Patterns Of Political Behavior Research Articles

The Intifada and the new political role of the Israeli Arab leadership

The periods of Intifada (1987-92) and the subsequent left-center government in Israel contributed to formulating the relationship between Israel and the Palestinians. These periods also affected the political status of Israeli Arabs within the Israeli and the Palestinian political systems. This article attempts to define the fundamental change in political behavior patterns among Israeli Arabs to evaluate the processes that preceded this change and to predict its immediate and long-term results. It considers two opposed issues: the complex issue of the relationship between Israeli Arabs and the State of Israel and the question of their ties to their fellow Palestinians residing in the territories. Overall changes in the status of Israeli Arabs are accounted for in the way questions of political national and personal identity are expressed and considered. Arab leaders on all levels also abandoned the passivity that had characterized them in the past. In addition the processes described point paradoxically towards both integration and separation. Moreover so long as Israeli Arabs have not exhausted their democratic options within the State of Israel they will continue to strengthen their position within governmental bodies.

Local Identities and Territorial Politics in Italy and France

This article compares two areas, Sesto San Giovanni near Milan and V6nissieux near Lyon, which until recently were characterized by a working-class culture and a communist identity, which in turn stemmed from a concentration of large-scale heavy industry and the presence of powerful trade unions. Both areas have gone through a process of severe de-in-dustrialization and deep social change, accompanied by significant political developments. The article examines the effects these changes have had upon the two localities, both from the point of view of social identities and of the role and orientations of local political actors. Research findings in both towns indicate that there is a congruence between underlying social identities and the specific solutions attempted by the main political actors to deal with de-industrialization. In Sesto, the Communist Party and the left-dominated council have reacted to a weakening of the communist subculture by shedding their traditional proletarian image. They are keen to promote the development of small-scale industry, relying on the resilience and vitality of the family and social networks. In Venissieux the social situation is closer to 'anomie', while the left subculture is closing ranks and adopting a defensive stance. The local council relies on central government for large-scale schemes of urban regeneration. Nation-specific patterns of political behaviour and socioeconomic development prevail over crossnational similarities. A common phase as urban conurbations dominated by a small number of large corporations and as centres of trade-union militancy and communist culture has given way to contrasting scenarios.

Political Science encounters ‘race’ and ‘ethnicity’

Abstract This article identifies the way in which ‘race’ and ‘ethnicity’ have come to be used as tools of analysis within the discipline of political science, with particular regard to explaining patterns of political behaviour, the breakup of states, and the preconditions for democracy. It is argued that much of this work, in the final analysis, falls short of establishing a coherent position as to the sociological salience of ‘race’ and ‘ethnicity’. It is advanced that the reason for this stems from political science's specific commitment to the scientific method which has dictated that ‘race’ and ‘ethnicity’ be taken as ‘things’ in themselves that we encounter, rather than prompting the need to see the very facts of ‘race’ and ‘ethnicity’ as problematic in themselves. The way forward rests in rethinking the established relationship between politics and science.

Service Society and Trade Unions

The increasing change from an industrial to a service society confronts trade unions with a fundamental challenge. The 17 unions in the German Federation of Trade Unions (Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund, DGB) are or consider themselves ideologi- cally children of the workers' movement. This political orien- tation becomes more and more problematical as the unity of the trade unions becomes endangered since the workers no longer form a majority group among employees. The problems facing trade unions in the service sector (and against the background of the new type of systemic rationalisation) can only be solved v t h e trade unions are able to change their view on rationalisation and their pattern of political behaviour, and to develop concepts concerning division of labour within firms, hierarchical structures, process organisation, concrete technological methods, and transfer of market relations from enterprises to customers. What b needed is a vision of a new service culture and the political will to realise it.

Russian Political Culture and the Post-Revolutionary Impasse

Political has emerged in the past few years as one of the most widely invoked concepts in the interpretation of Soviet affairs. The concept offers a salutary contribution to the balanced understanding of the character of the Soviet system and its behavior. Generalities about Russian tradition and national character, however, are not enough to demonstrate how the cultural legacy of the remote past may continue to affect the politics of the present. Edward Keenan has made one of the most significant efforts yet to identify the concrete substance of Russian political culture as well as to explain the manner of its influence in the post-revolutionary era. He has brought to light some extraordinary parallels between pre-Petrine patterns of political behavior and the Soviet modus operandi. Indeed, the correspondence is so close that it is hard to believe that Keenan did not have the Soviet regime in mind when he constructed his image of Muscovite politics. In any case, the resemblance between the two epochs implies a powerful carryover of ancient ways into the post-revolutionary mentality. How could this carryover happen? What are its implications? These are the key questions that need to be explained.

