Peacebuilding Research Articles

Scaling up zero-deforestation initiatives through public-private partnerships: A look inside post-conflict Colombia

The rise of public and private zero-deforestation commitments is opening a new collaborative space in global forest governance. Governments seeking to reduce national greenhouse gas emissions by protecting and restoring forests are partnering with companies motivated to eliminate deforestation from supply chains. The proliferation of zero-deforestation initiatives is creating opportunities for policy synergies and scaling up impacts, but has led to a more complex regulatory landscape. Drawing on policy analysis and expert interviews, we explore public-private policy interactions in Colombia as a case study for tropical forested nations with interest in aligning climate, forest, and development goals. We consider how zero-deforestation priorities are set on the national agenda and scaled up through public-private partnerships. We identify zero-deforestation initiatives in three overlapping governance domains—domestic public policy, REDD+, sustainable supply chain initiatives—and highlight ten multi-stakeholder pledges that have catalyzed supporting initiatives at multiple scales. Emerging from decades of armed conflict, Colombia is pursuing a peace building model based on low-emissions rural development. The peace deal provided a focusing event for zero-deforestation that converged with political momentum and institutional capacity to open a policy window. A government pledge to eliminate deforestation in the Colombian Amazon by 2020 set the national agenda and stimulated international REDD+ cooperation. Lessons from Colombia show that governments provide important directionality among the proliferation of zero-deforestation initiatives. Public pledges and the orchestration of actors through public-private partnerships allow governments to scale up efforts by aligning transnational activities with national priorities. The case of Colombia serves as a potential zero-deforestation model for other nations, but challenges around equitable land tenure, illegality, and enforcement must be overcome for multi-stakeholder initiatives to produce long-term change.

Armed Conflicts and Peace Efforts: Paradigm shift towards New world Order

Conflicts and the ways of conflict resolution have prevailed since prehistoric times. Even when the Second World Warconcluded in 1945, it is observed that the number of armed conflicts hasn’t been reduced. On the contrary, there has been a rise in these numbers. Opportunely the 20th century has also seennumerous peace building efforts. A New World Order perceived by the then leaders, is seen take shape even though it is extremely dynamic in nature. This article studies the statistics of the state-based armed conflicts and peace-building efforts in the form of treaties that were taken at that time to resolve the conflicts.

Establishment of a Peace Regime on the Korean Peninsula: Definition, Process, and Cooperation

Abstract Depending on how we define a peace regime, we can determine whether we have reached a peace regime on the Korean peninsula, or what and how we have to pursue to reach a peace regime. A new definition of a regime should not be too broad to admit the current balance of powers based on hegemonies and states’ patterns of behaviors, or too restrictive and formal to codify as a multi-national treaty; a simple peace treaty cannot cover everything a peace regime needs to have and reflect the complicated process of peace building, cooperation and tension-reduction. In this paper, I will attempt to find the most-realistic definition for a peace regime to provide an ultimate peace on the Korean peninsula. Further, I will think about how to reach the newly defined peace regime on the Korean peninsula and the obstacles to overcome to reach this peace regime, including: (1) Denuclearization; and (2) How a peace regime can be transnationally supported and peacefully digested and incorporated into the domestic level processes and norms, especially considering that reaching a regime reflecting national interests is a daunting task. Lastly, I will conclude with recommendations for states surrounding the Korean peninsula.

Peacebuilding Compared in the former Yugoslavia: rethinking war, crime and regulation

Peacebuilding Compared in the former Yugoslavia: rethinking war, crime and regulation

‘Forgiveness is something that can be seen from behind’. Visualizing a conversation with a perpetrator and a survivor of the 1994 Rwandan genocide in a reconciliation village

ABSTRACT In November 2018, the authors spent five days in Rwanda, visiting the Kigali Genocide Memorial (KGM) and undertaking a paid tourist day trip to regional memorials and a ‘reconciliation village’ near the border with Burundi, to conduct creative research by using the established, institutional network of post-genocide and reconciliation education and tourism in Rwanda. The authors collaborated to produce a visual essay that would focus purely on peripheral visual and aural impressions. They refrained from attempting to photograph exhibits or interview witnesses but rather took still images around external areas of the memorials as well as street views around Kigali. They were granted permission to audio record a conversation with a survivor and a perpetrator of the 1994 Rwandan genocide at the reconciliation village. This visual essay is presented as an assemblage of incidental photographs and fragments of the verbatim text of the taped conversation with the villagers. KGM workers explained that reconciliation villages exist throughout Rwanda as part of a state-sponsored reconciliation and peace building programme by virtue of which selected genocide perpetrators serving prison terms receive an official pardon, are trained in peace building, and are given resources to join genocide survivors in the construction of village infrastructure and community.

