Zone Of Peace Research Articles

In Between Digital War and Peace

ABSTRACT The world can be divided into a digital sphere and a physical sphere. Within the realm of the physical sphere, Michael Walzer’s Just War Theory stands as a prominent framework for understanding the ethics of warfare. Is his theoretical framework also applicable to the digital sphere? This article studies whether elements of Walzer’s theory can be adapted to the context of digital conflict. Walzer divides countries into zones of peace, zones of war, and in-between zones. A country could then, for example, be a physical zone of peace but a digital zone of war. This article explores in which ways the defining characteristics of the different zones can be found in the digital sphere. It concludes that the digital sphere should mostly be seen as an in-between zone, with the problem of very unclear borders. Regarding Walzer’s theory, while it offers valuable insights when applied to the digital sphere, difficulties arise, underscoring the necessity for further research to refine the principles of just war within the digital sphere.

Coalition Army humanitarian assistance for the refugees from South Kurdistan on the Turkish border in 1991.

This study illustrates the amount and significant types of humanitarian assistance, which provided by the coalition forces to the displaced people from South Kurdistan on the Turkish-Iraqi border in 1991. The coalition forces arrived directly to help displaced people because they were around in the area. However, they provided the most necessary emergency supplies because they were capable to deliver hundreds of tons of humanitarian aid and basic necessities of life. Since they had the necessary equipment to carry out emergency supplies to distribute to displaced people in the Turkish-Iraqi border, especially dropping such emergency supplies by plane. The confirmation and adopted of Resolution 688 by the United Nations Security Council led to receive influx of humanitarian aid to the displaced people. The Western countries with the help of US, after confirmed the Resolution 688, played a major role in the making of no-fly zones above latitude (36) in the north ,and the making a peace zone (Safe haven,)in parts of Iraqi Kurdistan. Therefore, the coalition forces could easily deliver this humanitarian aid assistance to people in need and protect them from the repression of the Iraqi government. Later, the coalition forces built several (temporary) settlement camps near the city of Zakho in order to return the displaced people to the peace zone area. They provided humanitarian needs such as food, water and health for the displaced people in the center of these camps. Moreover, they rebuilt many service facilities along the ceasefire zone, saving thousands of lives and returning refugees to their homes.

Indian Navy – the guardian of the Indian Ocean

ABSTRACT For long India has aspired to take leadership in the Indian Ocean region and emerge as, firstly the regional ‘net security provider’ and later as the ‘preferred security partner’ for regional states. But it seems to have fallen short of expectations by not asserting itself as a major naval power, perhaps overshadowed by a large presence of the US Navy which has been traditionally seen as the underwriter of regional security. However, this may no longer be the case as recent maritime developments indicate that the Indian Navy has now emerged as not just the most preferred security partner for most regional states but also the ‘go to’ navy for extra-regional navies. This paper looks at how India’s view of the Indian Ocean has evolved since independence from a vocal advocate of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace leading to its transformation under the current BJP-led Modi government that we now witness as the ‘guardian of the Indian Ocean’.

Visions of peace: Exploring how Scottish youth understand and define peace

AbstractIn this article, we report on a study that explored how young people in Scotland understand and define peace. A total of 59 young people aged 12–18, from three schools (independent, state Roman Catholic, and state non-denominational) participated in this study. The young people were asked to participate in a peace data walk and, after that, to draw or paint pictures of what peace means for them in their local community and beyond. We utilize a combination of Personal Meaning Mapping, visual content analytic procedures, and visual art coding scheme to analyse the pictures. We drew on Critical Peace Education as an overarching framework to approach data collection and on the Peace Education Curricular Analysis framework to examine the presence of positive peace elements in youth drawings/paintings. Previous research in different contexts suggests that youth find it difficult to conceptualize peace, whereas it appears to be easy to explain war and negative peace (i.e., absence of war). Previous research conducted in Scotland showed that the curriculum focused on the element of wellbeing, with many other positive peace elements being either absent or not well represented. By contrast, youth in our study showed a strong understanding of positive peace, with a particular emphasis on the following facets: peace zone, eco mind, wellbeing, peace bond, and social justice. In our conclusion, we discuss these findings in relation to Scottish education policies and ways of capitalizing on this method of engagement and overall findings to support youth learning about peace.