Retreat from Reform: Patterns of Political Behavior in Interwar Japan

Retreat from Reform: Patterns of Political Behavior in Interwar Japan

Retreat from Reform: Patterns of Political Behavior in Interwar Japan

Retreat from Reform: Patterns of Political Behavior in Interwar Japan

Retreat from Reform: Patterns of Political Behavior in Interwar Japan. By Sharon Minichiello. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1984. xi, 172 pp. Notes, Select Bibliography, Index. $18.

Retreat from Reform: Patterns of Political Behavior in Interwar Japan. By Sharon Minichiello. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1984. xi, 172 pp. Notes, Select Bibliography, Index. $18. - Volume 44 Issue 4

Retreat from Reform: Patterns of Political Behavior in Interwar Japan.

Retreat from Reform: Patterns of Political Behavior in Interwar Japan.

Patterns of Political Behavior in Organization

This paper suggests that despite the current renaissance of interest in organizational power and politics, organization theory neglects individual political behavior within organizations. The need for a concern for individual political behavior is explored, and three key dimensions of political behavior are suggested: internal-external, vertical-lateral, and legitimate-illegitimate. A typology based on these dimensions is proposed, and predictions about the different types of political behavior are offered.

Patterns of Political Behavior in Organizations

Patterns of Political Behavior in Organizations

The Africanization of Political Change: Some Aspects of the Dynamics of Political Cultures in Ghana and Nigeria

IThe inability of most African states to find a political norm compatible with the exigencies of independence is by now a truism. The inherent lack of political order on the continent and the common recourse to political violence have been the subject of much debate among scholars and observers of African political events.1 Within the general framework of instability, it is apparent that there are many differences in political occurrences in seemingly colonial-inherited and weak frameworks, and a proliferation of internal variations within each state which derive from the differential impact of values and norms nurtured on the sub-national or the traditional level. These phenomena have pointed forcefully to the need to approach the study of African political processes in African terms. Indeed, the Africanization of the study of politics on the continent may perhaps be a vital precondition for the understanding of the contemporary African political scene. The quest for African explanations for political events has, unlike parallel efforts in other disciplines, been far from smooth. Justifiably, attention was first focused on the examination of continuities and discontinuities in the political history of given areas. Such essentially micro-research efforts, while exciting in that they have uncovered new empirical data and provided important insights into the complexity of traditional African political life, are nevertheless problematic because the patterns of political thought and organization that they trace are not easily transferred to the macro level. The purpose of this paper is to isolate basic political culture constructs prevalent in the pre-colonial period in an attempt to conceptualize, in African terms, some contemporary political occurrences on the macro as well as the micro level. Two basic assumptions lie at the core of this undertaking: first, that traditional political culture models (herein defined as those general political orientations and specific political values that dictate patterns of political behavior and institutional growth) provide paradigms for political organization and action in Africa today; and second, that by examining the interaction of the concrete articulators of the various political culture models, it is possible to determine some of the main factors underlying the dynamics of political behavior in independent Africa.

Patterns of Political Behaviour

Patterns of Political Behaviour

THE STATE AND SECTIONAL INTERESTS: THE BOLIVIAN CASE*

ABSTRACTThe article presents a case study of the contemporary Bolivian state in interaction with the major interest groups and locates the Bolivian example in its comparative context. An analysis of the internal organisational problems of the Bolivian state is followed by an account of its exceptional vulnerability to international pressures of various types and a description of the unusually intractable domestic political problems it confronts. These conditions are held to explain (if not to justify) many of the techniques of government adopted by successive Bolivian régimes. There follows a discussion of the pattern of political behaviour which major domestic interests are constrained to adopt in response to the normal conduct of the Bolivian state. In general such interests are highly insecure, aggressive in their pressure group tactics, deeply politicised and subject to wildly fluctuating fortunes. However, it is also recognised that they vary widely in the resources they command, the aims they pursue, and the alliances they can enter into. In the conclusion the uniqueness, or otherwise, of the Bolivian case is assessed and this country study is related to the general debate on the degree to which military bureaucratic régimes in the Third World may be considered autonomous from sectional interests and capable of promoting some forms of ‘modernisation’.