Domestic Slavery, Identity Crisis and Peace Building in Igbo Land: The Case of Atani Community in Anambra Sate, Nigeria

Paper Prepared for Presentation at the 19 th Annual Africa Conference Organized by the Department of History, University of Texas at Austin. Theme: Identities. March 29- 31, 2019. Abstract An enduring legacy of the Trans Atlantic slave trade in Atani and most other communities along the banks of River Niger in Igbo land was the institution of domestic slavery which is presently a defining feature of these communities. Principally nurtured by different forms of discrimination, the institution of domestic slavery has created a sort of identity crisis in these communities. The profound socio-cultural and political impact of the identity crisis has hindered peace and development in Atani community. This paper is concerned with understanding the identity crisis arising from the institution of domestic slavery and its impact on peace and community development in Atani. The paper argues that identity crisis created through the institution of domestic slavery has continued to undermine peace in Atani. We adopted post-structural approach as a theoretical model. A combination of the documentary method and interviews was used to generate data for this study. Data collected were analyzed using qualitative descriptive analysis. The paper therefore recommended that ending the prevailing ephemeral peace in Atani requires that governments at all levels, community stakeholders and the traditional rulers should discuss and adopt strategies directed towards abolishing socio-cultural and traditional practices that are detrimental to peace and development in Atani . Keywords: Domestic Slavery, Identity, Crisis, Peace-Building. DOI: 10.7176/JCSD/56-07 Publication date: February 29 th 2020

The Pull to the Liberal Public: Gender, Orientalism, and Peace Building in Afghanistan

Orientalist and liberal-modernist underpinnings of postconflict gender programming in Afghanistan narrowly construct Afghan women’s rights and freedoms, moving them away from the traditional domestic sphere (reliance on religious and cultural worldviews, local institutions, and informal markets) and toward a distinct path of Western liberal (colonial) modernity, focusing on women’s public roles, formal political participation, state-centric legal rights, and neoliberal market participation. This liberal-modernist bias has meant that the women’s rights agenda is bound to the few contested, hypermilitarized, and politically fragile pockets of liberal publics that are unevenly dispersed across the country and that have limited accessibility for most women. The pull to the masculine-militarized liberal publics is juxtaposed against an Orientalist framing of a stiflingly traditional society from which Afghan women are expected to flee simply because emancipatory possibilities are deemed impossible within it. This article argues that countless rural and urban women are, for many reasons, unable to or lack the desire to enter the liberal public and may not even have the choice or desire to retreat from the interpenetrating spaces of customs, values, traditions, culture, and religion. In failing to account for the complexities of women’s lives, gender programming has failed to offer a broad-based, inclusive, or flexible approach to women’s rights and gender relations.

Peacekeeping works: The UN can help end civil wars

Despite some harsh criticisms of United Nations (UN) peace operations, research demonstrates that many UN missions are successful, though evaluations depend on how success is defined. Even UN missions that fail in one or more aspects provide a net benefit to peace processes and help to save lives and alleviate human suffering. While an understanding of the flaws and limitations of peace operations can help improve the operations, some unfair criticism must be directly challenged. For instance, contrary to critiques in a recent paper by Séverine Autesserre, the UN has helped end civil wars, and it does not have a fixation on elections nor does it ignore the bottom-up approach. Most UN multidimensional missions pursue multiple levels of engagement, from local to national leaders. Elections are a key way to engage locals. With decades of experience, the UN has many positive lessons to offer in making, keeping, and building peace.

존 폴 레더락(John Paul Lederach)의 ‘평화세우기’가 도덕과 평화 · 통일교육에 주는 함의

존 폴 레더락(John Paul Lederach)의 ‘평화세우기’가 도덕과 평화 · 통일교육에 주는 함의

South Koreans’ perspective on assisting the power supply to North Korea: Evidence from a contingent valuation

Korea is the only divided country in the world. While power is stably and reliably supplied in South Korea, North Korea (NK) is suffering from a severe power shortage. To improve power supply conditions in NK and ultimately contribute to building peace on the Korean Peninsula, the South Korean Government is considering assisting the construction of power plants and power grids in NK. The Government needs information about households’ willingness to pay (WTP) for assisting the power supply to NK. This article aims to examine the WTP using a contingent valuation based on a nationwide survey of 1000 households. As a WTP elicitation method, the one-and-one-half-bounded question format of asking an interviewee whether she/he has the intention of paying a presented bid through an increase in electricity bills was adopted. The WTP for the assistance was statistically significantly estimated to be KRW 2382 (USD 2.12) per month per household. The estimate of the annual national value amounted to KRW 564.6 billion (USD 503.6 million). This value is by no means small, but it would take a huge amount of effort to elicit public consensus on the assistance considering that a significant proportion of respondents (63.6%) revealed zero WTP.

