Peacebuilding Discourse Research Articles

New public financial management in liberal peacebuilding discourse: The Palestine–Israel conflict and the World Bank

AbstractThis paper delves into the discursive recontextualization of new public financial management (NPFM) in the context of peacebuilding, reshaping the dynamics among the donor community, Israel, and the Palestinian Authority. Utilizing Fairclough's dialectical relational version of Critical Discourse Analysis (2003, 2013) as a methodological framework, we extend the NPFM literature by broadening our understanding of how diverse discourses—particularly NPFM rooted in neoliberalism and peacebuilding—are brought together in a specific relationship for the purpose of transmission. In addition, this study advances our comprehension of the dialogic nature of NPFM, exploring the extent to which other voices are represented, excluded, or suppressed in the examined texts. The paper sheds light on the role of international agencies, exemplified by the World Bank, in transposing development discourses—a theme explored in previous research. Furthermore, we contribute to the literature by highlighting that the peacebuilding context serves as a space for influential actors, such as donor agencies, to exert their influence.

Intricacies of French engagement in Sahel with peace prospects

The Sahel region faces an extreme human security crisis with complex security challenges rooted in historical, ethnic, and geopolitical ties. Decades of armed violence and unstable socio-political systems have led to deteriorating security conditions, with crisis hotspots diversifying across the region. The mobilization of destabilizing actors has necessitated external support, yet outcomes have proven inadequate. This research explores France's engagement in the region, transitioning with dynamic policy shifts towards a more “Sahelian solutions for Sahelian problems” oriented approach. However, externally led peacebuilding exercises have fallen short due to lack of coherence, worsening conditions in the region, leading to adverse effects like the emergence of a 'coup belt'. Thus, this study aims to identify sustainable peace alternatives by investigating key questions like: How has France's role in the Sahel transformed, particularly in response to policy shifts and troop withdrawals? Why does France remain a prominent security provider despite changes in its military posture? What are the limitations and outcomes of peacebuilding processes employed in the region by various actors? How effectively can peacebuilding discourses translate into tangible security improvements for the Sahelian people? Thus, this paper aims to demystify conflict dynamics in the region, analyzing France’s evolving role in the Sahel and evaluating collaborative efforts to address security threats and promote development, empowering local actors. Additionally, it explores peacebuilding theoretically to understand Sahel's ground realities. Through a review of past interventions, it highlights limitations in fostering positive peace, offering recommendations for coherent policies and collaboration in the Sahel. In this regard, the paper explores contemporary events through peace, security, and policy lenses.

The risks of peace: Exploring the relationship between peaceocracy and journalism in Kenya

Scholars have recently suggested that a peaceocracy is emerging in nations experiencing intermittent conflicts. A peaceocracy is an institutionalised political strategy – rather than a political system – that aims to promote stability in states considered fragile. While scholars know how the press functions in a democracy, little is still known about how a peaceocracy shapes journalism. This article explores the Kenyan context to illuminate how the press co-opts a peaceocratic discourse and discusses its implications to the profession. We pose that a political consensus between the state and the press foments a strong peace-building discourse that challenges professional autonomy. Secondly, in a peaceocracy, the state takes the role of the guardian of peace and the press, a promoter of peace, both of which legitimise a degree of restriction on press freedom.

Performance Arts in Zimbabwe: Setting the Agenda for Peace and Development

Using purposively selected works of Zimbabwean artists posted on YouTube, and the public comments on this content, this article demonstrates the agenda-setting capabilities of performance artists, particularly those anchored on theatre, music and poetry. It does this by analysing how the artists set the agenda for peace, economic equity, political justice, social harmony and development in Zimbabwe. The paper notes that performance arts have been vital cogs in supporting and strengthening interventions aimed at achieving peace and development in the country. On the other hand, the comments section on social media sites was viewed as a ‘public space’ where people ‘converge’ to share their thoughts on various issues affecting them as raised by artists. Using document analysis and social media for observational data, this article argues that artists are critical in contributing to the peacebuilding discourse in Zimbabwe through putting important governance issues on the public agenda. The onus is on the authorities and other development partners to use this information to address the needs and the plight of the masses as a prerequisite for conflict transformation.

