Peacebuilding Mechanisms Research Articles

English

Conflict resolution and peace building mechanisms remain problematic for most societies in Africa including those in Ethiopia, as most of them are trying to imitate western modalities rather than using their own indigenous institutions. Indigenous conflict resolution and management are proven as less complex and time saving, and participating parties in conflict solve their own problems and handle their affairs in a relative ways more acceptable to them. However, the role this important institutions play in solving the disputes is becoming weak with time. In-depth understanding of the conflicts, indigenous conflicts resolution and management mechanisms, and designing holistic strategies and approaches for addressing the conflicts are very crucial. Therefore, this study reviewed indigenous rangeland conflict management and resolution mechanisms in pastoral areas of Ethiopia. Moreover, it attempts to identify the nature, types, causes, and consequences of conflicts. Conflict has devastating consequences on the lives and livelihoods of pastoral society and the economy of the country as whole. Gain over the control of scarce and strategic resources, particularly water and pasture which is further exacerbated by different factors are among the major causes. Alternative conflict resolution mechanisms need to be strengthened and indigenous customary institutions that regulate access and use of resources need to be empowered. The Elder’s council should gain legal recognition, and mechanisms are also needed to allow customary institutions to function in harmony with current modern government structures. Key words: Conflict, conflict management and resolution, Ethiopia, pastoral areas, resource.

The Strategic Use of Peace: Non-State Armed Groups and Subnational Peacebuilding Mechanisms in Northeastern India

ABSTRACTThe northeastern region of India has witnessed several armed movements that have sought to achieve a variety of political goals ranging from secession to limited autonomy for specific ethnic groups. In seeking to limit the violence perpetrated in the course of these contemporary subnational insurgencies, a multilayered approach has been developed by the Government of India (GoI) and, more specifically, by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) in coordination with the provincial (or state) governments. The range of de-escalation mechanisms range from ceasefire agreements to the more contemporary Suspension of Operations (SoO) frameworks as well as “Surrender and Rehabilitation” packages for individual members of armed groups. In certain cases, autonomous tribal governance institutions have been created within the federal structure in the backdrop of ceasefire and SoO agreements. The overall consequence of these strategies has been a measureable reduction of direct violence between the security forces and armed opposition groups. Conversely, there have been several occurrences of ethnic clashes (sometimes involving former belligerents) that have led to large-scale loss of life and forced internal displacement in the region. Furthermore, the absence of violence has not necessarily led to development. Rather, we see a situation of peace without peace dividends.

Letting off steam: Interim constitutions as a safety valve to the pressure-cooker of transitions in conflict-affected states?

Abstract:Recent years have seen considerably more attention being given to constitution-making as a field of deliberate study and practice, particularly with regard to the challenges and opportunities posed by constitution-making in conflict-affected states. A consequence of this work has been a more explicit recognition of the interconnectedness of peace processes and constitutional processes as mechanisms of political settlement. Within this context, this article argues for the more deliberate use of interim constitutions as a peacebuilding mechanism with potential to be effective in highly divided contexts in grounding a more inclusive and sustainable political settlement. This article argues that while interim constitutions are indeed commonly found in conflict-affected contexts, their use appears ad hoc and their design poorly conceived. The article reflects upon the potential strengths and weaknesses offered by interim constitutions in fragile and conflict-affected states. Reflecting on both the existing scholarship and the author’s own practical field experience, the article concludes that if a more modest and realistic approach to what constitution-making can achieve in fragile and conflict-affected states is coupled with more attention to design, interim constitutions can provide space and time to undertake more comprehensive discussions regarding the longer-term settlements.

Some Challenges of the State- and Peace-Building Governance Mechanisms

It is imperative to understand global developments in statebuilding in order to more efficiently influence peace and conflict processes. This article discusses the evolution of global governance mechanisms on state- and peace-building that can assist researchers and practitioners in gaining an in depth understanding of different case studies. It uncovers some limitations and benefits of the global governance mechanisms assisting fragile zones. It concludes that institutions attempt to increase performance, as seen with the regular establishment of new deals and the deployment of new actors on the ground, however challenges remain, as illustrated in the case of Kosovo, in relation to lack of legitimacy, mismatch of national identity needs, economic inequality gap and fragile security and inter-ethnic relations. Instead, it argues to use the resources on the ground rather than devise new missions to deal with peacebuilding challenges.