Indian Ocean Internationalisms: The Sri Lankan Pursuit of Peace, 1971–89

In 1971 the Sri Lankan Prime Minister tabled the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace at the 26th United Nations General Assembly, marking the state's international debut at the global stage. This article analyses the trajectory of this highly significant initiative in the context of rapidly evolving political instabilities within Sri Lanka and across the Indian Ocean region. It argues that Sri Lanka's pursuit of peace during the 1970s and 1980s stemmed from multiple threats to its sovereignty combined with the state's desire to develop strategic allies and the material donations that flowed from those relations. The pursuit saw Sri Lanka align with India, the USA, the Soviet Union, and Britain at moments of political deterioration. These alignments enabled the Sri Lankan government to seek material supports to address breakdowns of political relations with the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna in the south and Tamils in the north and east. The article argues that the Sri Lankan pursuit of peace irrevocably transformed Indian Ocean internationalisms and shows how a small state aligned to suit its political needs. The pursuit also linked Sri Lanka's Indian Ocean peace efforts to a liberal order in problematic ways and strengthened international backing for violence against its citizens.

Foreign Policy and National Interest

Nepal’s foreign policy is guided by the collective desire of the people to preserve national independence and promote socio-economic interest. Our foreign policy is almost affected by geographical and cultural relations with the neighboring countriesIndia and China. Nepal must maintain very well-balanced relations with them in order to be a prosperous nation, and should not forget the Divya Upadesh of Prithivi Narayan Shah, late Kings Mahendra and Birendra (zone of peace). However, the post 1990 democratic Nepal is found lacking on many fronts in its foreign policy. Nepal should try to be self-reliant for basic needs of the people, based on common interest and mutual respect. Our political leadership must focus on economic development of the nation with a common voice and effort. But Nepal is being always a loser with India in various treaties. The issue of Kalapani, Lipulekha, Limpiyadhura is being a matter of dispute with India. Similarly, MCC, SPP, BRI are also disempowering us. Therefore, we have to maintain good relations with all by identifying our areas of mutual co-operation and collaboration keeping in mind our Panchasheela principles. Always we have to believe in people’s power and eliminate fear of foreign interference so as to make Nepal self-reliant and economically prosperous and peaceful.

‘그린데탕트’를 통한 남북협력의 추진 과제

Despite the uncertainty in inter-Korean relations, the Yoon Seok-yeol government proposed a plan for inter-Korean cooperation utilizing the inter-Korean border areas, such as the North-South Green Détende. The Yoon administration's 110 national tasks include strengthening inter-Korean environmental cooperation, such as joint response to fine dust and natural disasters through the implementation of 'North-South green détente', and a plan to 'turn the border area into a green peace zone'
 With the emergence of the importance of human security in the 21st century, efforts are being made to appropriately integrate gender issues, environment and climate-related issues into the peace and security policy framework, and establish a peace system. The concept of comprehensive security can also be applied to inter-Korean relations. Since the DMZ, the border area between North and South Korea, is a space for peaceful use, research on inter-Korean cooperation in this area have to continue. Therefore, this paper examines discussions on ways to promote inter-Korean cooperation using the DMZ area and discusses sustainable North Korea policy measures that the Korean government should pursue, such as the ‘green détente’ policy using the North-South border area.

Indigenous Geopolitics: Creating Indigenous Spaces of Community Self-Protection and Peace Amid Violent Conflict

Abstract This article examines the social and spatial dimensions of civilian agency amid violent conflicts, specifically focusing on the daily work required from indigenous community members in the upkeep of a peace zone as a space of peace and self-protection amid insurgency and counterinsurgency. Using the concept of indigenous geopolitics as an analytical framework, it argues that indigenous spaces of self-protection require the simultaneous processes of collective refusal of state or non-state violence toward indigenous peoples and the re-inscription of indigenous sovereignty within the nation-state. Through case study vignettes, it illustrates the agentive capacities and power of indigenous peoples as geopolitical actors. Rather than viewing indigenous communities as ‘passive victims’ of violent conflicts or excluded from state-centric geopolitical discourses and processes, this article reveals that indigenous agency transforms spaces of conflict and violence and generates and creates new or alternative spaces of unarmed civilian protection and peace outside of the purview of state and non-state armed actors. At stake is a re-thinking or destabilizing of dominant state-centric geopolitical processes that govern contemporary understanding of civilian protection, war, conflict, and peace.

