Appeal Of Nationalism Research Articles

RIGHTIST RITUAL, MEMORY AND IDENTITY COMMEMORATION IN LATE IMPERIAL RUSSIA

This article explores how Russia's right-wing groups drew upon concepts of memory and identity commemoration to inform their ritual practices. Their creation of various memorials, celebrations and cults represented a synthesis between conservative values of Orthodoxy, autocracy and Russian nationality, and a populist nationalist appeal that came to define the ideology and practice of the Russian ultra-right in the final years of tsarism. The analysis includes three different case studies. First, it explores the creation of a leadership cult amongst the radical right, assessing how followers celebrated the memory of the leader of the Russian Monarchist Party, Vladimir Gringmut, after 1907. Second, it analyses the activity of one of the most militant groups on the Russian far right, the Union of Russian People, in Ukraine during 1905–07. Finally, it considers the activity of the Union of the Arkhangel Mikhail in Bessarabia and their staging of commemorative activities in celebration of the centenary of Bessarabia's incorporation into the Russian Empire, held in 1912. All of these examples demonstrate how an illiberal, populist monarchism was developing away from the Russian state and even in conflict with it.

The Role of Emotions in Discriminatory Ethno-Religious Politics: An Experimental Study of Anti-Muslim Politics in the United States

There is consensus among scholars of ethno-religious conflict that elites play a pivotal role in either starting or exacerbating intergroup conflicts by evoking negative emotions such as fear, resentment, anger, and rage in the masses. However, scholars have long based these assertions on evidence from elite actions alone. Moreover, despite insights from research on nationalism about the role that positive emotions play in the process of mobilization, current research on ethno-religious conflict has focused exclusively on negative emotions. The current study addresses these gaps. Building upon symbolic politics theory and psychological theories of transformational leadership, I posit that to gain support for aggressive policies against rival groups, leaders must simultaneously evoke negative emotions associated with dislike for the rival group and positive emotions such as confidence, pride, optimism, and feeling energized. I tested this theory with an experiment that randomly exposed participants to different anti-Muslim appeals that culminated in the proposal of an array of discriminatory policies. The results suggest a causal chain. Upon hearing any anti-Muslim frame, those already holding negative attitudes about Muslims were more likely to view Muslims as a threat and experience a positive emotional response, which then led to support for discriminatory policies against Muslims. These findings suggest the way nationalist appeals are framed are much less important than pre-existing attitudes.

The Cultural Representation and Politics of the Chinese Moon Festival Gala: Nationalism, Nostalgia and Romance

Nationalism in various forms has been a fixture of modern Chinese politics and society; however, its form has changed and over the past decade or so, the CCP has begun to appropriate China’s cultural nationalism through its extensive use of propaganda and by other less nefarious methods. This paradigm shift embodies the deliberate manoeuvring that state nationalism is exerting on cultural symbols, concepts and legacies in China. Through imagery and emotionally laden political marketing that favour Party policy and rule, this form of nationalism surreptitiously caters to the cultural tastes of, and appeals to, the emerging middle class of contemporary Chinese society. It is a more nuanced and creative type of propaganda. Using the 2009 China Central Television (CCTV) Moon Festival (Mid-Autumn Festival) Gala as a case study, this paper examines Party-state appropriations of cultural nationalism. The Gala is a rich reservoir of moon-inspired traditional Chinese cultural elements, and the intriguing manoeuvring of these culturally bound images and iconography signifies a new propaganda strategy that combines poetic nostalgia, poignant romance and abstract philosophical pursuit, through which cultural elements are skilfully woven into a patriotic and nationalist appeal. These traditional cultural signifiers, illusions and fantasies serve the Party’s political aims as it attempt to reinforce its legitimacy by forging a culturally bound national identity.

The new face of corporate patriotism: does being “local” matter to stakeholders?