Practicing Normality: An Examination of Unrecognizable Transitional Justice Mechanisms in Post-Conflict Sierra Leone

ABSTRACTTransitional justice and peacebuilding mechanisms have a tendency to reflect the extraordinary nature of conflict. These recognizable mechanisms—official bodies and institutions with preconceived goals and processes—are often inaccessible and undesired. In fact, what is often desired in post-conflict societies is the ordinary: a transition to a ‘new normal’. This article explores the various ways in which Sierra Leoneans practice normality in the post-conflict era. This is done through economic restoration, agricultural activities and religious engagement. Ultimately, these mechanisms are often seen as a more legitimate and meaningful way for many ordinary Sierra Leoneans to move past their war-related experiences and find some sense of peace and justice.

Local experiences of liberal peace

Over the past 20 years scholars have repeatedly highlighted the complex relationship between conflict, peace and economics. It is today accepted that economic factors at the global, regional, national and local levels can promote conflict in various ways and that economic factors are therefore central in establishing a sustainable post-conflict peace. However, while the scholarly literature includes much nuance regarding the precise nature of these complex relationships, practices of peacebuilding are often far less nuanced. Instead there is a tendency to pin the hopes of fragile post-conflict states on establishing a liberalized and supposedly peace-promoting economy and a worrying absence of grounded assessments of the impacts of such policies. This article argues that the resulting lack of clarity regarding the local impacts of such peacebuilding mechanisms contributes to continued unwarranted enthusiasm for marketization among policymakers and practitioners. This issue is addressed directly by exploring the destabilizing and potentially conflict-inducing impacts of one foreign direct investment (FDI) project in rural Sierra Leone. The dominance of liberal approaches to economic policy within peacebuilding has recently combined with a surge in large-scale FDI projects, often labelled as ‘land-grabs’, which can be interpreted as a direct embodiment of the liberal peace paradigm. While the liberal peace assumes that such projects will help by paying taxes, rebuilding state capacity and employing idle young males, the article illustrates that among local populations such projects can be experienced as deeply disruptive and potentially conflict-promoting. It therefore describes four specific mechanisms by which the project in this setting endangers Sierra Leone’s still precarious transition to peace. The article concludes with recommendations for peacebuilding theorists, policy advocates and practitioners trying to navigate the difficult waters of post-conflict peacebuilding by way of large-scale FDI and marketization in general.

Poverty amid plenty: structural violence and local governance in western Congo

ABSTRACTThe protracted conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has drawn sharp criticism regarding the model of liberal peacebuilding employed in the country. Critics emphasise the importance of local ownership of peacebuilding mechanisms at sub-national as well as national levels. This raises questions in relation to the popular legitimacy and efficacy of local mechanisms. Drawing on field research conducted in the relatively affluent province of Bas-Congo in Western Congo, this article highlights a lack of popular legitimacy for provincial-level political authority within the province stemming from an acute marginalisation of the population from local structures of power and wealth. The article also demonstrates the inefficacy of more local, village and neighbourhood-based political structures which, aimed at conflict mitigation rather than transformation, ignore the structural roots of local conflicts and do little to counteract the growing social distrust, conflict and disintegration within local communities.

Religious Education for the Deescalation of Communal Conflicts in Boki Land, Nigeria

Within the last half century, several communities in Boki Land have engaged in violent conflicts as a result of disputes over portions of land that have claimed many lives, and left many more injured. The Boki people, like most rural African peoples, depend largely on the land for their livelihood and economic development. Thus, any encroachment on their land space provokes outrage and resistance. The frequent occurrence of violent conflicts in Boki Land, and many Nigerian/African communities, is a social, as well as pastoral, problem. This article is, therefore, an interdisciplinary study, exploring how the church, the Boki people, the government, and nongovernment institutions can together respond to situations of conflict. A religious educational approach in developing peacebuilding mechanisms aimed at addressing the root causes of communal conflicts is proposed incorporating the Boki traditional system of justice and dispute settlement.

