Patterns Of Political Behavior Research Articles

Volunteer Bands and Local Identity in Caithness at the Time of the Second Reform Act

Caithness lay outside the national railway network in 1868, but as this article demonstrates, used the band music of its local volunteer military units, embedded within a wider contemporary British context of imperial music-making, as a means to express and shape local political identities. The second Reform Act of 1867, enacted in Scotland by the Representation of the People (Scotland) Act 1868, prompted wider reimagining about what it meant to be a citizen of Scotland and Britain. Regular references to civic bands in contemporary newspapers and carefully posed photographs in local archives provide evidence for the popularity of Silver and Brass bands connected with the Caithness Volunteer movement. As they marched around towns, villages and countryside, especially around the time of the national elections and local by-elections of 1868-9, their music created powerfully affective soundscapes that connected traditional local identities with the modern British fiscal-military state, helping people to imagine their place as citizens in a period of widening political engagement. The county’s band music provides a microhistory that allows exploration of contrasts between rural and civic patterns of political behaviour in this period.

Features of political psychology in a digital society: Managing and defining disinformation

Public opinion management is reflected in a balanced approach to the information policy of the country, where the rationalistic outlook of the community promotes the social, economic, and political development of the state values. The formation of an individual’s political consciousness is subject to the influence of the information space in which they live, and this poses the relevance of investigating the issue of managing and defining disinformation at the stage of rapid digitalisation of society. Therefore, the purpose of the study was to determine the specifics of the development of patterns of political behaviour and consciousness of an individual in the process of forming a public stance in the context of socio-psychological, informational, and political determinants. The basis of the theoretical and methodological approach in this study was a combination of qualitative methods of systematic analysis of the specifics of psychological factors shaping political views and community behaviour, as well as content analysis of countering disinformation at the current stage of development of society. Furthermore, several surveys were conducted regarding the views and perceptions of the population on information in the media space in the country. The article also presents data that reflect the issue of the psychological phenomenon of society, in particular political judgments, moods, needs and motives of people, which are the result of social and political relations and are realised in a certain political behaviour and actions of both an individual and society as a whole. This article discusses the issues of combating disinformation in the digital space of the state and ways to improve the information literacy of the population. The results of the research are of practical value for educational, social, and psychological organisations that have a direct impact on the formation of legal behaviour and a conscious attitude to information processes in the digital space.

Peace and war themes in canonical poems included in literature anthologies for junior high schools in Israel

Purpose The purpose of this research was to study the manifestation of peace and war in the poems included in the new literature curriculum for the junior high school students in Israel. Design/methodology/approach Content analysis. Findings The results of the research, comprised by the content analysis methodology, showed that only three poems could be attributed to the category of war theme. Most of the poems fit to the category of didactic war motif; namely, they describe and refer to wars but are aimed at socializing the readers to peace by presenting them the vainness of wars. Research limitations/implications The brief review addresses only canonic poems and not popular songs. Practical implications The brief review will be directed to decision-makers in author’s country. Social implications Literary works have the ability to play a key role in peace education. Political behavior studies show that patterns of political behavior, such as support for a certain political party, tolerance of minorities and support for human rights are formed and internalized by the individual during childhood and adolescence. Originality/value This research produces a new and sophisticated approach towards the process of political socialization. This brief paper also conveys the new term of “didactic war theme”.

A Repertoire Approach to Studying Inequalities in Political Social Media Use

ABSTRACT This paper adopts a repertoire approach to studying inequalities in political use of social media, focusing on patterns of political behavior on Facebook. A Latent Class Analysis of a 2016 two-wave survey of Americans identified four distinct political repertoires on Facebook; 1) Disengaged, 2) All-engaged, 3) Expressers (only likely to do expressive behaviors) and 4) Likers (only likely to “like” content). Using these classes of users, we reexamined prominent hypotheses in the literature related to whether political social media use is a) stratified by education and political interest and b) associated with increased political knowledge and participation.

