Peace Campaign Research Articles

Women who speak for peace

Chapter 0 Introduction Chapter 1 Ida B. Wells's Campaign for Peace and Freedom Chapter 2 Jane Addams: Peace Activist, Intellectual, and Nobel Prize Winner Chapter 3 Jeannette Rankin: Peace at Any Cost Chapter 4 Maria Pearson: A Warrior and Peacemaker in Two Worlds Chapter 5 Mary Lou Kownacki: Is This Not a Miracle? Chapter 6 Helen Caldicott's Violent Rhetoric Chapter 7 Betty Bumpers's Use of Myths and Metaphors Chapter 8 Abraham's Dysfunctional Family in the Middle East: Sis Levin's Peace Rhetoric Chapter 9 A National Mother Scolds for Peace: Liberia's Ruth Perry Chapter 10 Peacemaking in Burma: The Life and Work of Aung San Suu Kyi Chapter 11 Conclusion

Opinion Polls and the Misrepresentation of Public Opinion on the War with Afghanistan

Opinion polls since the attack in the United States on 11 September show that a slim but consistent majority of British people oppose strikes on Afghanistan. Yet the media have uniformly reported that there is consistent support for war. From the News of the World and the Sun, via the Mirror, the Scotsman, the Economist, the Daily Telegraph, and the Times, to the Independent, Guardian, and Observer, we hear that public opinion is “solid” (The Economist, U.S. edition, 22 September 2001), that Britons are “ready for battle” (The Observer, 23 September 2001), and that “Nearly Eight in 10 Britons Support Military Attacks” (The Mirror, 20 September 2001), “Scots Overwhelmingly Back a Just War” (The Scotsman, 19 September 2001), “Two-Thirds of Britons Back Blair Action” (The Independent, 24 September 2001), and “2 in 3 Back Air Strikes“ (The Guardian, 18 September 2001). The News of the World (16 September 2001) reported “overwhelming” support for bombing under the headline “Attack. Attack. Attack.” The Daily Telegraph (20 September 2001) claimed “the poll confirmed that there is virtually no support for peace campaigners.” A Guardian leader (18 September 2001) claimed “there is no disputing the bottom line. On this one, Tony Blair is definitely speaking for Britain.”

The Ethics of Friends' Relief Work in Republican Spain

The Ethics ofFriends' ReliefWork in Republican Spain Farah J. Mendlesohn* Introduction From 1936-1942 British and later American Quakers were involved in providing relief to the civilian population of Republican and Nationalist Spain, first in Spain and later in the cone«miration camps of France and North Africaand inthe resettlementprogrammes inMexico. In 1947, when Quaker reliefwork in Germany was winding down, the American Friends returned to Southern France to assist in the settlement of the remaining refugees. This paper focuses on the reliefwork with which the British and American Friends engaged in Republican Spain, between December 1936 and the fall ofBarcelona to the Nationalists in January 1939. The outbreakofthe warin Spain in 1936, althoughprincipallyaninternal conflict, signalled the finalbreakdown ofthe inter-war system ofcollective security. The earlier failure of the League of Nations either to enforce sanctions or successfully to mediate in Abyssinia had provided thejustification , behind the decision to move negotiitions on the politically delicate issue of the Spanish Civil War from the public arena of Geneva and the League to the private diplomatic circles ofLondon, Paris and the in camera Non-intervention Committee. Furthermore , as neither Italy nor Germany took part in League meetings this provider the mechanism needed to pull theminto negotiations. Inaddition, Spainheld thePresidency ofthe League ofNations Council, and although in the long term this did them little good,' it did mean that any debates on Spain in the League were vehicles for the Spanish government. The Non-intervention Committee, in contrast, excluded Spain, emphasizing the effective non-recognition ofthe Republican government implied by the arms embargo.2 Throughout the war, with the exception ofa greater willingness to provide humanitarian aid, the American government followed the lead of Great Britain. In orderto preventthe Spanish Civil Warfromescalating into aEuropean conflict(the notorious "firstcriterion"oftheNon-interventionCommittee3) it was necessary not actually to halt foreign intervention but merely to provideamechanism wherebydiplomacymightbe employed to slowdown potentiallyhostile movesbetweentheEuropeanpowers. This allowedthose who wished to intervene actively—Russia, Italy and Germany—to do so whilst Britain and France, concerned to secure their existing interests in bothzones—andinFrance'scase topreserve internal order—couldindicate *Farah J. Mendlesohn is a lecturer in Americai Studies at Middlesex University, London. She received an MA in Peace Studies from the University ofBradford and a D.Phil, in History from the University of Yo -k. Quaker History to their electorates that something was being done. Simultaneously they endeavoured to avoid internal controversy and preserve at least an outward show ofneutrality. InBritain this failed to appease many sections ofpublic opinion, particularly on the Left. The wide variety of political opinion within the British peace movement meant that active peace campaigners were as likely to campaign for intervention in Spain as not. The opposition to Non-intervention came from those on both the Right and Left ofBritish politics, many of whom saw in Spain the seeds of a future threat, either fascist or communist. Many in the British peace movement saw in Nonintervention the abdication of responsibility in matters of mediation, conciliation and an abandonment of humanitarian ethics.4 In America, however, the less left-wing peace movement was content to see some form ofneutrality preserved and was more concerned that it should be enforced, howeverpoorly, than withprotesting the partiality ofthis official neutrality in both theory and practice. Between 1936 and 1940 the British Society of Friends participated in calls for Government, Church and League-sponsored reconciliation in Spain, but in the face ofthe British andFrench Governments' unwillingness to explore public channels of debate and the deliberate marginalisation of the Spanish conflict from the rest of the "international situation", the opportunities for peace campaigning were limited and it is noticeable that inBritainthe SpanishCivilWarquicklyslipped fromtheminutes oftheFSC Peace Committee. Although the AFSC had a Peace Committee, its main concern had been consistently for peace education as this was less controversial than political campaigning might have been. In addition, whilst the AFSC did make use ofits political networks to support congressional peace initiatives, it was farless prone to putting outpublic statements and leaflets which might have brought it into conflict with large elements ofAmerican Quakerism. Spain was to remain a relatively distant issue for American Quakers who were active on a number of fronts including China...