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to discuss how foreign firms can successfully use an innovative marketing communication strategy based on the notion of corporate patriotic appeal to better promote their activities within the countries they operate. Design/methodology/approach – This article uses case study analysis and focus group discussions to link current business practices with stakeholder perceptions of corporate patriotism. Findings – There is an emerging trend in corporate communication strategies where corporate patriotism is increasingly used as an effective marketing strategy by both domestic and foreign firms. It was also found that corporate patriotism is an important value across four stakeholder groups which include consumers, investors, employees and community members. Originality/value – This article identifies a new marketing communication strategy that can be used by multinational enterprises to better promote their activities in the local community within which they operate and among key stakeholder groups. This is particularly important at a time when many multinational enterprises run different operations in multiple countries and, as a result, are often exposed to extensive negative publicity.

Harlequin Highlander: Spectacular geographies at the Edinburgh Equestrian Circus, 1790–1800

In 1790, a dedicated circus building was constructed in Edinburgh by the equestrian performers and circus proprietors, George Jones and William Parker. The new Edinburgh Circus operated as an adjunct of both Sadler’s Wells and the Royal Circus in London, transferring both performers and repertoire from those venues. As a sound business practice, the proprietors of the circus remained responsive to the demands of the Edinburgh audience – including the presentation of elaborate spectacles with Scottish settings, which had been successful in the London houses. But how did a troupe from London, producing Scottish-themed productions that had originated in London, represent Scotland to the Scottish? During this decade the war with France was also echoed in the Edinburgh Circus, in lavish spectacles that clearly emphasised a patriotic appeal to an idea of ‘Great Britain’. This article examines the intersection of imaginary and spectacular geographies presented in the entertainments of this first circus in Scotland.

Nation in Market Times: Connecting the National and the Commercial. A Research Overview

AbstractThis article provides an overview of the growing body of research pertaining to different forms of mediated nationhood. In particular, it focuses on the relatively recent trend toward increasing articulations of national identity with the language of consumerism and neoliberal market ideology. It argues that the process is twofold; on the one hand commercial entities employ nationalist appeals in order to sell their commodities, a process which is called “nationalizing the commercial”. On the other hand, nation states make advantage of advertising agencies to create attractive and competitive nation brands which is a process of “commercializing the national”. The article argues that this double logic is a result of the growing importance of the economic power in societies which can be named as " economization of the social" . In the context where the political articulations of nationhood are subsumed by the commercial ones, the link between the national and the commercial is seldom challenged or questioned.

The Prisoner Dilemma: Britain, Germany, and the Repatriation of Indian Prisoners of War

Between October 1914 and December 1915, nearly 135,000 Indian riflemen—known as sepoys—fought in the trenches of France and Belgium at the battles of Ypres, Festubert, Givenchy, Neuve Chapelle, Second Ypres and Loos, suffering some 34,252 casualties. At a prisoner of war camp outside Berlin, Indian revolutionaries and emissaries from the Ottoman Empire attempted to convert the allegiances of the sepoys in their custody with a combination of pan-Islamic and nationalist appeals. Although this campaign ultimately failed, it profoundly shaped British repatriation policy at the end of the war when, cautioned Secretary of State for India Austen Chamberlain, the British could not allow men who had been exposed to ‘strongly hostile influences’ to return home unmonitored. The 1918 armistice and British repatriation policy therefore presented a host of new challenges to Britain’s colonial subjects from South Asia as they navigated the post-war imperial landscape and secured what was most important to them—safe transportation home.

Corporate Nationalism, Patriotism and the Meaning of Home in Global Business

Purpose: The main purpose of this article is to discuss how foreign firms can successfully use an innovative marketing communication strategy based on the notion of corporate patriotic appeal to better promote their activities within the countries they operate.Design/methodology/approach: This article uses case study analysis and focus group discussions to link current business practices with stakeholder perceptions of corporate patriotism. Findings: There is an emerging trend in corporate communication strategies where corporate patriotism is increasingly used as an effective marketing strategy by both domestic and foreign firms. We also found that corporate patriotism is an important value across four stakeholder groups which include consumers, investors, employees and community members. Originality/value: This article identifies a new marketing communication strategy that can be used by multinational enterprises to better promote their activities in the local community within which they operate and amongst key stakeholder groups. This is particularly important at a time when many multinational enterprises run different operations in multiple countries and, as a result, are often exposed to extensive negative publicity.

