Peace Policy Research Articles

日中平和友好条約交渉―「全方位平和外交」の再検討― 講演会「外交記録から見る1970～80年代の日中関係」

日中平和友好条約交渉―「全方位平和外交」の再検討― 講演会「外交記録から見る1970～80年代の日中関係」

AN INTERACTION BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN AND THE UNITED NATIONS: ACTIVITIES, PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS

This article provides a holistic analysis of cooperation between the Republic of Kazakhstanand the UN. This study examines a holistic system of relations starting with the development ofindependent Kazakhstan as a participant in international relations, and ends with an analysis of currenttrends and the direction of political and economic interaction between the Republic and the UN. In thiswork, special attention was paid to problematic issues, as well as to the prospects for further cooperationbetween Kazakhstan and the UN, in the framework of the development of international cooperation.Today, considering the development of international law, it should be noted that Kazakhstan, in theframework of the activities of large international organizations, is actively involved in their activities, andis also a stably developing state.The integral relevance of the article is determined by the need to study the contribution of the Republicof Kazakhstan to the development of modern international relations and international law. One ofthe important organizations regulating the processes of international interaction between countries is theUnited Nations. In the current conditions of globalization, as well as the ever-increasing independenceof individual states, issues of regulation of relations between countries become the most acute problemsaffecting world geopolitics. In this regard, the role of individual states and countries in organizing stableinternational relations in the world is growing.In this case, Kazakhstan has already managed to establish its own position in the international arenaas an open and peace-loving state. Kazakhstan’s refusal of nuclear weapons made a significant contributionto the nuclear disarmament process, the cessation of nuclear testing and the strengthening of thenuclear non-proliferation regime. The progressive formation of the economic and political systems of thestate, active work in leading international organizations allowed the Republic to gain significant experienceand political authority on the world stage.Kazakhstan’s well-known initiatives in the field of sustainable development allow the Republic toposition itself as a state committed to peaceful policy, as well as having the main goal of creating full andgood-neighborly relations with other countries.Key words: United Nations, UN Charter, UN General Assembly, UNESCO, CICA, Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, UN peacekeeping operations, protection of human rights, gender equality.

Africa: Risk, Security and Mapping of Human Rights Violations

Abstract Planetary interdependence makes the task of states and international organizations to guarantee security inside and outside national borders ever more urgent. The tendency is to widen the space from national to international and to conceive of security as multidimensional for the satisfaction of human needs, assumed as priority needs with respect to those of the States. The old concept of national security must today confront the new concept of human security cultivated within the United Nations, which places the fundamental rights of the individual and of people at the centre of attention and lays the foundations for overcoming the traditional politics of power. The concept of human security emphasises the security of the individual and his protection from political violence, war and arbitrariness. It takes account of the strong correlation between peace policy, human rights policy, migration policy and humanitarian policy. The contribution provides, through a series of social indicators such as the Global Peace Index (GPI), Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) and the World International Security and Policy Index (WISPI), a framework on risk, security, human rights violations in the African continent and examines some significant case studies related to sub-Saharan Africa.

Georg Picht

Vorspann Mit seiner Artikelserie über die „deutsche Bildungskatastrophe“, die 1964 in der Wochenzeitung Christ und Welt erschien, traf der Altphilologe und Religionsphilosoph Georg Picht den Nerv der Zeit. Bis heute ist dieses Schlagwort im Gedächtnis geblieben, und bis heute gilt Picht als einer der bekanntesten Intellektuellen der „Bonner Republik“. Dennoch liegen Teile seiner Biografie noch immer im Dunkeln, wie Nicolai Hannig zeigen kann, der auf der Basis bisher kaum ausgewerteter Korrespondenz Pichts Umgang mit den Massenmedien und seine Netzwerke nachzeichnet. Es ergibt sich das überraschend zwiespältige Bild eines politischen Gelehrten, der virtuos auf der medialen Klaviatur zu spielen verstand, Reformen in Staat und Gesellschaft das Wort redete, aber von einem zutiefst elitären Kommunikationsverständnis durchdrungen war.