Title: Intergenerational gaps in women’s grassroots peacebuilding in Ghana: a critique of “inclusive peacebuilding”

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the idea of inclusion in women’s bottom-up peacebuilding in Ghana. Inspired by the growing importance of “inclusion” and “local empowerment” in the discourse and practice of local ownership in peacebuilding, this paper seeks to investigate the scope and degree of inclusion of key actors such as women and youth, and how that affects peacebuilding and sustainable peace in some conflict-affected zones.Design/methodology/approachThis study adopts a cross-sectional case study design and qualitative strategy. It is based on semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions conducted with actors who have been engaged in grassroots peacebuilding in Ghana and West Africa. The analysis was largely inductive, identifying emerging themes and patterns in the research data.FindingsThe findings indicate that young women are usually absent or not engaged meaningfully in the mobilization of women and youth in the “inclusive” grassroots peacebuilding in Ghana. This is due to the prevalence of deep-seated cultural and political prejudices or stereotypes about women in the areas studied. As these local constructs and thus practices are difficult to change or challenge, peacebuilding non-governmental organizations (NGOs) usually deploy innovative ways by mobilizing socially constructed women’s positionalities – as “whistleblowers,” “cross-ethnic/cross-cultural actors” and “socially networked actors” – in ways that promote women in contemporary peacebuilding discourses and practices. Through mobilizing these stereotypes (to forestall possible provocation, especially from dominant actors or gatekeepers), peacebuilding NGOs have subtly positioned women centrally within a vibrant peace infrastructure in Ghana. Yet, due to the dominance of some patriarchal sociopolitical structures, only older women and young men occupy the spaces for women and youth’s peacebuilding.Originality/valueTo the best of the author’s knowledge, this is one of the first research papers to question not only the scope but also the degree of inclusion and participation of women in peacebuilding in sub-Sahara Africa. This has nuanced scholarly debates on the subject and encouraged the development of innovative programmes targeted at a more comprehensive gendered and youth-ed inclusion to address the inequality gap in peacebuilding discourses and practices.

Donor Love Will Tear Us Apart: How Complexity and Learning Marginalize Accountability in Peacebuilding Interventions

AbstractComplexity theory and systems thinking are increasingly popular in both academic and practitioner discourses to “improve” peacebuilding. Recently, they have also been considered to make peacebuilding interventions more bottom-up and less exclusive. Contributing to the debate in international political sociology on the role of (professional) knowledge in shaping interventions, I examine this claim with an analysis of professional peacebuilding discourse. Drawing on an extensive corpus of operational guidance, policy documents, and interview material, I situate the emerging uses of concepts of complexity in peacebuilding against the backdrop of the power struggles of its actors and institutions. Against the introduction of measures of managerial control, professional peacebuilding discourse has cast its interventions as exceptional and in need of different methods. Thus, learning replaces donors’ standardized measures of accountability. However, the peculiar conflation of accountability as learning that emerges from these struggles legitimizes self-referential expert rule and learning, and marginalizes debates on peacebuilders’ accountability. Rather than “de-colonizing” or making peacebuilding more inclusive, the way complexity concepts have emerged in peacebuilding discourse reproduces—rather than questions—the power structures of international interventions, and denies the people targeted by interventions the status of subjects to be accountable to.

Land rights in peacebuilding discourse: domination and resistance in Timor-Leste’s Ita Nia Rai program

ABSTRACT The development of land rights programs is deeply rooted in power relations. Using discourse analysis, this paper unpacks how Western logics (assumptions and conventions) regarding ‘best practices’ for property rights institutions and tenure security impact the design of peacebuilding programs. In 2017, the Government of Timor-Leste passed a controversial Land Law Package. These laws were initially developed for a USAID land reform program. But local dynamics, actions, and interests were ignored. Examining civil society exclusion from decision-making infers a reluctance to acknowledge local voices and practices that threaten liberal peacebuilding interests. This paper is organised into two parts. In the first, we argue that peacebuilding ‘best practices’ reflect how dominant Western discourses create conceptual boundaries (‘violent hierarchies’) to restrict the recognition of indigenous ideas as legitimate. In the second, we examine Timorese civil society efforts to improve the land reform program through acts of resistance to bodies of authority. Overall, we illuminate how in Timor-Leste Western assumptions and conventions contributed to boundaries to local participation, which contradicts liberal narratives of empowerment and capacity-building.