Designing Women: Feminist Methodologies in American Fashion

Designing Women:Feminist Methodologies in American Fashion Annemarie Strassel (bio) In 1940, Elizabeth Hawes, a leading voice in American fashion and owner of one of the most exclusive couture businesses in New York, abandoned her career in fashion to take on the "war against fascism." After working for several months as a critic for the leftist tabloid PM, she took a job as a machine operator at Wright Aeronautical, a New Jersey wartime plant, and published a memoir about her experiences entitled Why Women Cry, or Wenches with Wrenches (1943). At the heart of the book is a quest to explain "why women cry," a problem she attributes to the crisis in domestic labor created by women's entrance into wage work. She writes, "The world has been told, to the vomiting point, that a revolution is now in progress. Men: this revolution is likely to be brewing right in your own kitchen. For we . . . have all been notified that the day of the Common Man is coming up. Don't think the Common Woman is just sitting around preparing to spend the whole of that day in the kitchen" (xi). If the war had created certain economic opportunities for women, it had also sharpened gender inequities, Hawes argued, as the dual responsibilities of productive labor and social reproduction fell onto women's laps amid the wartime crisis. She writes, "I am terrified we may not start soon enough to avert the Hitlerian routine of Children-Kitchen-Church for the new generation of the Common American Woman and do away with economic slavery to their husbands"(xi-xii). In response, Hawes proposes a revolutionary vision for the feminist reorganization of society, envisioning a world with employer-provided child care, self-cleaning homes, affordable public housing and health care, community restaurants, programs to promote women's reproductive health, nondiscrimination in the workplace, [End Page 35] dress reform, socialized beauty parlors and exercise facilities (so that everyone might have access to the "body beautiful"), and initiatives to encourage women to vote (Hawes 1943). Hawes imagined the achievement of this radical utopia through a cross-class alliance of "professionals in health and education and religious and welfare and housing; of Club-women and les Riches-Bitches and She-Wolves and thousands and thousands of just plain mothers, Womenworkers and Forgotten Females; we [would] all go ahead together to see that no child lacked what he needed" (xii). Just how did Elizabeth Hawes, a household name in American fashion, go from couturier to trade unionist and radical feminist in a few short years? Some crucial answers lie in the social consciousness and feminist methodologies shared by a new generation of American designers like Hawes, who emerged in the turbulent political and economic climate of the Great Depression. Hawes was among a growing movement of women in fashion—designers, retail executives, fashion critics, and industry personalities—who collectively defined new approaches to fashion, rooted in women's physicality and the promise of mass production. Under the framework of "Americanizing fashion," these women challenged traditional business models in fashion and the mystique of Parisian haute couture. More than a patriotic appeal, the idea of American style provided an intellectual framework for women to engage critically with the fashion industry and the construction of femininity through mass culture. This essay reconstructs the political underpinnings of American fashion, pointing to 1) a new emphasis on sculptural design methodologies; 2) Hawes's landmark critique, Fashion Is Spinach (1938), which attacked both French exclusivity and the empty rhetoric of material democracy by the American apparel industry; and 3) the conceptual ties between interwar American fashions and a longer tradition of "material feminism," specifically dress reform (Hayden 1982). The generation of women leading the American design movement emerged at the very moment that historians identify as the nadir of women's political militancy between the two "waves" of twentieth-century American feminism: suffrage and women's liberation (Scharf 1980; Ware 1981; Rupp 1987; Cott 1987; Freedman 1987; Evans 1997). An analysis of the goals, methods, and aesthetics of this generation of women in American fashion suggests alternative spaces for rethinking the possibilities of feminist expression in the decades following woman suffrage...

The Politics of Regenerative Nationalism in South Africa

In recent years the ANC government has encountered increasing unrest in the form of a wave of community protests and industrial action. Some analysts argue that this reflects widespread antipathy towards the ANC's ‘exhausted nationalism’ and the beginnings of a post-nationalist political era where class politics takes centre stage. This article will examine the position of South Africa's powerful organised working class within this context, with reference to the attitudes of ordinary members of the National Union of Mineworkers. Rather than seeing ANC nationalism as a spent force, this article will highlight the more enduring nature of the ANC's nationalist appeal, which, while not making the party infallible, nonetheless restricts the potential for a new left-wing politics to emerge that can challenge ANC hegemony.