Dispute resolution mechanisms among the Afar People of Ethiopia and their contribution to the Development Process

Disputes are one of the major factors negatively affecting the development process of any nation. They divert resources that could otherwise be used productively; hence, there appears to be general agreement on their undesirability (Alexander 2005). Dispute- resolution practices and peace-building mechanisms remain problematic for most societies in the world including those in Africa, as most of them are trying to imitate Western modalities instead of using their own indigenous knowledge systems and skills. The dispute-resolution practices of the ancient Ethiopians in have been established for many thousands of years, and have been used to prevent loss of life and the destruction of property. This paper reveals that the dispute-resolution practices of the Afar people of Ethiopia significantly contributed to the development process. The article reveals that it is difficult to attain development without developing dispute resolution practices and it also shows that it is difficult, though not impossible, to resolve disputes without assuring development by eliminating poverty. Thus, it concludes that the ancient Aksumite, which was one of the first four great civilizations on earth, must have developed a unique type of dispute resolution practices that enabled Ethiopia of that time to be one of the leading countries in the globe during that time. No doubt every nation has its own indigenous dispute-resolution practices. It is thus possible to resolve disputes in by using indigenous knowledge systems, instead of using Western modalities. In this paper, the dispute-resolution practices of the Afar people of Ethiopia are discussed.

Peace Building Mechanism: Alternative to Dispute Resolution. A Study of Calabar, Nigeria

This study focuses on peace building mechanism as an Alternative to Dispute Resolution. It sought to establish how the people of Calabar, in southern Nigeria have used it as an effective indigenous peace building mechanism to prevent, mitigate, manage, and resolve conflicts, and to draw the attention of the governments as to streamline its use as an indigenous mechanism to make the country stable and peaceful. The study was conducted in Calabar Municipal Council of Cross River State, Nigeria. The methodology used in this research was collection of information from primary sources through interviews and questionnaire administration as well as from secondary sources through library research and internet. The data used for the project were the responses of teachers, council staff and traditional rulers randomly selected from the research area. The Mean and Simple Percentage Method formulae were used to analyze the data and interpret the results. The results revealed that the people of Calabar have developed widely used and effective indigenous mechanisms for the prevention and resolution of conflicts. The study concluded that there are latent political and socio-cultural conflicts threatening the peace of Cross River State; and recommended that these indigenous preventive mechanisms should be recognized and backed by law to complement the efforts at resolving disputes in Nigeria. I. Introduction Peace has remained the most valued and indeed the greatest human need in history. Aristotle calls it the essence of human existence; and the world has never relented in the quest for peace and the termination of conflict. The 1648 treaty of peace in Westphalia which ushered in the modern nation state structure of political entities can be legitimately termed the real first attempt at securing planetary peace by mankind. The Congress of Vienna (1814-1815), the League of Nations (1918-1939) and now the United Nations (1945); are international efforts to achieve the goal of a collective security for humanity. Agwu (2007: xx) noted that the search for world peace is a persistent and interminable task; which unfortunately, has been consistently and tragically marred at the very critical junctures of their efforts. Conflict is as old as creation and it the greatest enemy of peace but a uniquely unavoidable part of man. It impinges on reality and attempts to infest all human actions. Sometimes, it is experienced within the individual or between individuals, and sometimes among groups, states and even transcends to other creatures. The fact that this phenomenon exists in all creation makes it difficult to understand. When conflict is resolved, there is bound to be peace. Conflict and peace have been subjects of investigations in political science, sociology, economics, psychology and other human sciences. The major concern has been how to give meaning to this phenomenon, diagnose its structures, locate its causes and attempt to find solutions and achieve peace. In spite of all the efforts, conflict appears to defy solutions by drawing individuals at dagger points, group as well as institutions at war and national at loggerheads. It has been of central concern not only to these categories but also to the national community and development agencies. While it has been a herculean task to terminate conflicts, the international system successfully prevented a third world war. The absence or lack of conflict management or peace building mechanisms in the early years of the Federation resulted in the 1967 Nigerian civil war. Though unable to terminate conflict, the Nigerian Federation rose to the challenge and successfully established effective peace building mechanisms that have prevented any other civil war in the country and held the federating units together for 43 years now. Despite the countrys recent relief from the Niger Delta insurgency, Nigeria is today faced with the challenge of Boko Haram. The causes of these crises in the Nigerian Federation have been fundamentally ethnic religion and politically based. Cross River State, like other states in Nigeria, has some conflict issues and the state recently joined the Federal Government of Nigeria in establishing the Multi-door Courthouse as an Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) mechanism.