Barbara Lee’s Peacebuilding Discourse as Transformative Social Justice Politics

This essay explores discourses of Congresswoman Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), appreciating her intersectional standpoint as a leader in Trumpian times, and as the lone AA woman dissenter who has long advocated peace over war in the United States” Congress in the aftermath of two politically seismic shifts: (1) September 11, 2001 and (2) the rise of right wing politics in the U.S. and internationally. As bellicose and right wing politics have expanded, Lee’s nonviolent voice has persisted, offering critiques of (1) post 9/11 and (2) Trump Administration era xenophobic rhetoric, policies, and systems. Rhetoric of White male politicians pervades discourse studies, yet comparatively little has been studied on countervailing peacebuilding discourses of U.S. Congresswomen. This study refocuses discourse scholarship on sociopolitical justice rhetoric across the activist career of Congresswoman Barbara Lee. Lee’s career-spanning politics bears study as successful peacebuilding leadership. Lee’s political discourses espousing peacebuilding exemplify contemporary women of color’s activism, which rebalances foci in discourse studies between necessary critiques of right politicians and legislation. Studying transformative politics recenters leaders of social, environmental, and economic justice who buck status quo via peacebuilding discourse (PD).

Emerging Power Liminality in Peacebuilding: Turkey’s Mimicry of the Liberal Peace

ABSTRACT International peacebuilding is no longer dominated by Western actors and their liberal peace framework, neither there is a full-fledged alternative formulated by emerging peacebuilding actors. In this paper, I first establish the relationship between the liminality of emerging powers and their mimicry of the liberal peace. Secondly, I distinguish three forms of mimicry in peacebuilding that stem from emerging power liminality: a discursive mimicry, a complete mimicry and a substantive mimicry. In the case of the discursive mimicry, there is a liberal peacebuilding discourse which is rarely substantiated with policies. The complete mimicry is when both the liberal discourse and the policies are mimicked, and the substantive mimicry is a genuine adaptation of the liberal peacebuilding by the emerging power. The case of Turkish peacebuilding is analysed to illustrate the tripartite distinction. I demonstrate that Turkey mimics solely the discourse of the democratic peace thesis, while there is a complete mimicry of the Western model in security sector reform. However, the Turkish civil society peacebuilding and Turkey’s approach to economic development substantively mimic their liberal peace counterparts. This article contributes to the critical literature on liberal peacebuilding by identifying the different forms of emerging actors’ mimicry of the liberal peace.

Failure of Reconciliation in Sri Lanka and risk of reproduction of war?

Sri Lankan civil war was ended in 2009, keeping a great role to be played the actors in terms of peace building. Among them reconciliation has become the foremost approach in peace building discourse. According to the current discourse, the civil war has ended with a unilateral war victory the ethnic conflict is still going on with no war conditions and with absence of holistic approach to solve it. Therefore, there will be a great contingency for the reproduction of civil war in future. Thus, it is very important to identify the major issues which direct to the reproduction of war in future. Civil war is also a kind of disaster which can be categorized as a manmade disaster. Hence, this paper seeks to explore the following research problem. Why that is the reconciliation become a difficult and complex in Sri Lanka? This study employed a multiple methods to gather data including a survey and in-depth interviews. The survey was conducted in the districts of Mannar, Vauvniya, Mullativu and Thrincomalee with a total sample of 200. Similarly 30 in-depth interviews were carried out with policy makers, politicians, academics, journalists, activists of civil society and researchers. When it comes to the initial findings, following reasons can be identifies as the potential facts for the reproduction of civil war in future. 1) Lack of unanimity amongst the actors within the government regarding the post war reconciliation, 2) Confrontational agenda between the government, civil society organizations and international community, 3) Ambiguity maintained with regard to policies on reconciliation and peace building, 4) Contradiction among the key policy makers in the reconciliation process and 6) Greater deal of the ignorance among the general public. Therefore, national security and restoration of normalcy are being regarded as the salient issues in the post-war landscape in Sri Lanka. Hence, end of the civil war, it has opened up a new opportunity and time to focus more on sustainable peace and space to deal with the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka. In this no war condition, still Sri Lanka has filed to overcome the risk of war in future.

Local perceptions of the EU’s role in peacebuilding: The case of security sector reform in Palestine

ABSTRACTPerception research can make a valuable contribution to the study of the local dimension in EU peacebuilding. The conceptual framework developed in this article distinguishes between perceptions of the “legitimacy,” “effectiveness,” and “credibility” of EU peacebuilding practices, which are crucial factors for successful peacebuilding. Relying on the case of the EU’s support for security sector reform (SSR) in Palestine, this article shows that local stakeholders—which participate in various EU-sponsored training and capacity-building programs—display considerable support for liberal peacebuilding norms. Yet, perceived discrepancies between the EU’s peacebuilding rhetoric and its SSR activities have severely undermined the potential of the EU’s liberal peacebuilding model in the eyes of Palestinian stakeholders. Critical local perceptions are frequently articulated with reference to the EU’s own liberal peacebuilding discourse, pointing to a lack of inclusiveness of the SSR process and deficits in terms of democratic governance and the rule of law.