Blessed Are the Peacemakers: Pacifism, Just War, and Peacebuilding. By Lisa SowleCahill. Pp. xiv, 380. Minneapolis, MN, Fortress, 2019, $23.09.

Blessed Are the Peacemakers: Pacifism, Just War, and Peacebuilding. By Lisa SowleCahill. Pp. xiv, 380. Minneapolis, MN, Fortress, 2019, $23.09.

Gender and Conflict Management: The Role of Women’s in Indigenous Conflict Resolutions for Peace Building in Ethiopia: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis

Evidence from around the world and across cultures showed that integrating women and gender considerations into peace-building processes helps to promote democracy, good governance, long-term stability and development . The inclusion of gender perspectives into conflict analyses can be beneficial not only to ensure better understanding of conflict dynamics, but also to highlight the linkages with development and poverty issues. Hence, the current review is aims to assess the role of women’s in indigenous conflict resolution in different regions of Ethiopia. All available materials were reviewed. The results of the review disclosed that even if women’s formal participation in the highest leadership positions were formally closed, it is documented that throughout the world, women had played critical roles in times of wars and peace as community organizers and activists. The findings further showed that the role and participation of women in the indigenous conflict management mechanisms is low and insignificant in Tigray. In indigenous system, women play an indirect role in Amhara and Tigray. In Oromia region, women have a great role in solving conflicts among Oromo clans by intervene and request for reconciliation by using the institution called Siqqe . They also have the right and power to reconcile Oromo people to their God called Waqqa by praying to God for them. In Somalia, Women’s also play multiple roles before, during and after conflicts. Women of South nations and nationality play different roles in addressing conflicts either along with men or alone and the male based institutions address conflicts in equal basis irrespective of sex. Based on the above findings, it can be concluded that, Ethiopian women’s play a pivotal role and still working to maintain peace and security across all provinces of the country. Therefore, women should be respected as they have a lion share role in indigenous conflict resolutions as well as they should be empowered to involve in peace promotion and peacemaking at regional and country level . Keywords: Gender, Indigenous, Conflict resolutions, Peace building, Ethiopia DOI: 10.7176/IAGS/80-01 Publication date: February 29 th 2020

Domestic Slavery, Identity Crisis and Peace Building in Igbo land: The Case of Atani Community in Anambra Sate, Nigeria

Paper Prepared for Presentation at the 19 th Annual Africa Conference Organized by the Department of History, University of Texas at Austin. Theme: Identities. March 29- 31, 2019. Abstract An enduring legacy of the Trans Atlantic slave trade in Atani and most other communities along the banks of River Niger in Igbo land was the institution of domestic slavery which is presently a defining feature of these communities. Principally nurtured by different forms of discrimination, the institution of domestic slavery has created a sort of identity crisis in these communities. The profound socio-cultural and political impact of the identity crisis has hindered peace and development in Atani community. This paper is concerned with understanding the identity crisis arising from the institution of domestic slavery and its impact on peace and community development in Atani. The paper argues that identity crisis created through the institution of domestic slavery has continued to undermine peace in Atani. We adopted post-structural approach as a theoretical model. A combination of the documentary method and interviews was used to generate data for this study. Data collected were analyzed using qualitative descriptive analysis. The paper therefore recommended that ending the prevailing ephemeral peace in Atani requires that governments at all levels, community stakeholders and the traditional rulers should discuss and adopt strategies directed towards abolishing socio-cultural and traditional practices that are detrimental to peace and development in Atani . Keywords: Domestic Slavery, Identity, Crisis, Peace-Building. DOI: 10.7176/JCSD/56-07 Publication date: February 29 th 2020

English

The study, Conspicuously Absent: Women’s Role in Conflict Resolution and Peace Building in Northern Uganda in the Context of United Nations Resolution 1325. The research was carried out in war ravaged Acholi sub region covering the districts of Amuru, Gulu, Kitgum and Pader because they are located in the centre of Northern Uganda conflict between the Government and the rebels commonly known as the Lord’s Resistant Army (LRA). The main objective of the study was to locate women in conflict situations and assess their contribution. The study methodology is qualitative and builds upon a review of related literature, oral interviews, questionnaires and focus group discussions with men and women who participated in the study. The major research finding reveals that women played a big role in peace building and conflict resolution, but their involvement remained unrecognized. Worst still, the northern Uganda women appeared not linked with the growing number of women led initiatives internationally, nationally and sub-national levels. The lack of recognition of women’s roles makes women invisible actors in peace processes taking place in northern Uganda. The study concludes that including women in the formal peace process, while not a goal in itself, is symbolic and significant step in the promotion of women’s justifiable participation in peace building and conflict transformation processes. The study makes recommendations to enhance women’s capacity to contribute to peace processes formally and informally. Key words: Conflict mitigation, conflict resolution, gender, resolution 1325, peace-building, Lord’s Resistant Army (LRA), sub- region.