Sub-state Nationalism in the Western World: Explaining Continued Appeal

What explains the appeal of sub-state nationalism in developed liberal democracies such as Belgium, Spain, the United Kingdom and Canada? This article suggests six main reasons: the power of the notion of self-determination; the institutionalization of national identity and nationalist politics in decentralized arrangements featuring autonomous government; the presence of powerful nationalist narratives; institutional and constitutional questions that are either unresolved or have been addressed by a shaky compromise, which means they remain on the political agenda; the involvement of nationalist movements in debates of public policy; and processes of continental integration that help nationalist movements make the case for increased autonomy and, in certain circumstances, independence.

Union und Liga 1608/09: Konfessionelle Bundnisse im Reich - Weichenstellung zum Religionskrieg?, ed. Albrecht Ernst and Anton Schindling

This stimulating volume of essays edited by Albrecht Ernst and Anton Schindling contests the still deeply entrenched view that the Thirty Years War was the inevitable outcome of the tensions inherent in the Holy Roman Empire. Its focus is the establishment of a Protestant Union at Auhausen in 1608, countered the following year by the formation of a Catholic League (the text of the statutes of each are included in this volume), which has often been viewed as the beginning of an extended ‘phoney war’. Recently this traditional view has been revived in Heinz Schilling's argument that the Thirty Years War was the outcome of a period of religious fundamentalism. The conflict, Schilling has suggested, was a necessary ‘modernisation crisis’ that cleared the ground for the emergence of the secular state and the modern international state system. The contrary case is argued here by Georg Schmidt in a masterly survey of imperial politics around 1600. There were heated political disagreements over specific issues, but Schmidt emphasises the forces which held the Imperial Estates together. War was not the necessary outcome of the political crisis. The patriotic appeals of the Union and its aspiration to found national unity on principles of freedom, toleration and peaceful coexistence were more significant than the activities of religious extremists among both Protestants and Catholics. In an essay on Württemberg and Baden, Axel Gotthard emphasises how little the members of the Union could actually agree on. Lutheran and Calvinist princes were divided on key issues and the Union disintegrated almost as soon as the hostilities broke out. Both territories distrusted the Habsburgs, but they were at root loyal to the Reich and committed to its continuing existence. Margrave Georg of Baden-Durlach's main aim, as Lars Adler shows, was to secure his hold on the Catholic territories of Baden-Baden which he had inherited from Margrave Eduard Fortunat in 1600 against the claims of the latter's children by a morganatic marriage.

Re-Visiting Policy and Political Behavior in India with a View of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act

The author discusses the extent to which appeals to personalities and identities have given way to issues of development in campaigns in Indian electoral democracy. She reviews recent literature on the topic and includes results from her research to suggest that cultural nationalist appeals by politicians coincide in some instances with promises of better governance for development. Also, a focus on development by political elites does not exclude a continuing role for relations of patronage in rural localities.

Consumer ethnocentrism and attitudes toward South African consumables in Mozambique