Singing Peace, Harmonizing Discordant Tunes: Tracking a Transnational Trajectory of Peace

Adopting a transnational approach that places Africa at the center of inquiry, this study traces a trajectory of peacebuilding discourse through the music of popular artists African China in Nigeria and Brenda Fassie in South Africa. It adopts a nonlinear, weblike structure that links different national spaces in the discussion of different stages in the peace trajectory. The essay identifies three stages of peacebuilding in the artists’ interventions. These stages begin with a prelude of violent conflict (early warning); they continue with the call by the artists to all stakeholders to take any measures necessary to make peace (even negotiation); and end in a final, celebratory stage that usually leads toward restoration of peace for freedom and development. In reading the lyrics, performances, and popular artists’ use of their celebrity through the prism of the three‐stage trajectory toward peace, this study contends that the inclusive, multiform mode of communication provided through popular culture is key to both freedom and development.

Victims of violence or agents of change? Representations of women in UN peacebuilding discourse

The Women, Peace and Security agenda at the United Nations is the policy architecture that assures the meaningful participation of women in UN peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction activities. It is a reasonable expectation that UN entities would leverage WPS principles and priorities to inform gender-responsive peacebuilding and recovery. This paper investigates the imbrication of WPS discourse in the discourse of the UN Peacebuilding Commission. I argue that there has historically been limited integration of the WPS architecture with the UN PBC, but this does not mean that the Commission’s activities are not upholding and even enhancing WPS principles and objectives. The opposite is true, and this raises interesting questions about the coherence of the WPS agenda, and the UN as an organisation, in terms of its ability to develop and implement an integrated and holistic gender-sensitive peacebuilding agenda.

Constructing civil society: Gender, power and legitimacy in United Nations peacebuilding discourse

The United Nations Peacebuilding Commission was created in 2005 to have oversight of United Nations peacebuilding operations. In the foundational resolution, adopted simultaneously by the United Nations Security Council (S/RES/1645) and the United Nations General Assembly (A/RES/60/180), the Peacebuilding Commission is mandated to encourage meaningful participation in peacebuilding-related activities by civil society actors. This article investigates the construction of ‘civil society’ as a subject of United Nations peacebuilding discourse, drawing on both policy documents and interview data. The inclusion of civil society actors in peacebuilding-related activities is currently considered central to the success of these activities; if it is taken for granted that the meaningful participation of civil society actors ensures that United Nations programmes build better peace, and I argue that it is, then it is important to understand what is meant by ‘civil society’ and to comprehend the kinds of actions that are prescribed and proscribed by the meanings attached to the concept. Specifically, I map out a peacebuilding discourse that (re)produces the United Nations — as representative of ‘the international community’ — as the architect/legitimate knower of peacebuilding practice, and the communities working on building peace as the labourers/known objects. This has significant implications for the ways in which civil society organisations, and the forms of knowledge that these organisations represent, are encountered and engaged in peacebuilding practices; ‘local’ knowledge is at once valued (in the process of extraction) and yet subordinated.

Doing Good Better: Expanding the Ethics of Peacebuilding

This article explores the ethics of peacebuilding. It argues that the perspectives of two moral theories currently dominate peacebuilding discourse: duty-based and consequentialist thinking. While these moral theory perspectives possess merits there are also important limits, which are particularly important for peacebuilding. The article argues that if peacebuilding is genuinely to contribute to collective flourishing then we need to recognize and act upon a more holistic ethics of peacebuilding practice. Considerations drawn from ethics of care and virtue ethics are therefore proposed to expand considerations of what constitutes ‘good’ and ‘right’ within peacebuilding interventions.

(En)gendered Security? The Complexities of Women's Inclusion in Peace Processes

As peacebuilding discourses increasingly stress the importance of including women, to what degree have security-related practices taken heed? It has been over 10 years since the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security, yet it remains a “confused and confusing” tool for scholars and practitioners in assessing women's inclusion in peacebuilding. This article adds to our understanding on women and peacebuilding by engaging 1325 as an operationalizable concept and then applying it to peace agreements to understand how women's security is addressed as part of formal peace processes. Given previous difficulties in operationalizing 1325’s mandate, this article engages it as a three-level concept useful for studying the ways in which women are “brought into” security, called (en)gendered security. Using this concept of (en)gendered security, I assess intrastate peace agreements between 1991 and 2010 to elucidate where and how women are included in peace processes. This article illustrates the potential of a systematized and practical approach to security embodied in 1325 and a preliminary discussion of what accounts for better approaches to (en)gendered security during peacebuilding.