통일과 안보 전략상 비무장지대(DMZ) 제도화에 관한 입법적 검토

The current Yoon Suk Yeol administration has clearly defined North Korea and strengthened cooperation between South Korea, the U.S., and Japan, but there is still room for inter-Korean summits due to peaceful unification and national security strategies. Therefore, in the long run, various strategies are needed to improve inter-Korean relations, and one of the issues that can be suggested is the institutionalization of the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ).
 The Demilitarized Zone should be converted from a military zone to a peace zone, developed into a clean ecological zone, and transformed into an inter-Korean joint cooperation project site that creates high added value. In addition, it is important to consistently convey and gain sympathy with North Korea by excluding any political considerations and using them together only from the perspective of economic and social benefits and environmental protection.
 In order to promote inter-Korean cooperation projects in the Demilitarized Zone, new normative systems such as new agreements and treaties that supplement and update the armistice agreement must be derived. South Korea may also consider forming a multilateral consultative body led by the United Nations, the United Nations Command, North Korea, and interested countries.
 Therefore, there is a fundamental limit to planning and implementing a master plan for the Demilitarized Zone and the border area unless compatible measures between legislation are taken suddenly under the current individual law system. Therefore, it is necessary to prepare an “institutional platform” so that all policies and discussions related to the Demilitarized Zone can be implemented consistently within the legal framework.
 Accordingly, an institutional platform for establishing cooperative projects is established through the enactment of the Special Act on Conservation and Sustainable Utilization of Environmental Resources in Demilitarized Zone. A practical project model is needed.

Arctic exceptionalism: a narrative of cooperation and conflict from Gorbachev to Medvedev and Putin

ABSTRACTArctic cooperation is increasingly being questioned in the wake of Russia’s 2022 military actions in Ukraine. Accordingly, many international scholars have declared the narrative of ‘Arctic exceptionalism’ dead or corrupted. Through an analysis of political rhetoric, this paper re-evaluates the construction of Arctic exceptionalism, popularly connected to Mikhail Gorbachev’s 1987 Murmansk speech calling for an Arctic ‘zone of peace’. It is argued that a full picture of this narrative is incomplete without consideration of the developments in Arctic cooperation and conflict in the context of Dmitry Medvedev’s modernisation and multilateralism initiatives as well as Vladimir Putin’s enduring commitment to a defensive and nationalistic foreign policy. Moreover, Medvedev and Putin diverged from Gorbachev’s Arctic exceptionalism due to disparate ideologies and views on militarisation, as well as the global context of interstate mistrust. These insights allow for a new understanding of the dilemma of cooperation and conflict in the Arctic, a microcosm of the Russia-West relationship.

Zone of peace: beliefs, roles, and practices

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to explore the understanding and observance of the program “This School is a Zone of Peace” (SZOP) in schools where conflict and violence are not prevalent.Design/methodology/approachThis paper followed a qualitative research tradition – narrative inquiry. Eight teachers and a school head participated in the study. Data were gathered through nonparticipant observation, photography and focus group discussion with photo elicitation.FindingsThe participants elucidated the declaration, “This School is a Zone of Peace,” as a message of assurance to the community that the school is a home for learners that is welcoming and violence free. Furthermore, learners in a school that is a zone of peace are honed holistically with the participation, cooperation and togetherness of the school community members. Teachers at the forefront viewed themselves as mentors, implementers and models. Teachers contended that peacebuilding practices in schools could be sustained through regular implementation, encouraging others to get involved and have commitment.Originality/valueA handful of articles have illustrated the essence of the School as Zone of Peace program, which pointed out to create a culture of peace in schools; however, it leaned toward the negative conception of peace – the absence of conflict and violence. This study bared additional insights and fresh perspectives of the SZOP initiative observed in schools with different contexts and experiences that may be helpful to policymakers for the enhancement of the adapted program with the goal of peacebuilding to making schools highly functional.

When defence drives foreign policy: Brazilian military agency in the revitalisation of the ZOPACAS

ABSTRACT The Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZOPACAS) is a maritime zone of peace that was established, largely through Brazilian efforts, by the UN General Assembly in 1986. Since its establishment, ministerial meetings have been convened to discuss the zone’s evolving agenda, which has focused on maintaining peace, building diplomatic and defence cooperation between its twenty-four member states, and encouraging development in the South Atlantic region. This article examines Brazilian diplomatic and defence interests in the South Atlantic, providing an analysis of sections in Brazil’s official defence documents (1994–2020), pertaining to the ZOPACAS, South-South cooperation, development and regional security. It ultimately seeks to address how efforts behind a new revitalisation of the ZOPACAS are being driven by the Brazilian military with the aim of expanding Brazil’s defence framework in the South Atlantic.