Japan and the Global Policeman

As a democratic-minded U.S. citizen I condemn the rape of the Okinawa schoolgirl, for which three U.S. servicemen have been arrested. I believe militarism with its teaching and practice of violence and domination inflames male supremacist attitudes and leads to such brutalities against women. I agree, therefore, with those Japanese who say that the U.S. military presence in their country lies at the root of this sexist crime. I applaud the Japanese peace movement both for demanding that bases be removed and for supporting the popular protests that have expressed this demand. Above all, I must pay tribute to the people of Okinawa who lead this campaign for democratic rights and peace, with their magnificent demonstration of 85,000 on October 21.This article can also be found at the Monthly Review website, where most recent articles are published in full.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

Organizing for Peace: Neutrality, the Test Ban, and the Freeze.

A sociological analysis of three crucial episodes in the history of the peace movement in the United States. This study features the Emergency Peace Campaign (1936-1937); the Atomic Test Ban Campaign (1957-1963); and the Nuclear Weapons Freeze Campaign (1979-1986).

Revival Preachers and Politics in Thirteenth-Century Italy: The Great Devotion of 1233.

Part I The Great Devotion of 1233: the coming of the preachers the great prophet of Bologna peace campaigns in the North. Part II Revivalism and politics: the making of a revival the revivalist as miracle-worker the revivalist as peace-maker the revivalist as arbiter the revivalist as legislator conclusion - revivals and politics.

Volunteer Activism and Professionalism in Social Movement Organizations

The effects of professionalism on volunteer activism within social movement organizations (SMOs) are more complex than generally recognized. Professionalism can inhibit or erode, substitute for, or facilitate volunteer activism. Most studies identify one of these patterns as typical of SMOs or dominant in a particular case. This article argues that some combination of the three, rather than a single pattern, is probably more typical of SMOs. To identify such combinations two analytic tools are needed: a more complex concept of volunteer activism than is generally used, and, a broader understanding of the means by which professionals influence volunteer activism. This article develops these tools through a comparative case study of the umbrella organizations of three major peace campaigns — the Emergency Peace Campaign (1936-1937), the atomic test ban campaign (1957-1963), and the nuclear weapons freeze campaign (1979-1986). The umbrella organizations are then shown to incorporate different combinations of the three basic patterns of professional-volunteer relations.