The myth of liberal peace-building

‘Liberal peace-building’ is a subject of intense debate within contemporary IR. This article contends, however, that for all the merits of much of the work on the subject, the overall terms of the debate are rooted in a series of questionable assumptions. Proponents and critics alike hold that peace-building is an essentially liberal project, over which there is a global (or Western) consensus, and which is pursued by a decentralised plurality of institutions irrespective of the particularly of war-endings. This article shows that this is misleading. Focusing on the relations between peace agreements and peace-building, it shows that peace agreements are contextually specific political arrangements, driven above all by strategic considerations of power and legitimacy, in relation to which liberal peace-building doctrines and practices are unevenly applied, instrumentalised or plain ignored—including by international actors. It argues in turn that liberal peace-building discourse overstates both the liberalism of contemporary peace interventions, and the degree of global consensus thereover, and fails to capture the enduring centrality of states, strategy and geopolitics in the making of peace. These arguments are developed with reference to a wide range of cases of post-Cold War peace interventions, though with especial focus on UN peace-building in Cambodia in the early 1990s.

Race, Culture and Civil Society: Peacebuilding Discourse and the Understanding of Difference

This article seeks to draw out an understanding of the role of narratives and discourses of race, culture and civil society within international peacebuilding, through the location of the discourse of culture as a transitional stage between interventionist and regulatory discourses of race and civil society. It particularly seeks to highlight that the discourse of culture is key to understanding the peacebuilding discourses of intervention and regulation that have developed in the last decade. This is all the more important as the discourse of culture has in many respects been displaced by the discourse of civil society. In drawing out the links between the framings of race, culture and civil society, the article seeks to explain how the discourse of civil society intervention has been reinvented on the basis of the moral divide established and made coherent through the discourse of culture, and how the discourse of civil society contains a strong apologetic content, capable of legitimizing and explaining the persistence of social and economic problems or political fragmentation while simultaneously offering potential policy programmes on the basis of highly ambitious goals of social transformation.

A Latin American Agenda for Peace

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Latin American leaders – particularly from South America – collectively raised ethical questions about the foundations and practices of liberal peacebuilding. Embracing the idea of democracy as central to peace, these leaders have delinked democracy from the free market ideology and have developed their own models of regional economic cooperation, conflict management and dialogue. This article identifies the main discrepancies between the Latin American discourses and policies and the liberal interpretation of peacebuilding. It contends that the Latin American model provides alternatives to the hegemonic peacebuilding discourse.

Unpacking the Liberal Peace: The Dividing and Merging of Peacebuilding Discourses

This paper assesses the discursive environment of post-conflict intervention as a prism through which to view the international politics of the post-Cold War era. I argue that the `liberal peace' is not a single discourse but a tripartite international discursive environment that dynamically reproduces technical solutions which fail to address the core issues of conflict in a given place. The paper starts from the assumption that over the last twenty years we have seen a shift from an understanding of peace as a state of affairs in a given territory (as explored by Michael Banks in a 1987 paper) to peace as a process of post-conflict intervention; a move from peace to peacebuilding. This `liberal peace' sets a standard by which `failed states' and `bad civil societies' are judged according to ethical, spatial and temporal markers. However, the apparent homogeneity of the model obscures the divisions and mergers which characterise the scholarship and practice of international peacebuilding. The boundaries of the peace debate remain; the political differences latent in Banks' three conceptions are retained in the evolving discourses of democratic peacebuilding, civil society and statebuilding. The paper shows how these three basic discourses are reproduced in international policy analyses and major academic works. Moreover, the discursive mediation of their differences is the dynamic by which the liberal peace is sustained, despite its detachment from the lived experiences of post-conflict environments. It is in this sense that we can comprehend international peacebuilding as a virtual phenomenon, maintained in the verbal and visual representations of international organisations, diplomats and academic policy-practitioners. In light of this disaggregation of the discursive environment, a better, more nuanced understanding of the liberal peace can be attained: one that is able to grasp how critics and criticisms become incorporated into that which they seek to critique. The paper concludes with three propositions regarding the nature of world order in the era of the tripartite `liberal peace'. During this time coercion, military force and even warfare have become standard and legitimate features of peacefare. The discursive dynamics of international peacebuilding illustrate how peace has become ever more elusive in contemporary international politics.