The positive peace in the Southern Cone: origins and heyday of regional security cooperation (1991—2008)

The basis of the positive zone of peace in the Southern Cone lies both on the expectation of the non-existence of interstate violence, and the construction of a loose regional institutionalization based on a democratic identity, the development of economic integration and regional security cooperation that projects stability beyond the Southern Cone. Despite economic tensions, political differences and international agendas with different orientations, the peaceful regional environment of the southern tip of the American continent and security and defense cooperation flourished during the first two decades of the post-Cold War era. This article presents the trajectory from the end of the Cold War to the establishment of UNASUR of regional security cooperation in the Southern Cone focusing on two dyads, the bilateral relations of the Argentine Republic with both the Federative Republic of Brazil and the Republic of Chile.

Reasons for Asian neutralism regarding the russian-Ukrainian war

Abstract. The article analyses the reasons for the neutrality of ASEAN, Central Asia, India, and China regarding the russian-Ukrainian war. It explains the historically neutral foreign policy course of the ASEAN countries in view of the 1971 Kuala Lumpur Declaration on the creation of a zone of peace, freedom, and neutrality in Southeast Asia. The study examines the position of Asian countries during the votes on the following UN General Assembly resolutions: 2 March 2022, the resolution ES‑11/1 condemning the russian invasion of Ukraine and demanding the complete withdrawal of russian troops and the cancellation of the decision to recognise the self-proclaimed Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics; 12 October 2022, the resolution condemning illegal ‘referenda’ in the temporarily occupied territories of the Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson regions; 14 November 2022, the draft resolution entitled ‘Furtherance of remedy and reparation for aggression against Ukraine’. The authors put forward a set of recommendations for the specialists from the MFA of Ukraine on strengthening the coordination with the ASEAN member states, Central Asian countries, India, and China and expanding the Ukraine Defence Contact Group (the Ramstein coalition) to include those countries for the sake of defeating the russian invader. The article stresses that the russian-Ukrainian war is the largest war in Europe since World War II that goes beyond the scope of a bilateral conflict. The war has a fundamental impact on the security, military, political, economic, and other components of the globalsystem of international relations; it devastates the European security system and the entire global political and security order. Keywords: ASEAN, Central Asia, diplomacy, peace, neutrality, the United Nations (UN), Southeast Asia (SEA), russian-Ukrainian war, Ukraine, position.

THE POLICY OF THE ASEAN COUNTRIES TOWARD UKRAINE FOLLOWING RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION

The study is devoted to the analysis of the positions of the ASEAN countries toward Ukraine following Russia’s full-scale invasion and the historical prerequisites for the formation of the official position of the ASEAN countries regarding the war in Ukraine. The historically neutral foreign policy course of the ASEAN countries is explained in view of the Kuala Lumpur Declaration of 1971 on the creation of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in the Southeast Asia subregion. The article provides the results of the monitoring of the interactive world map of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine for the existence of special conditions for entry and assistance for temporarily displaced Ukrainian citizens who leave the country due to the war, and about assistance centers for temporarily displaced Ukrainian citizens in ASEAN countries. An array of messages about Ukraine in ASEAN mass media since February 24, 2022, and the texts of speeches by public figures were analyzed for the purpose of properly condemning Russia as an aggressive violator of international law and using the correct terminology. Based on the study of the Strategy of Foreign Policy of Ukraine, the importance of Ukraine joining the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) in Southeast Asia dated 1976 is substantiated to ensure political support from ASEAN member states and guarantee an effective way of conveying information to the Southeast Asia subregion about international illegal acts committed by the aggressor state. It is recommended to strengthen the coordination of efforts between ASEAN member states and Ukraine for coordinated activities within the framework of the United Nations, the World Trade Organization, etc.

Learning through Online Engagement Amidst Covid-19 Pandemic: Exploring Students’ Perceptions, Opportunities and Challenges

This study aims at exploring how M Ed English (Master of Education) students perceive online learning amidst the COVID-19 pandemic. The study has adopted online collaborative learning theory (OCL) as a theoretical stance for the study and employed a qualitative research design as a research method. Six M Ed students have been purposively selected as research participants, who were learning English in online environment during the COVID-19 pandemic. They were selected from two TU affiliated campuses located in Rupandehi district. In order to collect the data, a semi-structured interview technique has been used. The study uncovers that M Ed English students perceive online learning as an alternative way of learning during pandemic situation. It further depicts that through online learning, students improve their language skills, collaborative practices, and digital literacy. Besides these, the study demonstrates that inadequate skills of ICT in teachers and students, lack of internet and smart digital gadgets, learning anxiety, lack of peace zone at home are some challenges in online learning. The study contributes to the students’ understanding of learning through online mode.