The British General Election of 1970 - Impressions of an Academic Candidate

THE STUDENT OF POLITICS AND THE PRACTITIONER OF POLITICS approach the same problem from different ends. The student is concerned with searching for the underlying realities which can explain the surface shifts of political ephemera; or perhaps with disentangling the different levels of reality which he discerns from his dispassionate observation of the political scene. The practitioner is concerned above all with the intricacies of day-to-day politics. He is interested in long-term patterns of political behaviour only insofar as they affect his political chances, or insofar as foreknowledge will enable him to change and shape the developing pattern. At the opposite ends of this division of interest in the phenomena of politics one may imagine, as ideal types, the ‘pure’ political scientist, the neutral observer of the political battle whose attitude to the contestants and their fluctuating fortunes is one of scholarly detachment, and the dedicated politician, glorying in the clash and chaos of the battlefield, with little more than contempt for those who stand aside and watch. For those who stand towards either end of this division, there are now two separate worlds of politics.

Caste and Political Process

Indian polity presents a spectacle of the dynamic confrontation of modem political institutions with traditional cultural values and forms of social organization. This results in a process of interaction between the modern and the traditional value patterns and institutional forms. This process can be analyzed and interpreted in terms of an evolving pattern of political behavior and operative norms of political conduct that continue to embody, while at the same time transforming, traditional cultural values associated with old forms of social organization. My hypothesis is that, in the context of values and institutions of liberal democracy prevailing in India today, the caste groupings of Indian society are undergoing a transformation of a far-reaching character in their modes of functioning and in their methods of interest-articulation in the political arena. With regard to the relationship between caste and politics in India, there is a fairly popular viewpoint of which Selig Harrison has been the most prominent spokesman, which stresses the overwhelming importance of caste in determining political attitudes and decisively shaping electoral behavior.' According to this viewpoint, political conflicts and patterns of political activity in India are, more or less, a reflection of caste antagonisms, caste rivalries and caste-based socio-political behavior. The argument is that traditional caste groupings consider the political field to be just another social arena for the acting out of their casteist loyalties, allegiances, rivalries and enmities. It is interesting to observe that this viewpoint is implicitly or explicitly endorsed by some top national leaders of India as well as by important sections of the Indian intelligentsia. It is also maintained by the proponents of this viewpoint that shrewd or power-oriented or power-hungry politicians exploit the casteist and other parochial loyalties for capturing power or for winning elections. Thus, in this view, caste loyalties and allegiances are deliberately emphasized and exploited by politicians to further their selfish ambitions. This viewpoint is based upon an assumption regarding the operation of the political process in modern India-i.e., that it is a broad reflection of traditional social attitudes and behavior patterns. Thus, the political process is explained in terms of the traditional ethos and value implications and behavioral norms of caste groupings and other institutional structures of traditional Indian society. Or, in other words, they explain Indian