Community Radio and Nigeria's National Security Exigencies: Fears and Promises

The community radio project is an emerging form of broadcasting that is gaining popularity and acceptability more than the other forms of broadcasting (state, public, commercial, private, and institutional). Its popularity is largely due to its potential to democratize and provide a horizontal form of communication, thus, contributing more meaningfully to development efforts than the other forms of broadcasting. Nigeria’s national security at the moment is facing serious challenges to the point that the country’s corporate existence as a united entity is threatened. This calls for serious measures to address the challenges. Community radio offers a veritable communication channel to facilitate peace building mechanisms and national integration. This paper argues that community radio project in Nigeria, when established, would have daunting challenges as well as promises in managing security issues. The daunting challenges centre on the activities of the ruling class and elites who would want to manipulate the project for their selfish motives. The promises are in the democratic, people-driven, and development-based features of community broadcasting. To ensure that community radio project facilitates national security, the paper recommends, among other things, political will, involvement of the people, media literacy education, and the involvement of civil societies to assist curtail cases of excesses in the operation of the community radio project Key words: Community radio, national security, fears, promises, Nigeria.

Peace-Building Operations: The Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina

Peace-building as one of the concepts of peace operations in general, recently is becoming more frequently analysed phenomena in political science and objectives and goals of peace-building more often becomes part of agenda and actions of international and nongovernmental organizations. Today peace-building became an integral part of missions conducted by United Nations (UN) and European Union (EU). These tendencies are evident in NATO too and the largest regional organization - Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) - is active in early warning, conflict prevention, crisis management, post-conflict building. The purpose of the article is to analyse concept of peace-building and its measures, mechanisms used in peace operations. The first part of the article analyses how concept peace-building is analysed in UN, EU, OSCE and NATO by having an aim to show the language used by these organizations and what's the content of the terminology. The second part analyses peace-building operations in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), primary focusing on peace-building mechanisms used by UN, NATO, OSCE and EU. An example of BiH was chosen because of the state's importance both to the European Union and security in Europe as a whole and of special design of political system of the state after Dayton Agreement.

Unity in Diversity

The field of conflict resolution has rarely been tested so frequently as in theMiddle East. Since 1948, internecine conflict has flared in Israel/Palestine,Lebanon, and Iraq, with neighboring states sustaining the consequences ofthe tensions.Applying interfaith dialogue (IFD) as ameans to promote peacefulrelations is thus, by its very nature, fraught with controversy and uncertainty.Yet this unique approach draws on peace-building mechanisms thatbear such religious nuances as reconciliation, mercy, and forgiveness. Byeschewing secular concepts for religious resources, IFD provides a pointfrom which individuals can transcend the religious divide in search of furtherunderstanding and peace.Accordingly, following the activities of IFD organizationsin Israel/Palestine, Jordan, Egypt, and Lebanon is a complex undertakingfor the authors of Unity in Diversity. Having previously addressedNonviolence and Peacebuilding in Islam: Theory and Practice (UniversityPress of Florida: 2003) and Dialogue, Conflict Resolution, and Change:Arab-Jewish Encounters in Israel (State University of New York Press:1999), Abu-Nimer, an associate professor with the International Peace andConflict Resolution Program, lends a revealing insight into faith-based resolution.Alongside Khoury and Welty, this book introduces IDF and analyzesits application, limitations, and recommendations.Opening with an overview of the “Potentials and Challenges in InterfaithDialogue in the Middle East” in chapter 1, the authors proceed to elucidatethe book’s themes in chapter 2: “Basic Concepts and Approaches.” Inwith pdfFactory ...