Does participation in the workplace spill over into political participation? A latent class analysis approach to patterns of political behavior

PurposeThis study examines Pateman's “spillover thesis” that democratic participation in the workplace will “spill over” into political participation. It applies a latent class analysis (LCA) to identify patterns of political behavior and uses workplace participation and political efficacy as predicting variables of political behavior patterns.Design/methodology/approachThis study analyzed the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) in 2014 General Social Survey (GSS) data. This study applied a LCA to identify distinct patterns in people's political behaviors and did a multinomial regression analysis to predict the patterns with workplace participation and political efficacy.FindingsThe study found partial support for the spillover thesis. Among three distinct political behavior patterns, two active patterns were associated with political efficacy. However, the mediation from workplace participation to political participation through political efficacy was not supported. Respondents involved in workplace units that collectively make work-related decisions were more likely to be active in political behaviors, but only one set of political activities. Higher political efficacy was found to lead to more active overall political participation of both patterns.Originality/valueUnlike the previous studies of democratic spillover, which treated political behaviors either as independent types of behaviors or as a summative index of such binary coded variables, this study addressed such shortcomings of the previous studies by providing a more complex picture of political behavior patterns and their relationship with workplace participation. Future research can build on this unique methodological endeavor to explore a holistic picture of how workplace practices can influence politics and democracy through individual workers.

Perilaku Politik Elit Struktural Muhammadiyah Dalam Pemilihan Calon Anggota DPD RI Periode 2019-2024 Di Kabupaten Pangkep

The purpose of this study is to find out the form of political behavior of Muhammadiyah structural elites in the selection of DPD RI members. This research method is a qualitative method that provides an objective picture of the actual state of the object being studied and the type of research used is the phenomenological type. The data used is the primary data source and secondary data source with the number of informants as many as 7 people. And documentation. Data analysis techniques used in this study are data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion withdrawal. The data usage used is source triangulation, triangulation technique and time triangulation. This research aims to find out position analysis, reputation analysis and analysis of decisions of Muhammadiyah structural elite Pangkep’s regency. The results showed that the pattern of political behavior of Muhammadiyah structural elites in Pangkep Regency tends to be moderate-accommodating by being characterized by the participation of Muhammadiyah structural elites of Pangkep Regency in elections by choosing certain DPD RI Member Candidates without excessive fanaticism, then there is a willingness to cooperate and establish adaptive and rational relationships with prospective DPD RI Members without having to fuse themselves

Civil Socialization of Youth in the Conditions of the Postmodern Information Society

The article deals with the analysis of the problem of civil socialization of youth in Ukraine in conditions of postmodern information society. The authors analyze definitions and main characteristics of civil socialization, define the role of information and communication in the process of civil socialization of youth, outline mechanisms of civil socialization of youth in the information society, represent the results of the conducted survey dealing with the peculiarities of civil socialization of the youth of Ukraine in postmodern information society. The conclusion has been made that the process of civil socialization of youth in conditions of postmodern information society involves the youth’s adoption of social norms regulating the relations of power (laws, ideas, political values and civil society values), self-identification with certain political groups, integration and implementation of active patterns of political behavior. The result of civil socialization is the formation of civic-mindedness, which is a multilevel information and communication process that includes both the formation of the civil identity of an individual and the development of legal consciousness, political and civil culture. Therefore, civic-mindedness is tightly connected with the opportunities for the realization of rights and freedoms, the exercise of civil duties, and the formation of civil solidarity.

Political Orientation of Russian Students: Regional Profile

The article presents “political portraits” of students of federal districts of the Russian Federation on the basis of comparative analysis of their political orientation. Students’ political orientation is seen as manifested in the trust/mistrust of political institutions, as political value preferences, perceptions of preferred forms of political organization of society, and as a predisposition to certain patterns of political behavior. The study of the political orientation of students was conducted by electronic polling. The sample consisted of 1,130 students from eight federal districts studying in bachelor and master’s programs at the 35 largest universities. According to the study, students in the Central and Southern Federal Districts have a high degree of loyalty to the current government, as reflected in a higher level of confidence in political and state institutions and low levels of emigration and protest sentiments. Students in the North-West and North-Caucasus federal districts have a general critical attitude and a high level of mistrust of state institutions. They have a negative assessment of the situation in the country and have pronounced protest sentiments. Student youth in the Far Eastern and Volga Federal Districts tend to have more trust in the federal than the local and regional governments, and are quite active. Far Eastern students have strong emigration sentiments and have higher demands for social equality than students from other regions. Students in the Siberian Federal District have a higher level of confidence in local rather than regional and federal authorities; they also tend not to trust political opposition. There are no emigration sentiments among them and protest activity is relatively low. Students of the Ural Federal District are critical of institutions and political opposition. The level of mistrust of the opposition is significantly higher than in the country as a whole. However, despite general dissatisfaction with the current situation in the country, Ural students are not prepared to participate in protests or emigrate abroad.