Challenges to women's inclusion in peace processes in Thailand and Myanmar

ABSTRACT This article discusses the challenges that women face in their attempts to engage with peace processes. It first reviews the existing literature and then provides an analysis based on in-depth interviews with women members of peace networks in Thailand and in Myanmar and key stakeholders with relevant knowledge. The findings highlight the challenges that women's networks face in both countries: (1) the challenge of getting a seat at the table in the peace processes where women are increasingly visible in peace-building activism yet still lack power to influence formal frameworks; (2) the challenge of getting representation and the support of various local communities; and finally, (3) the challenge of getting the message right in terms of balancing gender advocacy with peace building in a context where gender advocacy is perceived as disrupting social relations. These key findings suggest that, to be effective, women's peace networks have to find the right balance between gender advocacy and addressing these key challenges. The article ends with a set of recommendations aimed at strengthening the impact of women's peace networks.

The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (Unscr 1325) and The Challenges of Women Participation in Peace Building and Conflict Resolution in Nigeria: Critical Analysis

In 31 October, 2000, the United Nations Security Council adopted and signed SC Resolution 1325 on Women Peace and Security. Resolution 1325 recognizes that civilian, particularly women and children are the worst affected by conflict. Resolution 1325 call for women participation in conflict prevention and resolution initiative, the integration of gender perspective in peace building, peace keeping mission and the protection of women in regions of conflict. The resolution reaffirms the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peace keeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflict reconstruction; stressing the importance of equal participation in peace and security. In Africa, women participation in policy making, peace building and conflict resolution is still faced with setbacks despite the passing of the SCR 1325 two decades ago. Findings from this study has shown that, women have been subjected to domination by men as a result of persisting cultural stereotypes, abuse of religious and traditional practices, patriarchal societal structures in which economic, political and social power are dominated by men while women played the role of followers of male decision-makers. The study identifies such challenges for a change or reforms them. The paper reviewed many of the extant studies on the role and potentials of women in peace building and conflict resolution. Analyzing those challenges inhibiting the participation of women in peace process. The paper adopted the qualitative approach whereby data collected from secondary sources were reviewed, explained and analyzed within the purview of the study. The paper conclude, the views that bringing women into the peace process, as participation of women makes it sustainable and reduces possibility of inadequate outcome or failure of the entire process, may be an illusion. Unless the women are economically and politically empowered, as one of the outstanding equality of peace-makers or negotiators is the amount of political and economic influence they possessed. Only elite centric gender blind composition of negotiation and peace process team cannot ensure sustainable peace process as there could be no peace with one side so disadvantaged.

SOCIOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE IN THE CONCEPT OF CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION J. P. LEDARACA

The spread of dialogue and conflict transformation practices in modern Ukraine creates a demand for academic, in particular sociological support of such processes. It becomes one of the tools to support relevant projects through sociological reflection of its goals and objectives, implemented practices, activities and consciousness of project participants and its audience. At present, such sociological support exists without a formed methodological basis, one of the areas of creation of which is the study of common principles of building peace and social sciences, in particular sociology. The article considers the use of sociological knowledge in the concept of conflict transformation by J.P. Lederach, in particular, his use of the concepts of identity, power, divided societies, conflict dynamics, social relations, social changes and more.In the perspective of sociological reading, building peace is seen as a process of social change, the signal of which is the need for conflict and confrontation within society, which can not be resolved in the perspective of the state approach, require a systematic vision of existing social relations and constructive intervention, finding opportunities for dialogue.The selection of sociological concepts and practices as components of the concept of peace building by J.P. Lederach contributes to the understanding of it as an interdisciplinary field of research and activity. The presented analysis demonstrates the potential of involving various academic disciplinary approaches in solving building peace tasks. In addition to conflict studies, political science, law, it can also be researched by social and historical memory studies, ethnopsychological and ethnosociological research, regional and cultural research, and so on. The academic field thus reveals its own potential for supporting peace-building processes.

Blessed Are the Peacemakers: Pacifism, Just War, and Peacebuilding

Blessed Are the Peacemakers: Pacifism, Just War, and Peacebuilding

Blessed Are the Peacemakers: Pacifism, Just War and Peacebuilding by Lisa Sowle

Blessed Are the Peacemakers: Pacifism, Just War and Peacebuilding by Lisa Sowle

Gendered Subjectivities: The Nexus between Femininity and Peacebuilding in Zimbabwe

Gendered Subjectivities: The Nexus between Femininity and Peacebuilding in Zimbabwe