Peace Settlement of the Korean Peninsula and 4.27 Panmunjeom Declaration

남북관계는 국가 대 국가가 아닌 특수관계로 설정하고 있지만, 국가 간의 관계를 전제로 한 국제관계이론의 영역에서 다루어야 한다. 국제 관계에서 신뢰는 안정적인 평화와 협력으로 특징지워지는 것으로 갈등을 풀거나 관계전환의 노력에서 필수적이다. 켈먼(Kelman)은 신뢰는 모든 관계에서 평화와 효과적인 관리를 위한 중심적인 요구라 하면서, 국가 간에 어느 정도의 신뢰 없이 평화과정으로 진입할 수 없고 평화과정으로 진입 없이 신뢰를 구축할 수 없다고 하였다. 남북관계에서 가장 중요하게 생각하는 것은 한반도 평화정착이다. 평화가 유지되기 위해서 선행되어야 할 것이 협력이고, 여기에 필수적인 것이 신뢰이다. 적대관계 속에서는 국가이익을 창출할 수 없으므로, 협력을 통해 위협으로부터 조금 더 자유로운 안보환경을 만드는 것이다. 문재인 대통령이 독일의 베를린에서 내놓은 ‘신 베를린 선언’은 ‘평화와 번영의 한반도’ 정책에 기인한 것이었다. 북한의 김정은 위원장은 ‘전쟁억지력’ 이라는 명분으로 핵무력 강화에 모든 역량을 집중하였다. 그러나 북한의 평창동계올림픽 참가를 계기로 남북간에 특사가 교환되고, 남북정상회담 개최에 합의하였다. 2018년 4월 27일 남북정상회담이 ‘평화의 집’에서 열려, <한반도의 평화와 번영, 통일을 위한 판문점 선언문>을 도출해 냈다. 구체적인 내용은 ① 남북관계의 전면적이고 획기적인 개선, ② 군사적 긴장상태 완화와 전쟁위협 해소, ③ 항구적인 평화체제 구축이다. 이를 위해 종전선언과 평화협정을 추진하자는 것이다. 남북 정상회담은 북미정상회담의 추동력이 되었고 그 핵심은 신뢰구축이었다. 한반도 평화정착은 우리에게 중요한 가치라는 것은 누구도 부인 할 수 없는 사실이다. 북한의 완전한 비핵화를 위한 국제적인 공조가 필요하고, 남북간에는 협력과 신뢰구축으로 평화를 정착시켜야 할 것이다.Although inter-Korean relations are set up as special relations that are not state-to-state, they should be dealt with in the field of international relations theory, which presupposes relations between states. In international relations, trust is characterized by stable peace and cooperation, which is essential in resolving conflicts and in the efforts to transform relations. Herbert C. Kelman believes that trust is a central demand for the peaceful and effective management in all relationships, and that it can not enter the peace process without some trust between nations and can not build trust without entering the peace process. What is most important in inter-Korean relations is peace settlement on the Korean peninsula. Cooperation is prerequisite for peace, which inevitably requires trust. Because it can not create national interests in hostile relations, it will create a more free security environment from threats by cooperation. The New Berlin Declaration presented by President Mun Jae-in of Germany in Berlin was due to the policy of peace and prosperity of the Korean peninsula . North Korean leader Kim Jong-un concentrated all his efforts on strengthening the nuclear armed forces as a deterrent force . However, with the participation of North Korea in the PyeongChang Winter Olympic Games, special envoys were exchanged between the two Koreas and agreed to host the summit. On April 27, 2018, the South-North summit was held at the ‘Peace House’, which led to <the Panmunjeom Declaration for Peace, Prosperity and Unification of the Korean Peninsula>. Specific details include ① comprehensive and groundbreaking advancement in inter-Korean relations, ② relaxation of military tensions and threats to war ③ establishing a robust peace regime. To do this, we will push forward the declaration of war and the peace treaty. The inter-Korean summit was the driving force of the North American summit, and its core was trust building. No one can deny that peace on the Korean peninsula is an important value to us. International cooperation for the complete denuclearization of North Korea is needed, and peace should be settled by cooperation and building trust between inter-Korean.