Политическое лидерство в контексте реформы местного самоуправления в Челябинске: политико-психологический анализ

Introduction. The paper contains political and psychological profiles of the local self-government deputies in the city of Chelyabinsk. The purpose of the study is to examine how municipal reform in 2014 influenced institutional opportunities for creating a new model of political leadership in terms of its effectiveness on political and psychological level. Methods. The author’s approach is based on the combination of political and psychological techniques, such as qualitative content analysis, psychobiography and in-depth interview (for assessing politicians’ images in mass consciousness). Scientific novelty. The author presumes that political leadership is a complex phenomenon based on institutional and psychological factors. Its institutional framework for the purpose of the research is determined by the municipal reform. The deputies’ psychological profiles are viewed as individual patterns of political behavior shaped as a result of adopting individual psychological characteristics to the demands of political role presumed by the reform’s conceptual foundations. Results. The data contain evidence that political and psychological profiles of the deputies under analysis in general lack features which make it possible to uncover the institutional potential of the reform. A new model of political leadership presumed by the reform’s conception was supposed to possess such attributes as: 1) widening political representation; 2) enhancing effectiveness of communication between leaders and followers; 3) depoliticizing agenda. The analysis shows that deputies elected under reform on the “inner” level are rigid and reproduce inertial model of political behavior. On the “outer” level their perception is superficial and does not have explicit potential to improve due to revealed unconscious parameters. Conclusions. Two electoral cycles within the reform did not fully reveal the leadership potential of the deputies. Therefore, the perspectives of its prolongation are viewed by the author as highly problematic.

В поисках большинства: демографическая эволюция мусульманской политической идентичности в Боснии и Герцеговине

The study discusses the relationships between demography and the development of Muslim political identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H). The main question that this paper aims to answer is: To what extent have the demographic components of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s population (both natural and spatial movement) framed the unique political identity of the Muslim/Bosniak population in relation to Orthodox/Serbs and Catholics/Croats.The paper seeks to examine the concept of population numbers as an object of political competition, including how patterns of demographic behavior vary between religious groups and further impact political identity. Thus, the article perceives the population census as an object of political struggle.Hence, by using the final results of the censuses, the study clarifiesthe significance of population numbers in the construction ofthe identity politics of Muslims in B&H. Furthermore, the paperargues for the significance of population statistics in constructingof the political identity of religious groups in a multi-ethnic society, emphasizing that demography holds important clues to the pattern of political behavior, and that specific forms of demographic variations are correlated with distinguished political agendas. Additionally, the study traces the political life and rise of the first president of independent Bosnia—Alija Izetbegović—as an embodiment of Muslims’ political identity.Arguing that demography is an important component of the development of political identity, the paper expects to stimulate interest from other scientific fields as it adds to our understanding of relationships between demography, religion, and politics. Finally, the study intends to open a supplementary research agenda focusing on the effects of demography on politics, beyond those explored within the limits of political studies.

Political culture of Bogota’s citizens: patterns of political behavior ahead of the 2019 elections

El Observatorio de Medios de la Universidad de La Sabana realizó en septiembre de 2019 un estudio de cultura política de los habitantes de Bogotá. Se entrevistó a 781 personas para identificar sus imaginarios frente a la política, sus hábitos de participación, información y socialización política, y sus valores políticos, en medio del contexto electoral regional de octubre de 2019 en la ciudad. Se logró evidenciar un patrón de comportamiento que encierra una contradicción entre un alto nivel de participación electoral histórico y unos bajos niveles de interés por la política, la información sobre temas públicos y la interacción política con otras personas, así como también un imaginario negativo frente a la política y la realidad de la ciudad.