Militarised Peace and Bilateral Relations in the Indian Ocean: Australia's Relations with Sri Lanka, 1972–1989

This article examines Indian Ocean peace engagements during the late Cold War period and their outcomes for Australia's foreign relations with Sri Lanka. Using archival materials and secondary sources, it explores Australia's growing bilateral relationship with Sri Lanka at a time of heightening tensions in the Indian Ocean. Australia had vocalised support for Indian Ocean peace initiatives such as the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, which was initially proposed by Sri Lanka at the United Nations. Australia's support failed to materialise for this initiative, however, due to its reluctance to challenge the US defence expansion. What emerged was a militarised peace in the Indian Ocean that strengthened Australia's relations with Sri Lanka, evidenced through trade, aid donations, cultural exchanges, and diplomatic missions. The strengthening bilateral relationship during the 1970s and 1980s reflected Australia's attention to smaller island states in the Indian Ocean, such as Sri Lanka, which became vital for its foreign policy turn to Asia.

Brexit, the Rise of China, and the Future of the Liberal International Order and Great Power Competition.

In the last decade, the European Union (EU), a bulwark of the liberal international order, has been subject to a high degree of turmoil resulting from various processes and crises and has witnessed the rise of national populism, of which Brexit was the main exponent. The leadership of the order was also impacted by the changes in the foreign policy of the United States of America (USA) effected by the Trump Administration. The USA, the United Kingdom (UK), and the EU are the leaders of the liberal zone of peace and if national populism structurally affects them the liberal international order could be seriously challenged. Among the various instances of national populism, Brexit remains a significant challenge to the EU and might greatly impact the liberal international order. By adopting an interpretivist methodology anchored in hermeneutics and in the methodological approach of emergent causation, this article seeks to understand how Brexit, as an internal challenge to the order, and the rise of China and other revisionist powers, as an external one, might influence the future of the liberal international order and great power competition. I argue that the news of the order’s death is greatly exaggerated, and that depending on British, German, and US variables, Brexit and the rise of China can either challenge or reinforce the liberal international order. Nevertheless, liberalism has a resilience no other political perspective has due to its innate ability for criticism and adaptation to change. Considering that the current liberal international order is a USA-led order, I argue that these are the two main variables concerning how Brexit might influence the liberal international order and how the order’s leading powers will adapt their strategies and foreign policies towards China and other revisionist powers.

An Ocean Free of Nuclear Weapons? Regional Security Governance in the South Atlantic

Even though oceans are pivotal for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, they constitute a blind spot in the global non-proliferation regime. This article analyses how regional security governance mechanisms may fill such gaps by bringing a maritime focus to non-proliferation studies. With three nuclear-weapons-free zones and one zone of peace surrounding or covering its maritime space, the South Atlantic serves as an illustrative case to understand the provision of security governance for the seas. The article identifies a range of legal, political, and practical challenges that can impede regional initiatives from achieving security sovereignty over maritime spaces. However, while non-proliferation might remain precarious, these mechanisms are not without success, as they serve to establish the opposition to nuclear weapons as a recognised norm, both at the UN level and among the Global South. The narrative of non-proliferation also allows regional states to justify the pursuit of security objectives. The article concludes by outlining the conditions for regional maritime governance to become more effective in terms of non-proliferation.

Internal Political Struggle in India in the 1960s and its Influence on the Foreign Policy of the Country

The article reveals the process of internal political struggle in India in the 1960s aggravated after J. Nehru death. Later its results affected the foreign policy course of the country. The emphasis in the study is both on the confrontation between political groups in the government and on the intra-party split of the INC which ended in a complete victory for the supporters of I. Gandhi. The purpose of this study is to review the internal political changes allowed the government of the country to define clearly the independent pacifist orientation of its foreign policy, to intensify significantly in the international arena and to support openly peace and reducing tension, general disarmament, ending local conflicts and turning the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace. The relevance of the article is determined by its inclusion in the circle of interests of historical science on issues of the Indian policy of the 1960s-1970s in the Indian Ocean there was an unsteady anti-Americanism and at the same time it was not clearly pro-Soviet, thus it realized the outlined foreign policy course. The result of the study showed that at the beginning of her working I. Gandhi did not have such great authority as J. Nehru who stood above political intrigues and political struggle. Thus, faced with active opposition, she could not pursue Nehru’s political course in the government and the INC using his methods. Softer and more democratic domestic policy did not interfere Nehru to be a leader. But it was disastrous for his daughter because the “old guard” of the INC sought to pursue persistently its line and, having discredited I. Gandhi, remove her from power. The opposition would not decide to do it if Nehru was alive. In such circumstances showing Nehru’s inherent tolerance would essentially mean not to continue his traditions but to be a passive observer of the degeneration of the Nehru Congress into the Congress of the “syndicate”.