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is threefold: to validate the consumer ethnocentrism tendencies (CET) scale in Mozambique and to describe the profile of CET in that country; to describe the effects of consumer ethnocentrism through the moderator of product type; and to discuss implications of Mozambican consumer ethnocentrism and its effects and make recommendations for practitioners.Design/methodology/approachA questionnaire‐based survey was carried out to collect data from 448 consumers in Southern Mozambique. The data were analyzed by using exploratory factor analyses, confirmatory factor analyses and structural equation modelling.FindingsThe CET scale has satisfactory psychometric qualities and can be used as a two‐dimensional construct in Mozambique. Mozambican consumers were found to be moderately ethnocentric. Their ethnocentric tendencies underpinned negative attitudes toward South African consumables. The study demonstrates the moderating role of product type and concludes that importers of South African agricultural consumables into Mozambique are more susceptible to the effects of consumer ethnocentrism than are importers of processed goods.Research limitations/implicationsThe results cannot be generalized to countries and products which were not included into this study. The conclusions about the CET effects are valid only for the southern part of the country where the survey took place.Practical implicationsThe authors suggest that South African marketing managers should pay closer attention to the competitiveness of agricultural consumables in Mozambique. By contrast, processed consumables from South Africa represent a lower risk. As the employment issue plays a central role in Mozambican consumer ethnocentric tendencies, the national policy makers might incorporate it into the messages of buy‐local campaigns. In addition, the buy local campaigns should position growing national industry as a future large employer in the country. The national suppliers of agricultural consumables are at less risk. On the contrary, national producers of processed consumables are at a disadvantage because ethnocentricity does not result in strong support of these products. Advertising messages with patriotic appeals may be ineffective. Thus, instead of country of origin, other extrinsic cues (e.g. brand, package and price) may be used to enhance competitiveness on the national market.Social implicationsMozambican consumers are moderately ethnocentric. Consumer ethnocentricity and its effects in Mozambique are shaped by pragmatic motives originating from socio‐economic pressures such as the under‐development of the national production sector and high unemployment in the country.Originality/valueThe paper will be of interest to practitioners, e.g. foreign companies, exporters and Mozambican policy makers and producers. The findings suggest that foreign companies should not be overly cautious about selling their products in Mozambique because, being moderately ethnocentric, Mozambican consumers are open to purchasing foreign imports where there is good reason, for example, when locally made products are unavailable.

"Illinois is Rotten with Traitors!" The Republican Defeat in the 1862 State Election

As 1860 election returns slowly trickled into party headquarters, Chicago's Republicans began to celebrate. Their candidate for president, fellow fllinoisan Abraham Lincoln swept North and Electoral College in a landslide. Even Illinois, heretofore staunchly Democratic, succumbed to appeal of man newspapers dubbed rail splitter, with Republicans claiming governorship and state legislature. In streets outside Chicago Tribune offices, crowds of men and women abroad in streets, and eagerly asking and exchanging latest, unwilling to go home there was any good news yet to be received. The next day the streets were thronged with Republicans, eager to hear confirmation and swelling of previous days' triumph. The vast Republican rally that evening featured speeches, bonfires, rockets and Roman candles, and a two-hundred-gun grand salute. More prosaic Republicans pocketed thousands of dollars their downcast Democratic friends wagered on election results.1 Yet only years later, and in midst of a war, Illinois reversed itself and voted Democratic. This article will examine how and why Illinois' Republican majority of 1860 and proUnion consensus of 1861 disappeared by November 1862 elections. The article will also examine whether Republican defeat in 1862 was caused by Emancipation Proclamation (as many scholars assert), or by Republican voters unable to vote because they had volunteered for army (as some contemporaries believed). When Civil War erupted in April of 1861, nation's leading Democrat, Senator Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois, promptly called upon his fellow-IUinoisan and long-time political foe, President Abraham Lincoln, to pledge his support. Lincoln appreciated both pledge and potential support from Douglas's many followers in North. A few days later, Douglas returned home to Illinois to rally Democrats to support war to save Union. There are only sides to question, he proclaimed. There be no neutrals in this war, only patriots or traitors. All Americans, but especially Democrats, should support war, even if they longed for peace, becausethe shortest way to peace is most stupendous and unanimous preparation for war.2 In 1861 citizens of Illinois, heeding Douglas's patriotic appeal, enthusiastically sustained Union cause. Democrats vied with Republicans in endorsing President Lincoln's decision to use force to preserve Union. Almost everyone (except professional soldiers) thought war would be short, sweet, and successful. The Chicago Tribune, leading Republican Party newspaper in Chicago, predicted that Union victory would take two or three months at furthest. Illinois alone, Tribune boasted, can whip South by herself.3 However, that initial burst of boastful newspaper optimism and bipartisan enthusiasm soon subsided. The war did not end in three months or six months. Casualties mounted. Taxes rose. And as Lincoln administration undertook war measures that interfered with traditional civil liberties, political divisions re-emerged. The commitment of Douglas and of those Democrats who looked to Douglas as their leader to war effort, while sincere, did not mean that normal operations of party politics would somehow disappear. Democrats had every right to think of themselves as natural governing party of nation and of Illinois. Until 1860 Illinois had always voted for Democratic Party's presidential candidate. As late as 1858, Democrats had controlled state legislature and re-elected Douglas to U.S. Senate. Many Illinois Democrats looked upon new, upstart Republican Party, born as a third-party coalition of disparate elements, as a flash-in-the-pan, which, like Know-Nothing movement of a few years earlier, would founder on its own internal contradictions, with Democratic Party retaking control of state. …