Study on the structure of political attitudes. I

This paper (1) proposes a new method for studying attitude by revised application of a series of statistico-mathematical models, i.e. the “Quantification Theory” which were developed by Guttman, L, and Hayashi, C.; (2) presents an empirical des-cripiton of the structure of political attitude and the pattern of political behavior of the Japanese based on the new method; and (3) tests the various kinds of models that have been proposed so far on the structure of political and social attitude.Of these models, a great many tend to be either subjective or speculative in their methodology. On the other hand, are usually based on a measurement developed through factor analysis.In an attempt not only to avoid subjectiveness or speculativeness, but also to revise many of the theoretical deficiencies in factor analysis, the present paper applied “Quantification Theory” to structural models of political attitude.As a result, a description was made concerning both the structure of politcal attitude and the pattern of political behavior.Method:Subjects: Electorate of both sexes over 20 years of age.Sample size: 800 subjects, Tokyo (23 wards), and 840 subjects, Chiba City, Chiba Prefecture.Questionnaires: A total of 44 items are included which are to be broken down as follows:(1) Political behavior (7 items)(2) Political attitude (25 items)(3) Social attitude (4 items)(4) Demographic information (8 items)Procedures:(1) The subjects were interviewed individually and answered to the questionnaires that were given orally.(2) To meet the limitation of the computor capacity, 29 items were selected out of the aforementioned 44 items on the basis of the significance of the items, which ranged over 100 categories. Calculation was made through Guttman-Hayashi multidimensional quantification method.Result: Three dimensional vectors were allocated to each of these categories (Table 1 and 2). For the cluster of items on the “party identification” the regressions of the metric component weights, the second component weights, and the third component weights on content percentile (direction of party identification) showed monotonic, U-shaped and N-shaped curves (Fig. 5, Fig. 6 and Fig. 7).Disscussion: The above results lead the author to make the following interpretations.1. The structure of the political attitude of the Japanese is to be observed most efficiently in terms of the three basic dimensions; (1) Progressive vs. Conservative (Direction), (2) Indifferent vs. Interested (Indifferency), and (3) Progressive Critical vs. Conservative Critical (Stability).2. The “content”, “intensity” and “closure” are both mathematically (theoretically) and psychologically (empirically) identified by Guttman, L. as basic functions of the attitude when clusters of items are perfectly scalable. The present study successfully extacted the same three basic functions by applying newly proposed methodology despite the fact that not all theitems were scalable. Furthermore, it was assumed that the above three basic dimensions, i.e., (1) Progressive vs. Conservative, (2) Indifferent vs. Interested, and (3) Progressive Critical vs. Conservative Critical, are themselves the basic functions of attitudes in the area of “party indentification”. In other words, they are “content”, “intensity” and “closure” in the field of “party identification”.In the subsequent discussions, an attempt will be made to describe and consider, by applying the above three basic dimensions, a pattern of specific political behavior and a structure of political attitude.

Agencies of Political Socialization and Political Change: Political Orientation of Japanese Law Students

Political socialization, the process by which an individual from birth onward acquires a particular pattern of political behavior, has been a serious concern of political philosophers and revolutionists since the days of Confucius and Plato. However, it is only in recent times that political scientists and other behavioral scientists have begun to do any empirical work in this field.

The Family's Role in Political Socialization

The family's central role in forming the individ ual's political personality derives from its role as the main source and locus for the satisfaction of all his basic, innate needs. The child therefore tends to identify with his parents and to adopt their outlook toward the political system. The father becomes the prototypical authority figure and thereby initiates the child's view of political authority. The politiciza tion process, at least in America, is basically complete when the child is about thirteen. Under familial and other social cir cumstances in which the child progresses from dependence to autonomy, he is likely to develop into a mature and responsible citizen. When he suffers physical or emotional deprivation, he is likely to establish a pattern of chronic dependence that in cludes the political. When conflict generates between his own emerging needs, family patterns for satisfying them, and the demands and opportunities of the large society, the growing child is in mental turmoil. Only gradually, then, can he change from hierarchized to equalized patterns of political behavior, in which he can responsibly share power with his new equal fellow citizens.

The Functions of Informal Groups in Legislative Institutions

SOCIAL SCIENTISTS HAVE LONG RECOGNIZED the value of the two approaches combined in the analysis reported in this paper-namely, functional analysis and the study of informal groups. Political scientists, however, have been slow to apply them systematically in their investigations of political institutions and behavior. Neither has as yet achieved a permanent place in the methodolgy of our discipline. For this latter reason, it will be worthwhile to examine briefly the meaning of these concepts before presenting the substantive analysis. The relationship of political scientists to functional analysis is roughly that of M. Jourdain to prose; not fully conscious of his methodology, the analyst fails to use it systematically and thus fails to take full advantage of its potential. A quick review of the literature of political science would reveal many references to the functions of political behavior patterns and institutions, but self conscious systematic uses of the concept and approach would be hard to find. Moreover, owing to our traditional emphasis upon legalconstitutional and prescriptive analysis, many investigations have been limited to either the constitutionally prescribed functions' or functional prescriptions based upon the authors' values. Though both of these may be legitimate enterprises, they do not fully exploit functional analysis and without supplementation may lead to incomplete understanding and therefore superficial evaluation.2