Troublemaker or peacemaker? Andreas Papandreou, the Euromissile Crisis, and the policy of peace, 1981–86

ABSTRACTThe article sheds light on a neglected piece of the Euromissile Crisis puzzle, namely Greece’s policy of peace. The article examines the interaction of Andreas Papandreou’s socialist government’s foreign policy, developments in the country’s political culture and national frames of reference, and the unfolding drama of the nuclear crisis of the 1980s. While subscribing to an international cause, papandreou framed the policy of peace in ardent nationalist terms that involved renegotiation of the american bases on greek soil, relations with nato, balkan regional schemes for nuclear-weapons-free zones, and international initiatives with the third world.

Investigadores y comunidades exploran en laboratorios de cocreación para políticas públicas de paz

What have been the socio-cultural processes that can be recognized as generators of regulation ways and peaceful transformation of conflicts in Caldas, Colombia? What lessons can be learned for the design and formulation of public peace policy? The generation of guidelines for local peace is a need in Colombia, after the agreements signing with the FARC guerrilla. The research project Co-creation for peace in Caldas works with the concept of imperfect peace, and the methodology of co-creation laboratories with the leaders of three municipalities: Anserma, Aguadas, and Pensilvania to generate not only proposals for territorial peace but also artistic examples that allow the reflection of the community in a more accessible way. The process has led us to the recognition of local experiences that manage conflicts, generate new processes of knowledge production that are made from horizontal participation among researchers and communities, to exchange knowledge with leaders in the municipalities and to understand the processes of violence and peace in the department of Caldas, Colombia. This article reveals the process that has taken place with researchers and communities and examines the case of the municipality of Pensilvania with the first laboratory of context.

A Historical Perspective of China’s Peaceful Policies and its Rise as World Economic Power

China’s rise as an economic power on the canvas of world politics is immensely being discussed by the scholars and experts around the globe whether it will create a chaotic situation or it will be peaceful for global peace and security. World seems astonished by experiencing the speed of Chinese economic development and getting its maximum share in international trade. The descriptive-analytical approach is used to investigate that how at present the history of China plays a significant role in development and promotion of its passive and non-violent image. Liberal Institutionalism has been applied for the data analysis and further explaining the situation. This study focuses on historical peaceful and accommodating political character of China while interacting with its neighbouring states. The same is going to happen in the scenario of current rise of China and especially its mega project of “Belt and Road initiative.” While studying the political and military nature of historical China, we can easily assess that China is ready for collaborating and cooperating not only with its neighbouring countries but also seems serious to bring the other countries in the nexus. China is very well aware of the suspicion, misconception, fear and threat that prevails in the regional states viz-a-viz the status quo world powers that powerful China could create threats for their security and survival.

해방직후 재일조선인에 대한 일본의 치안정책

해방직후 재일조선인에 대한 일본의 치안정책

Governing Religion In Indonesia and France: Scope and Limits

This paper discusses the complex implementation of an ideal framework for governing religion in Indonesia and France. Every country is required to apply a balanced approach to protect internal interests on one hand and adapting to the world’s values on the other. In practice, however, it is never possible to achieve such an approach perfectly. By investigating the existing rules on religion and civil rights in Indonesia and France, this paper argues that minority groups in both countries have not been treated justly with respect to their religion. Using the case of Ahmadis in Indonesia and Muslims in France, the paper explains how both countries face formidable challenges in maintaining the balance between an internal policy of harmony and peace, and securing civic rights in accordance with international values. In sum, France and Indonesia share a similar dilemma in attempting to ensure that religious and civil rights are neutral and objective for all people. In such matters, limitations are unavoidable.