Rebel—Military Integration and Civil War Termination

Civil wars are far less likely to end in peace agreements than are international wars, and more than a third of civil wars restart within a few years. This may be due to the time-inconsistency of peace settlements in civil wars: once the rebels demobilize, they lose bargaining power and the government can renege on its promises. This makes rebels reluctant to stop fighting and quick to remobilize for a fight. A self-enforcing agreement could prevent this, but it is difficult to create such agreements. Recent efforts to structure self-enforcing agreements after civil wars have involved the integration of former rebels in a new national army. This solution should make unilateral defection from peace settlements more costly. This is an increasingly popular mechanism used in peace settlements, but it is not yet well understood. We do not know if it works or under what conditions it is likely to be used. This article provides the first systematic study of rebel—military integration agreements and considers if and how such agreements can help build peace. It also analyzes the conditions under which such agreements will be reached and implemented. The analysis suggests that rebel—military integration has not been an effective peacebuilding mechanism, but this is often due to poor implementation of the agreements.

Peace building and state-building in Afghanistan: Constructing sovereignty for whose security?

In the aftermath of civil wars, international actors often worry about the incoherence, tribalism, and division of war-torn nation-states like Afghanistan. However, the problems encountered in the Afghanistan recovery and reconstruction effort illustrate that the divisions, rivalries and fragmentation of authority of the ‘international community’ have constituted just as big an obstacle to what the UN now calls ‘peace building’. Sustainable stability and peace, to say nothing of democracy, require international actors to delegate some sovereign functions to a multilateral entity that can reinforce rather than undermine the institutions responsible for the reconstruction of the nation-state. The history and contemporary situation in Afghanistan makes clear that there is an important need for the peace-building mechanisms proposed by the UN Secretary-General's High-level Panel. This would involve a unified international decision-making body that would act as a counterpart to the recipient national government and potentially bring order to the anarchy that invariably flows from the multiple agendas, doctrines and aid budgets of the array of external actors involved in ‘peace building’ in Afghanistan and elsewhere.

Constructing sovereignty for security

In a global order based on juridical sovereignty of nation-states, the missions called ‘peacebuilding’ by the UN or ‘stabilisation operations’ by some governments necessarily require the building of states. The international organisations and governments involved in such efforts, however, have neither the doctrine nor organisation for such tasks. Problems encountered in recent efforts signal the need for a unified international counterpart for the recipient national government. Peacebuilding and statebuilding require transitional governance institutions that incorporate the concurrent need for internal and external legitimacy transparently, rather than in a fragmented, secretive and ad hoc way. The peacebuilding mechanisms proposed by the Secretary-General's High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change have the potential to bring order into the anarchy often created by multiple agendas, doctrines and aid budgets.

Afghanistan : la souveraineté comme condition de la sécurité

Peace Building and State Building in Afghanistan: Constructing Sovereignty for Whose Security? The operations called « peace building » or post-conflict » by the United Nations are better conceived of as internationally supported state building. They thus form part of the historical process of formation of an international state system based on the juridical sovereignty of very unequal states. The problems encountered in the Afghanistan recovery, illustrate that the divisions, rivalries, and fragmentation of authority of the “international community” can undermine the goal of state building. Sustainable stability and peace, to say nothing of democracy, require international actors to delegate some sovereign functions to a multilateral entity that can reinforce rather than undermine the institutions of the reconstructed country. The lessons of Afghanistan signal the need for the peace building mechanisms proposed by Secretary-General’s High-level Panel, which would provide a unified decision-making body as a counterpart to the recipient national government and potentially bring order into the anarchy often created by multiple agendas, doctrines, and aid budgets.

Building Communities of Peace: The South African Experience

While political conflicts in many countries have resulted in large-scale destruction and loss of life, South Africa has been successful in avoiding a violent conflict following the demise of apartheid. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) has been seen as an important mechanism contributing to South Africa's successful management of its political challenges. Yet, the legacy of apartheid continues beyond the work of the TRC, and several social problems such as poverty, unemployment, crime, and substance abuse continue to affect many South African communities. Psychology is uniquely poised to assist in addressing these social problems and in contributing to the development of a community of peace. Academic psychology departments have responded by implementing an undergraduate programme aimed at training professional counsellors to respond to community needs in post-apartheid South Africa. This paper surveys the present political landscape in South Africa, examines the work of the TRC as a psychological change catalyst and peace building mechanism, and calls attention to the role of psychology in contributing to national development.