Campus wars: the peace movement at American state universities in the Vietnam era

At the same time that the dangerous war was being fought in the jungles of Vietnam, Campus Wars were being fought in the United States by antiwar protesters. Kenneth J. Heineman found that the campus peace campaign was first spurred at state universities rather than at the big-name colleges. His useful book examines the outside forces, like military contracts and local communities, that led to antiwar protests on campus. --Herbert Mitgang, The New York Times Shedding light on the drastic change in the social and cultural roles of campus life, Campus Wars looks at the way in which the campus peace campaign took hold and became a national --History Today Heineman's prodigious research in a variety of sources allows him to deal with matters of class, gender, and religion, as well as ideology. He convincingly demonstrates that, just as state universities represented the heartland of America, so their student protest movements illustrated the real depth of the anguish over US involvement in Vietnam. Highly recommended. --Choice Represents an enormous amount of labor and fills many gaps in our knowledge of the anti-war movement and the student left. --Irwin Unger, author of These United States The 1960s left us with some striking images of American universities: Berkeley activists orating about free speech atop a surrounded police car; Harvard SDSers waylaying then-Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara; Columbia student radicals occupying campus buildings; and black militant Cornell students brandishing rifles, to name just a few. Tellingly, the most powerful and notorious image of campus protest is that of a teenage runaway, arms outstretched in anguish, kneeling beside the bloodied corpse of Jeff Miller at Kent State University. While much attention has been paid to the role of elite schools in fomenting student radicalism, it was actually at state institutions, such as Kent State, Michigan State, SUNY, and Penn State, where anti-Vietnam war protest blossomed. Kenneth Heineman has pored over dozens of student newspapers, government documents, and personal archives, interviewed scores of activists, and attended activist reunions in an effort to recreate the origins of this historic movement. In Campus Wars, he presents his findings, examining the involvement of state universities in military research -- and the attitudes of students, faculty, clergy, and administrators thereto -- and the manner in which the campus peace campaign took hold and spread to become a national movement. Recreating watershed moments in dramatic narrative fashion, this engaging book is both a revisionist history and an important addition to the chronicle of the Vietnam War era.

From Maude Royden's Peace Army to the Gulf Peace Team: An Assessment of Unarmed Interpositionary Peace Forces

From Maude Royden's `Peace Army' in the 1930s to the recent Gulf Peace Team, there has been a rich but little known history of attempted unarmed interpositionary peace-keeping. Most of these initiatives have stalled at the proposal stage primarily because of a lack of money and the absence of international organizational and logistical support. The Gulf Peace Team was perhaps the least well thought through attempt; however, it did manage, for the first time, to place a group of peace campaigners between belligerents in a time of war. It would appear that with the passing of time gains have been achieved on the physical plane - the attempts are increasingly getting volunteers closer and closer to the interpositionary ideal. However, the corresponding analytical gains have not been made. It is doubtful whether independent interpositionary peace-keeping ventures will ever be able to command the economic and logistical resources required and, more importantly, raise enough volunteers to achieve a critical mass that would make a difference in terms of preventing or stopping hostilities. It would appear that the most appropriate tasks for those advocating the establishment of such `forces' are in the realms of peace-keeping limited to non-violent escort duties and the like (that is, small-scale interventionary rather than large-scale interpositionary peace-keeping), and especially peace-making and peace-building, while continuing in their efforts to encourage the establishment of local peace brigades and to interest the United Nations in the creation of a truly non-violent and unarmed peace-keeping force.

Anti-trinitarianism and Toleration in Late Eighteenth Century British Politics: the Unitarian Petition of 1792

The prominence of religious issues in eighteenth-century British politics has received growing, and gratifying, recognition in recent years. In particular, attacks upon, and defences of, the doctrine of the Trinity have been seen as central to theological, and hence to political, debate. For many, the term ‘orthodoxy’ without qualification referred to one's position on this question. Although there is perhaps still insufficient emphasis upon trinitarian orthodoxy as a central feature of what is fashionably termed the state's self-image, Unitarianism is rightly perceived as important to critiques of the existing regime, especially after 1750. Historians of the Wilkites, of later eighteenth-century radicalism and of peace campaigns in the Napoleonic period, have cast Unitarians in at least a supporting, and sometimes a leading, role. Yet too often Unitarianism has appeared elusive and difficult to pin down, manyheaded and half-concealed under the vague label of ‘heterodoxy’.

