a promulgation of a cultural change required for a more cohesive and peaceful South Asian regional politics.

The staging of William III's politics of peace with the Turks and The Alcoran of Mahomet in Nicholas Rowe's Tamerlane

AbstractNicholas Rowe's Tamerlane (1701) dramatizes the nuanced and complex relations of England during the Glorious Revolution with the Turkish Empire, recalling William III's efforts in mediating the Treaty of Karlowitz in 1699 as a permanent peace between the Turks and the Holy League in order to end Louis XIV's imperial gains from the Turkish wars. Axalla's incarnation of the English ambassador, Lord Paget (1637–1713), indicates Rowe's play as a celebration of English diplomacy with the Porte. Notwithstanding modern scholars interpreting the character of Bajazet as a historical parallel with Louis XIV, it is worth noting that he also connotes Sultan Mustapha II (1664–1703), who endeavored to restore ancient Turkish conquests by fighting in the wars in person. The circulation of the trope of “the most Christian Turk” during the Glorious Revolution as a designation of Louis XIV reflects the Turkish–French military alliance against which Rowe's play stands out. Moreover, Tamerlane keeps shifting the parallel between, on the one hand, William III, as noted by Rowe, and, on the other, as a revisionist, peaceful Muslim. Tamerlane appropriates several verses that call for peace from the Qur'an, which was translated by Alexander Ross as The Alcoran of Mahomet in 1649.

On Peaceful Political Relations Between Two in Luce Irigaray\u2019s Work

Practical political relations according to Luce Irigaray ground the possibilities for emerging to a new political epoch. She articulates that in order to move toward a more peaceful and emancipated politics, philosophers must focus more on subject-subject relations as opposed to subject-object relations. This in turn promotes the possibility of relating to a naturally and culturally different other. She also elaborates how an emancipated politics demands initially and primarily grounding subjectivity in the two, rather than in individuality or collectivity. This is in contrast to classical liberalism which conceives of a social contract between individual agents who relate through mediations of property. Her philosophy conceives of refounding politics not only in the sphere of public government, but also in the traditionally private domestic sphere, which must become politically awakened. She articulates ways of refounding the family and the couple mediated first by relations between two, and liberating the family from its primary role as the material ground of society. Irigaray suggests that political relations at all levels must be rooted in difference rather than sameness, starting with recognizing sexual difference. Establishing such conditions involves creating civil protections and rights, especially for women, and establishing contexts nurturing to desire, including cultivating sensitivity and attending to sensible differences. Liberating contemporary politics from competitiveness and violence, and providing favorable conditions for peace, demands first attending to cultivating difference and fostering relations between two.