THE (UN)SEEN IN THE CONTRIBUTIONS TO POLITICAL FUNDING: LESSONS FROM THE 2014 BRAZILIAN PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN FINANCE, CORRUPTION SCANDALS AND NEW DIRECTIONS IN THE ELECTORAL RULES OF THE GAME

This paper combines Public Choice with Austrian Economics perspectives to provide an interpretation of the logic and the consequences of the Brazilian 2014 presidential campaign finance, often related to corruption scandals uncovered by the “Car-Wash Operation†investigation. Section 1 discusses how Public Choice Theory intersections with Austrian Economics provide a richer understanding of patterns of political behavior in the real world. Section 2 analyzes the rules of the Brazilian political game until 2014. Section 3 shows the top corporate contributors donated to all political candidates, regardless of their parties. We found that they already kept close connections with government infrastructure projects and received subsidized credit from the government. Section 4 wraps the overall argument and concludes that some posterior moves to constrain private sector contributions to political candidates are a kind of smokescreen that reduces transparency, while a bigger role of the government in electoral funds might foster corruption and crony relations.

Development Context and the Political Behavior of Remittance Recipients in Latin America and the Caribbean

Remittances have become a chief source of family income in developing countries. As such, these revenue streams have the potential to impact recipients’ political behavior. Empirical studies investigating this proposition, however, have yielded seemingly contradictory findings. We develop a theoretical framework that highlights the importance of national development context in understanding the distinct cross-national political behavior patterns between remittance recipients and non-recipients. Leveraging the variations in development levels across 24 Latin American countries, we evaluate propositions derived from this contention that the political implications of remittances depend in part on the development context into which they flow. We find evidence for a posited inverse relationship between development levels and the extent to which receipt of remittances induces political participation. We argue these divergent patterns emerge from the asymmetrical effect remittances have on the economic perceptions and cross-border ties of recipients living in distinct development contexts.

Media Sosial dan Budaya Politik Generasi Milineal dalam Pemilu

Social media nowadays has been crutial part of human being life particularly for the genarations those are so called millenial. The massive use of social media is not merely functioned for the social purpose such as information sharing among them but also has been used for business and economic or even political purposes. The local election of the Jawa Barat province in the year of 2018 is a moment where the millineal generation functioned the social media such as facebook and whattsap for the political purposes. This article discusses the phenomenon of using internet-based social media as an instrument in political communication and campaigning in the local election of West Java Province in 2018 as well as discussing the effectiveness of the media contents in shaping the pattern of millennial generation political behavior. The research adopts is qualitative approach by taking the object of research on political communication, as well as culture and political behavior. The main informants from this study were beginner voters who also catogerisaed as the group of the millennial generation. This study found that social media contents in general became an important instrument in shaping the pattern of political behavior of the millennial generation. The roles of the media for instance are indicated that current life of the millennial generation that cannot be separated from such media, social media contents provides political knowledges about profiles of candidates in local election, social media content provided political education both related to the technical implementation of the election and also the vision and mission of the candidates and, millennial generation have their respective communities which they make as a forum for discussion about the social media contents.

Demokracja nieliberalna jako projekt polityczny

Illiberal democracy seems to be one of the most important topics for political scientists studying the process of post­communist democratisation. It may be – and often has been – considered as a real alternative for models of democracy developing in the Western political hemisphere. This article focuses on the sources of crisis of liberal democracy and possible political consequences of its replacing by an illiberal vision of political system. Author hypothesises that making illiberal democracy real requires the reinterpretation of main democratic principles, such as representation or separation of powers, as well as abandoning of political consensus, present in consolidated West European democracies after the Second World War, and, in effect, fundamental change of patterns of political behaviour. The question of the future of illiberal democracy is also posed and three possible scenarios are considered.