Pater familias and homo nationalis: Understanding nationalism in the case of Turkey

The aim of this article is to question, on the basis of the findings of a public opinion survey conducted by the authors in February 2006, the commonsense belief in the recent rise of nationalism in Turkey. Building on a conceptual and theoretical framework that rejects the view of nationalism as a conjunctural force that waxes and wanes in particular historical moments, the article will explore how nationalism is understood by the ‘people on the street’ in order to make sense of what we would describe as the ‘continual’ appeal of nationalism in Turkey. In this context, we will argue that the ‘tidal wave approach’ to nationalism, which treats it as a force hitting on particular occasions, or as a temporary aberration, does scant justice to the pervasiveness of nationalism in contemporary societies, western or non-western, including Turkey. Drawing on Hannah Arendt’s concept of ‘family man’, we will explore the role of family in the production and reproduction of nationalism in Turkey with a view to showing the extent to which nationalism is embedded in the fabric of society, delimiting the boundaries of responsibility and providing a template that lays down the standards of morality.

“Гости кайзера” и “политическая декорация”: Солдаты и офицеры многонациональных империй в лагерях военнопленных Первой мировой войны

SUMMARY: The eastern front of World War I became an arena of confrontation between multinational empires in which every path was tried to weaken the fighting potential of the warring sides through nationalist appeal. Multiethnic empires attempted to accommodate these new challenges and their policies were often wrought with ambiguity. The experience of prisoners of war (POWs) provides a window on the ambiguous wartime policies of empire. The article draws on the history of propaganda projects directed toward the POWs and explores the wartime construction of the enemy, the common and distinguishing features of policies toward members of national minorities of the respective empires as well as attempts to draft them into military units. The implementation of separatist propaganda and novel practices of World War I reflected the conflict between contradictory factors: a colonial discourse, modern concepts of nationhood, the norms of international law, organizational difficulties, and the demands of the wartime economy. Conflict also existed between different political and military institutions of authority and actors as well as their visions of postwar settlement. All warring sides sought to enlist minority POWs into military service. The difference was encapsulated in the goals, scope, and outcomes of this policy. Overall, the policy of privileged status, propaganda, and recruitment of targeted groups of POWs was a relative success in all empires. Moreover, this policy demonstrated unintended outcomes in the form of spiraling national separatism, which was one of the causes of the collapse of premodern empires in Central and Eastern Europe.

Teaching and Learning Guide for: Democracy and Nationalism

Teaching and Learning Guide for: Democracy and Nationalism

Арктические горизонты стратегии России: современная динамика

As a result of struggle between two concept-lines in prescriptive documents (concepts, strategies, doctrines) of the Russian Federation, certain compromise is reached between a popular ultra-liberal approach and national patriotic appeals for state development spatial reorientation. Having analyzed geopolitical aspirations of five Arctic states – Denmark, Canada, the USA, Norway, Russia (as well as NATO and the EU activities), and the legal regime of the Arctic, the author comes to a conclusion that, anyhow, no horrifying fight/race battle for possession of its territories or resources is taking place in practice. There is every indication to believe that all Arctic states will adhere to the existing and framing rules of international law (especially the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, 1982).

Colouring the nation: spectacle, reality and British natural colour in the silent and early sound era

This paper explores the debates about colour and sound circulating within the British film industry in the 1920s and early 1930s. Tom Gunning has argued that the use of colour in silent cinema could tend towards either greater realism or spectacular effect, and that both tendencies contained elements of the sensual. The author shows that these were all tropes used by pioneer filmmakers to create a sense of patriotic appeal around British films and pull British film production from the slump in which it had been since 1908. By the 1920s, however, these pioneer efforts were discredited by a generation of intellectual film commentators promoting film as a new art form rooted in the sober abstraction of silence and monochrome, so that colour and sound were seen as potential backwards steps for British film.