The Democratic Values of the Student Movement in Kosovo 1997/1999 and Their Echoes in Western Diplomacy

After the fall of east orientated political system and coming of the pluralistic system in the Yugoslav federation, the nationalisms that claimed to dominate Yugoslavia, such as Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian nationalism came to the surface, which also led to the overthrow of Yugoslavia. Following the abolition of Kosovo's limited autonomy of 1974, in March 1989, the Milosevic Serb regime during the 1990s imposed violent measures in all Kosovo institutions by removing Albanian workers from their jobs. Thus, Kosovo, Albanians were expelled collectively from the education process in the Albanian language, and left school and university facilities. Efforts to reach an agreement between Albanians and Serbian representatives for education during 1992 were unsuccessful. In these difficult contexts, the parallel education system of Kosovo Albanians was organized. In these difficult circumstances, students and Albanian students continued learning outside school facilities. After ignoring the Kosovo problem in the peace agreement reached in Dayton for Bosnia, the dissatisfaction with the peace policy led by Dr. Ibrahim Rugova grew all over Kosovo. In these circumstances, professors and students with vision began to talk about the organization of peaceful protests against the Serbian regime. After a long process, a new student movement took place at the University of Prishtina, which marks the beginning of the great protest on 1 October 1997. In this paper, we analyse the attitudes of international diplomacy with a special emphasis on the West in relation to this movement following the 1 October 1997 peace protests in Kosovo.

TOTAL COMMUNICATION PHENOMENA AS A UNIVERSAL PATTERN OF THE EXISTENCE OF THE INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL WORLD

Conceptualization of the phenomenon of interaction as a key model for the existence of an international policy of peace in the context of the doctrine of universal communication phenomena is carried out. Co-evolutionary strategy for interaction is presented as an idea of co-evolution, which provides for the harmonious condition of nature and society, for a stable development of environment, in which the person resides. While all the planes of this environment, each at its own level, are demonstrating the linkage with other planes. It is shown that universal communication is evident in the natural environment, but disunity is sometimes evident in the human social world. Co-evolutionary principle of the international community provides the opportunity for equivalent partnership and cooperation. Fragmentation is the result of purposeful destruction of the infinitely varied naturally fitted connections and relationships between people. This breaks the symmetry of the universal communication phenomena.

Leadership Styles and War and Peace Policies in the Spanish–Basque Conflict: A Discourse Analysis of José María Aznar and José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero

The purpose of this paper is to establish possible links between leadership styles and war and peace policies in the Spanish–Basque conflict. To this end, an analysis was performed of the styles of two Spanish premiers, José María Aznar (1996–2004) and José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero (2004–2011), both of whom were involved in the same conflict with similar peace policies. The structure of the paper is as follows: an overview of the literature on leadership styles in armed conflict situations and the construction of a theoretical framework; a review of the historical and biographical context; a description of the interview content analysis methodology for measuring leadership styles; a classification of Aznar and Zapatero on the basis of their leadership styles and a comparative analysis of their policies and those enforced by other leaders in a context of internal armed conflict; and the conclusions.

문재인 정부의 평화･통일정책 : 북핵 문제와 미･중관계를 중심으로

문재인 정부의 평화･통일정책 : 북핵 문제와 미･중관계를 중심으로

북한의 평화통일정책과 남북총선

북한의 평화통일정책과 남북총선

The Impact of Anti-Terrorism Laws on Religious Freedom: Cameroon's Approach in Combating Terrorism and the Role of the Church