Remittances and Vote Buying

How does the presence of a large group of remittance recipients in the electorate affect the way political parties in Latin America plan their vote-buying operations during electoral campaigns? Existing research claims that remittances bolster the political autonomy of recipients, allowing them to escape clientelistic networks and making them less attractive targets from the point of view of party machines. Although in the long run remittances may undermine the effectiveness of clientelistic inducements, parties still have strong incentives to distribute gifts and favors among these voters. Cross-national survey evidence and an original list experiment fielded in the aftermath of El Salvador’s 2014 presidential race support the view that remittances alter key attitudes and patterns of political behavior among recipients in ways that are relevant for the electoral strategies of party machines. In particular, remittance recipients are appealing targets for clientelistic exchanges due to the uncertainty of their turnout propensity and their distributive preferences.

Negative Partisanship: Why Americans Dislike Parties But Behave Like Rabid Partisans

One of the most important developments in American politics over the last 40 years has been the rise of negative partisanship—the phenomenon whereby Americans largely align against one party instead of affiliating with the other. Though it has the power to reshape patterns of political behavior, little is known about the microfoundations driving negative partisanship. In this article, we show how the growing racial divide between the two major parties, as well as the presence of partisan‐friendly media outlets, have led to the rise of negative partisanship. We also utilize the growing literature on personality and politics to show how the Big Five personality traits are predictive of negative partisanship. The results suggest that the psychological roots of negative partisanship are both widespread and, absent drastic individual and structural‐level changes, likely to persist.

Neither Here nor There, I Do Not Vote and I Do Not Care: The External Electoral Participation of Mexican Migrants in New Zealand

In 2006, an estimated 4.2 million Mexican emigrants were entitled to vote in presidential elections in Mexico, making this country the highest potential recipient of external votes around the world. Despite this fact, during the 2006 and 2012 presidential elections, less than 1 % of that estimated population actually casted their external votes raising questions about how previous patterns of political behavior can transcend borders and accompany migrants to their new countries. In this work, I argue that Mexican migrants’ interaction with an established democracy such as New Zealand is not a fundamental reason to encourage political participation through external voting. Through a qualitative lens, the paper attempts to analyze sentiments, attitudes, and behaviors of Mexican migrants toward the political arena and their effect in preventing or encouraging formal participation in Mexican elections. I conclude that cultural patterns of electoral behavior that originated in Mexico play a decisive role in the way Mexicans relate to their native country, regardless of the intensity of political integration to New Zealand democracy.

In sickness and in health.

In search of a better understanding of inequalities in citizen political engagement, scholars have begun addressing the relationship between personal health and patterns of political behavior. This study focuses on the impact of personal health on various forms of political participation. The analysis contributes to existing knowledge by examining a number of different participation forms beyond just voting. Using European Social Survey data from 2012/2013 for Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden (N = 8,060), self-reported turnout and six alternative modes of political engagement were modeled as dependent variables. Contrary to expectations, poor health did not depress participation across all forms. As assumed by the increased activism hypothesis, all else equal, people with poor health were more active than their healthy counterparts in direct contacts with power holders and demonstrations. The results reveal a "reversed health gap" by showing that people with health problems are in fact more politically active than what previous research, which has focused on voting, has suggested. Although the magnitude of the gap should not be overdramatized, our results stress the importance of distinguishing between different forms of participation when analyzing the impact of health on political engagement. Nevertheless, the findings show that poor health can stimulate people into political engagement rather than depressing activity. This finding holds when the effects of several sociodemographic and motivational factors are controlled for.

‘It's a proper job’: process, people and power in an English city

Sir Peter Soulsby, a Member of Parliament, resigned from office to fight for what he called ‘a proper job’: the elected mayor of Leicester City. He was elected on 5 May 2011, but before that event a series of political interactions and actions had to be taken and shifting alliances had to be formed to generate a critical mass of support to change the governing arrangements of the city council to an elected mayor. This paper explores the way existing patterns of political behaviour and preferences were altered to lead to the introduction of the new office. The paper examines how, through a careful, if condensed, process of preference-shaping and the use of context, timing and authority-building, political leaders can construct a system of government that matches a personalized agenda for further political action.