Campaigns for Peace: British Peace Movements in the Twentieth Century.Richard Taylor , Nigel Young

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsCampaigns for Peace: British Peace Movements in the Twentieth Century. Richard Taylor , Nigel Young Robert D. BenfordRobert D. Benford Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by American Journal of Sociology Volume 94, Number 6May, 1989 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/229171 Views: 3Total views on this site Copyright 1989 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Campaigns for Peace: British Peace Movements in the Twentieth Century

Campaigns for Peace: British Peace Movements in the Twentieth Century

Campaigns for peace: British peace movements in the twentieth century

Campaigns for peace: British peace movements in the twentieth century

Most Dangerous Women: Feminist Peace Campaigners of the Great War. Anne WiltsherWomen in War: First-Hand Accounts from World War II to El Salvador. Shelley SaywellWomen in the Resistance. Margaret L. RossiterWomen and War. Jean Bethke Elshtain

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsMost Dangerous Women: Feminist Peace Campaigners of the Great War. Anne Wiltsher Women in War: First-Hand Accounts from World War II to El Salvador. Shelley Saywell Women in the Resistance. Margaret L. Rossiter Women and War. Jean Bethke Elshtain Kristin HerzogKristin Herzog Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Signs Volume 13, Number 4Summer, 1988 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/494480 Views: 4Total views on this site Copyright 1988 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Towards Improving the Educational Effectiveness of the United Nations Campaigns for Peace and Disarmament

Towards Improving the Educational Effectiveness of the United Nations Campaigns for Peace and Disarmament

Towards Improving the Educational Effectiveness of the United Nations Campaigns for Peace and Disarmament

Towards Improving the Educational Effectiveness of the United Nations Campaigns for Peace and Disarmament

Reviews and Short Notices

Reviews and Short Notices

The Indian Nationalist Movement and the League of Nations: Prologue to the United Nations

Prior to 1947, India, despite its dependence upon Great Britain, was represented in most of the bonafide international conferences and organizations that evolved especially during the inter-war years. For example, India participated in the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, the Washington Conference on Naval Armaments of 1921, the London Naval Conference of 1930, the Disarmament Conference of 1932 and the annual inter-war conferences of the International Labour Organization. In addition, India was represented in two important international organizations of the inter-war period—the British Commonwealth, in whose deliberations it was included from 1917 onwards and the League of Nations, of which it was a founding member. For a variety of reasons; Indians involved in the independence movement disassociated themselves from and were critical of official Indian diplomacy conducted through the major international conferences and institutions of the world community and tended to attach greater importance to those non-governmental organizations in which the voice of nationalist India could be fully heard—that is to the deliberations of such bodies as the League Against Imperialism, 1927–1930, the Anti-War Congress of 1932, the World Peace Congress of 1936 and the International Peace Campaign Conference of 1938. Nevertheless, despite the nationalist antipathy for official Indian diplomacy, an examination of such governmental institutions as the League of Nations from the perspective of nationalist India is still important in order to understand some aspects of independent India's foreign policy and more specifically its approach to international organization. Further, even though Indian delegations to the League were unrepresentative, there were subtle ways in which they reflected national Indian opinions and exhibited specifically Indian traits, so that a study of the official Indian role is useful in drawing attention to what were to prove to be some of the earliest and most persisting elements of independent Indian diplomacy via such bodies as the United Nations. It is thus the purpose of this article first to explore nationalist Indian attitudes towards the League (especially the reasons for opposition to the organization), second to analyze the extent to which the official Indian role in the League reflected nationalist Indian concerns, and third to comment upon the impact of the League of Nations on independent India's foreign policy, especially its role in the United Nations.

The Norman Angell Peace Campaign in Germany

1. Introdluction In February 1913 Norman Angell, Britain's foremost spokesman of 'New Pacifism',1 took his peace crusade on a two week tour of German universities. The results were in all cases controversial and in many cases, tumultuous. The tour probably did as much as any single effort to stir the interest of German youth in the peace movement. And yet in the end, Angell failed. The following article attempts to examine the background of that tour, the events of it, and the reasons for that failure.

World Campaign for Peace

The Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) organized on March 8, 1982, under the slogan "STAR» (Stop The Arms Race), a campaign for peace led by women delegates from all parts of the United States.