Recent developments in international human rights law have revealed that humanity is at great risk of instability and a likely effect of World War III, which may result from Terrorism; the world’s most challenging problem and the biggest threat to international peace and security. The world at large and Cameroon in particular, has suffered from great atrocities caused by terrorist groups. One of such groups is Boko Haram in the Northern part of Nigeria. In a similar vein as Nigeria, Kenya, Chad, United States of America, Belgium, France, Turkey, Britain, Germany and just to name a few, have also been affected by militant groups such as Alshabab, al-Qaeda and ISIS. The devastating effects now echo negatively on fundamental human rights and freedoms, most especially on religious freedom and migration related issues. Cognizant of its impact and with the aftermath of the 11 September 2001 terrorist attack in the United States, several States, if not all, in an attempt to protect national security, have developed measures to fight against this outrageous act-terrorism. In an attempt to protect national security and curtail terrorism, states have gone beyond their obligations to take steps in line with their constitutional processes by intruding in some basic freedoms. What remains questionable is whether counter-terrorism laws adopted by states are applied for the purpose for which they are intended. The significance of this paper is to critically analyze and assess the impact of anti-terrorism measures on religious freedom (human rights) with Cameroon’s approach in a comparative perspective and the role of the church in peace building and policy making for a better world and development.

Niger Delta Environmental Degradation and Resource Control Conflict : A Post-Amnesty Analysis of the Yar’ Adua/Jonathan Administration Conflict Resolution and Peace Policy

Introduction<BR>Basis of Resurgent Agitations and Militancy in the Niger Delta<BR>The Yar’Adua/Jonathan Administration Amnesty Program, and Peace and Security in the Niger Delta<BR>Conclusion : After Amnesty, What Next?<BR>References<BR

Peace economics and peaceful economic policies

This article outlines pillars of peace economics and peaceful economics policies. It first highlights Kenneth Boulding’s contribution to peace economics. In particular, substantial attention is paid to his conception of three systems that govern social life, namely the exchange system, the threat system, and the integrative system. Examples are produced to describe the differences between and among them. Second, in light of Boulding’s views, a workable definition of peace is proposed and associated suggestions for peaceful economic policy are made. Three aspects are underlined: The establishment of consensual democracies, the setting of a novel economic policy target—namely the ratio of public education expenditure to military expenditure—and the pursuit of stricter regulations on the international arms trade.

The British Peace Movement in the Interwar Years

1918 was regarded by many observers at the time as marking the end of an era and the death of the old international order. Hopes for a peaceful future and a deep-rooted abhorrence of war as a means of settling international disputes were characteristic of large parts of British opinion in the interwar years. Pacifism, in its most general sense, was widely shared across British society. British decision makers shared this broadly felt revulsion against war. This was backed up by the purely rational calculation that Britain had nothing to gain from war and that its national interests would be best served by preserving international peace.These sentiments were channelled via a number of different peace movements which drew on various forms of socialist, humanist and Christian thought. While they all shared a common and broadly peaceful outlook there remained strikingly divergent approaches between what some historians such as A.J.P. Taylor and Martin Ceadel have termed the pacificists as opposed to the pacifists. While the former put forward a broadly peaceful policy the latter group remained opposed to all war on principle, to the point of adopting a policy of non-resistance. Over the course of the interwar years, with the heightened threat to international peace from the revisionist powers in Europe and the Far East, the tensions between the various peace movements became ever greater. At times, as for example during the Italo-Ethiopian war, the peace movement was able to mobilise a mass following that was able to exercise a significant pressure on decision makers. However, the anti-war sentiments expressed by movements such as the League of Nations Union and the Peace Pledge were in fact widely shared from within official circles. The more clear-cut pacifists however, who refused to support a policy of either rearmament or of collective security in the name of the League of Nations, had little input into policy making and their ideas and leaders were, for the most part, dismissed out of hand. By the time that war came in 1939, both sides of the peace movement had lost much, if not all, of their earlier enthusiasm and support in the country.

Peace Process Pedagogy: lessons from the no-vote victory in the Colombian peace referendum

ABSTRACTIs there a need for a new field within Peace Education that looks at the complex dynamics of transitional societies in the post-truth era? What formal and informal pedagogical strategies might be best suited for transforming ‘emotional anti-peace mindsets’? Drawing on practical examples from the complex political contingencies in Colombia, this article positions the concept of Peace Process Pedagogy within discussions in Critical Peace Education and Critical Contemplative Pedagogy. It encourages critical pedagogues to develop strategies to dismantle misinformation about peace policies, to engage in open conversations about emotions, and to work with embodied action.